LA PORTE COUNTY REPUBLICAN CENTRAL COMMITTEE, Charles W.
Morgan, and Bart Lombard, Plaintiffs-Appellants,
v.
BOARD OF COMMISSIONERS OF THE COUNTY OF LA PORTE and La
Porte County Election Board, Defendants-Appellees.
No. 94-1954.
United States Court of Appeals,
Seventh Circuit.
Argued Oct. 5, 1994.
Decided Dec. 16, 1994.
Jаmes Bopp, Jr. (argued), John K. Abegg, Bopp, Coleson and Bostrom, Terre Haute, IN, for plaintiffs-appellants.
Eric F. Yandt, Shaw R. Friedman, Yandt & Friedman, La Porte, IN, Carmen M. Piasecki, Eugenia S. Schwartz (argued), Nickle & Piasecki, South Bend, IN, Greta S. Friedman, Boklund, Yandt & Friedman, La Porte, IN, for defendants-appellees.
Before POSNER, Chief Judge, and ENGEL* and EASTERBROOK, Circuit Judges.
EASTERBROOK, Circuit Judge.
The legislature of La Porte County, Indiana, is a three-member Board of Commissioners. Although the County has three districts, all elections are held at large, for staggered four-year terms. The districts therefore affect only the residence of the Commissioners (each of whom must live in a different district); all residents of the County may votе for each of the three positions. Because voters may cast ballots for each position, the residence districts need not have identical (or even similar) populations. Dallas County v. Reese,
La Porte County nonetheless redrew the lines separating residence districts in 1987, 1991, and 1993. Each map has more filigree than its predecessor, with an arm of District 1 protruding into District 3, and a tentacle of District 3 winding through District 1. Nothing of the kind is necessary to equalize the population of the districts--and anyway no rule of law requires the County to do so. Plaintiffs believe that they know the reason for the protean cаrtography: the incumbent Commissioners' drive for self-preservation. The Board of Commissioners draws the maps. According to the complaint (whose allegations we must accept), the Board redrew the map in 1991 so that Stephen Wurster, who was planning to run for Commissioner from District 2, would find himself in District 3 facing a different opponent. The 1993 revisions had several purposes, leading to a more complex set of borders. The Board wanted to enable Marlow Harmon to run from District 1 rather than District 3, where the 1987 and 1991 maps placed him; it also wanted to prevent Charles W. Morgan and Henry J. Kintzele from running against Harmon, so the precincts where Morgan and Kintzele live were shifted to District 3. One "natural" way to accomplish all of these ends would have put Bart Lombard in District 1, but the Board did not want him as a candidate either, so the mapmaker's quill excised his precinct from the area being added to District 1. The upshot is that Morgan and Kintzele were knocked out of the election for the seat from District 1 in 1994 and must wait until 1996 to run for the post from District 3. Because the commissioners serve staggered terms (two elected in the years of Presidential elections, and one in the remaining even-numbered years), exclusion from the District 1 post being contested in 1994 was еxclusion from an opportunity to run for the Board that year. The staggered terms also make it possible for the Board to draw a new map in 1995 putting Morgan and Kintzele back in District 1 and banishing them from the field eligible to contest the 1996 election. Morgan, Lombard, and the Republican Central Committee of La Porte County filed this suit under 42 U.S.C. Sec. 1983, contending that the County Board's use of peripatetic boundaries violates the rights of both candidates and voters under the fourteenth amendment to the Constitution.
Plaintiffs аrgued in the district court that the 1993 map is a form of political gerrymandering, actionable under Davis v. Bandemer,
Instead of seeking an opportunity to make a demonstration that would be acceptable to the plurality in Davis, plaintiffs ask us to disregard its criteria and adopt the view of Justice Powell, whose separate opinion in Davis treats as unconstitutionаl any redistricting "motivated solely by partisan considerations."
Not that it is necessary to reconstruct a majority from the shards in Davis. As we have emphasized, that case is about gerrymandering of voting districts. Plaintiffs complain about the gerrymandering of residence districts. That subject reached the Court before Davis, and in Dallas County v. Reеse the Court concluded that a challenge to the borders requires proof that "a plan in fact operates impermissibly to dilute the voting strength of an identifiable element of the voting population."
As a "political gerrymandering" case, therefore, this suit is going nowhere. Just as a complaint need not plead facts, however, it also need not plead law, and it is not tied to one legal theory. Bartholet v. Reishauer A.G. (Zurich),
No one could doubt that a law reading "Charles W. Morgan is ineligible to run for the La Porte County Board" would violate the rights of both Morgan and the voters who want him as their representative. A plan to move the border separating Districts 1 and 3 every two years, so that Morgan always lives in a district that does not elect a representative in that cycle, would fail for the same reason. Similarly, although a governmental body may require a candidate to gather enough signaturеs to show a modicum of political support, it could not change that level every two years immediately after seeing how much support had been garnered by the incumbents' most serious rival, always setting the minimum at 1% more than the rival obtained. Apрlication of these principles does not depend on proof that the incumbents' machinations favor one political party (or other group) over another; the practices would be equally obnoxious if the Board knocked out a Jewish Republican in 1994, a female Democrat in 1996, and a black Libertarian in 1998.
What would be troubling--to us as well as to the majority in Reese and seven Justices (albeit in two groups) in Davis--is the prospect of judicial management of a process that is necessarily political. Every 10 years the census requires reapportionment of electoral districts, and it is impossible to exclude politics from the remapping. Even a compactness rule would not do so (for there are mаny ways to draw compact districts, with different winners and losers). Forbidding the political branches to think about who is likely to gain from one map rather than another would be a fool's errand. Mixed motives are inevitable. Attempting to banish thoughts of political advantage from the minds of incumbents would (if taken seriously) move all redistricting to the judiciary, where mortals wearing robes would indulge their own political views to some extent no matter how hard they sought to put such matters out of mind. No wonder the Court has insisted thаt political decisions be left in the main to the political (elected) branches of government rather than to the judiciary, even when the political decisions affect elections. Davis,
Given Reese, however, there is nothing inevitable about redrawing residence districts frequently. Political officials change these maps not because they must do so every decade, but because they want to do so. When they act, they need a valid reason. So far as this case is concerned, defendants redrew the map in 1993 for one reason and one reason only: to prevent three popular persons from standing for election. If that is indeed the only reason, the result should not be distinguished from a law disqualifying those three persons by name.
We appreciate the norm that legislative intent does not make an otherwise-proper law invalid. United States v. O'Brien,
REVERSED AND REMANDED.
Notes
Hon. Albert J. Engel, of the Sixth Circuit, sitting by designation
