Lead Opinion
Opinion for the Court filed by Senior Circuit Judge RANDOLPH.
Opinion concurring in the judgment filed by Circuit Judge ROGERS.
Seventeen Chinese citizens currently held at Guantanamo Bay Naval Base, Cuba, brought petitions for writs of habeas corpus. Each petitioner is an ethnic Uighur, a Turkic Muslim minority whose members reside in the Xinjiang province of far-west China. The question is whether, as the district court ruled, petitioners are entitled to an order requiring the government to bring them to the United States and release them here.
Sometime before September 11, 2001, petitioners left China and traveled to the
Evidence produced at hearings before Combatant Status Review Tribunals in Guantanamo indicated that at least some petitioners intended to fight the Chinese government, and that they had received firearms training at the camp for this purpose. See Parhat,
In the Parhat case, the court ruled that the government had not presented sufficient evidence that the Eastern Turkistan Islamic Movement was associated with al Qaida or the Taliban, or had engaged in hostilities against the United States or its coalition partners. Parhat,
Releasing petitioners to their country of origin poses a problem. Petitioners fear that if they are returned to China they will face arrest, torture or execution. United States policy is not to transfer individuals to countries where they will be subject to mistreatment. Petitioners have not sought to comply with the immigration laws governing an alien’s entry into the United States. Diplomatic efforts to locate an appropriate third country in which to resettle them are continuing. In the meantime, petitioners are held under the least restrictive conditions possible in the Guantanamo military base.
As relief in their habeas cases, petitioners moved for an order compelling their release into the United States. Although the district court assumed that the government initially detained petitioners in compliance with the law, In re Guantanamo Bay Detainee Litig.,
For more than a century, the Supreme Court has recognized the power to exclude aliens as “ ‘inherent in sovereignty, necessary for maintaining normal international relations and defending the country against foreign encroachments and dangers — a power to be exercised exclusively by the political branches of government’ ”
With respect to the exclusive power of the political branches in this area, there is, as the Supreme Court stated in Galvan, “not merely ‘a page of history,’ ... but a whole volume. Policies pertaining to the entry of aliens and their right to remain here are peculiarly concerned with the political conduct of government.”
As a result, it “is not within the province of any court, unless expressly authorized by law, to review the determination of the political branch of the Government to exclude a given alien.” Knauff,
The district court cited no statute or treaty authorizing its order, and we are aware of none. As to the Constitution, the district court spoke only generally. The court said there were “constitutional limits,” that there was some “constitutional imperative,” that it needed to protect “the fundamental right of liberty.” These statements suggest that the court may have had the Fifth Amendment’s due process clause in mind. See Troxel v. Granville,
The district court also sought to support its order by invoking the idea embodied in the maxim ubi jus, ibi remedium — where there is a right, there is a remedy. See Towns of Concord, Norwood, & Wellesley, Mass. v. FERC,
Much of what we have just written served as the foundation for the Supreme Court’s opinion in Shaughnessy v. United States ex rel. Mezei,
Neither Zadvydas,
And so we ask again: what law authorized the district court to order the government to bring petitioners to the United States and release them here? It cannot be that because the court had habeas jurisdiction, see Boumediene v. Bush, — U.S. ——,
An undercurrent of petitioners’ arguments is that they deserve to be released into this country after all they have endured at hands of the United States. But such sentiments, however high-minded, do not represent a legal basis for upsetting settled law and overriding the prerogatives
We have the following response to Judge Rogers’s separate opinion.
1. Judge Rogers: “The power to grant the writ means the power to order release.” Sep. Op. at 1037.
No matter how often or in what form Judge Rogers repeats this undisputed proposition — and repeat it she does — it will not move us any closer to resolving this case. The question here is not whether petitioners should be released, but where. That question was not presented in Boumediene and the Court never addressed it. As we wrote earlier, supra at 1028, never in the history of habeas corpus has any court thought it had the power to order an alien held overseas brought into the sovereign territory of a nation and released into the general population. As we have also said, in the United States, who can come in and on what terms is the exclusive province of the political branches. In response, Judge Rogers has nothing to say.
2. Judge Rogers: “[T]he district court erred by ordering release into the country without first ascertaining whether the immigration laws provided a valid basis for detention as the Executive alternatively suggested.” Sep. Op. at 1034.
This statement, and others like it throughout the separate opinion, is confused and confusing. First of all, the government has never asserted, here or in the district court, that it is holding petitioners pursuant to the immigration laws. None of the petitioners has violated any of our immigration laws. How could they? To presume otherwise — as Judge Rogers does
Stranger still, Judge Rogers charges the district court with acting “prematurely” in ordering petitioners’ release into the United States. Sep. Op. at 1032, 1038. How so? As she sees it, the district court should have first determined whether, under the immigration laws, petitioners were eligible to enter the country or were ex-cludable. But no one — not the government, not petitioners, not the amici — no one suggested that the court should, or could, make any such determination.
What then is Judge Rogers talking about when she insists on evaluating petitioners’ eligibility for admission under the immigration laws? None of the petitioners has even applied for admission. Perhaps she thinks a court should decide which, if any, of the petitioners would have been admitted if they had applied. But deciding that at this stage is impossible. A brief survey of immigration law shows why.
Eligibility turns in part on what status the alien is seeking. The immigration laws presume that those applying for entry seek permanent resident status. Such persons must first obtain an immigrant visa from a consular officer. 8 U.S.C. § 1101(a)(16). But the consular officer can only act after a petition is filed with the Secretary of Homeland Security, showing the immigrant status for which the alien qualifies. Id. §§ 1153(f), 1154. The consular officer then has the exclusive authority to make the final decision about the issuance of any such immigrant visa. Id. §§ 1104(a), 1201(a)(1)(A). That decision is not judicially reviewable. Saavedra Bruno,
Worldwide limits on immigration are set out in 8 U.S.C. § 1151. Additionally, there are limitations on the number of visas that can be issued to immigrants from any one particular country. Id. § 1152. Immigrants are divided into three categories: family-sponsored immigrants, id. § 1153(a); employment-based immigrants, id. § 1153(b); and diversity immigrants, id. § 1153(c). For employment-based immigrants, first preference is given to “priority workers,” which include aliens with extraordinary ability in sciences, arts, education, business, or athletics, id. § 1153(b)(1)(A); “outstanding professors and researchers,” id. § 1153(b)(1)(B); and “certain multinational executives and managers,” id. § 1153(b)(1)(C). There are lower preference categories unnecessary to set forth.
Suppose the eligibility of any of the petitioners was determined on the basis that they were seeking only temporary admission. Here again, to be admitted as a nonimmigrant in any of the categories set forth in the margin,
Suppose the petitioners’ eligibility for admission turned on whether they could be considered refugees or asylum seekers. An alien seeking refugee or asylum status (refugees apply from abroad; asylum applicants apply when already here) must
The parole remedy, 8 U.S.C. § 1182(d)(5)(A), not only is granted in the exclusive discretion of the Secretary of Homeland Security, but also is specifically limited to “any alien applying for admission.” The section also provides that no alien who would more properly be considered a refugee should be paroled unless the Secretary specifically determines that “compelling reasons in the public interest” argue in favor of the parole remedy.
There are many more complications, but the bottom line is clear. Aliens are not eligible for admission into the United States unless they have applied for admission. Numerical limits may render them ineligible, as may many other considerations. The Secretary has wide discretion with respect to several categories of applicants and the decisions of consular officers on visa applications are not subject to judicial review. And so we find it impossible to understand what Judge Rogers is thinking when she insists, for instance, that “the district court erred by ordering release into the country without first ascertaining whether the immigration laws provided a valid basis for detention” of someone who (a) has never entered or attempted to enter the country, and (b) has never applied for admission under the immigration laws.
3. Judge Rogers: “[T]he majority has recast the traditional inquiry of a habeas court from whether the Executive has shown that the detention of the petitioners is lawful to whether the petitioners can show that the habeas court is ‘expressly authorized’ to order aliens brought into the United States.” Sep. Op. at 1036.
Judge Rogers fails to mention that the “expressly authorized” quotation in our opinion is taken from a Supreme Court opinion in a habeas case. We repeat with some additional emphasis: it “is not within the province of any court, unless expressly authorized by law, to review the determination of the political branch of the Government to exclude a given alien.” Knauff,
4. Judge Rogers: “[T]he majority has mischaracterized relevant precedent.” Sep. Op. at 1037.
Judge Rogers is referring to our discussion of the Supreme Court decisions in Clark and Zadvydas. We made two points about the cases. The first was that both rested on statutory provisions that are not
The judgment of the district court is reversed and the cases are remanded for further proceedings consistent with this opinion.
So ordered.
Notes
. An "enemy combatant” is "an individual who was part of or supporting Taliban or al Qaida forces, or associated forces that are engaged in hostilities against the United States or its coalition partners. This includes any person who has committed a belligerent act or has directly supported hostilities in aid of enemy armed forces.” Parhat,
. The district court granted the motion on October 8, 2008, and set a hearing date one week later to determine what conditions, if any, it would impose on petitioners. In re Guantanamo Bay Detainee Litig., 05-1509,
. See, e.g., Ekiu v. United States,
. Edwin M. Borchard, The Diplomatic Protection of Citizens Abroad 33, 44-48 (1915).
. See 3 The Papers of James Madison 1277 (J.C.A. Stagg et al. eds., 1996), in which Madison reports Gouverneur Morris' observation during the debates that “every Society from a great nation down to a club ha[s] the right of declaring the conditions on which new members should be admitted.” Article I, Section 9, Clause 1, of the Constitution itself is an implicit recognition of Congress' authority to regulate immigration. In addition, Article III of the Jay Treaty of 1794, 8 Stat. 116, 117, provided that British and American subjects could freely cross the Canadian border. See Karnuth v. United States,
. See Hines v. Davidowitz,
. Kleindienst v. Mandel,
. We express no opinion on whether the Executive Branch may ignore the immigration laws and release petitioners into the United States without the consent of Congress.
. The Guantanamo Naval Base is not part of the sovereign territory of the United States. Congress so determined in the Detainee Treatment Act of 2005 § 1005(g), 119 Slat. 2743. The Immigration and Nationality Act, see 8 U.S.C. § 1101(a)(38), also does not treat Guantanamo as part of the United States. See also Vermilya-Brown Co. v. Connell,
. Some have argued that the maxim is part of the due process guaranteed by the Constitution. See, e.g., Tracy A. Thomas, Ubi Jus, Ibi Remedium: The Fundamental Right to a Remedy Under Due Process, 41 San Diego L.Rev. 1633 (2004). If so, petitioners cannot take advantage of it, for reasons we have already given.
. "Questions, in their nature political, ... can never be made in this court.” Marbury v. Madison,
. It would therefore be wrong to assert that, by ordering aliens paroled into the country in Zadvydas and Clark, the Court somehow undermined the plenary authority of the political branches over the entry and admission of aliens. The point is that Congress has set up the framework under which aliens may enter the United States. The Judiciary only possesses the power Congress gives it — to review Executive action taken within that framework. Since petitioners have not applied for admission, they are not entitled to invoke that judicial power.
. Petitioners observe that "the Executive has cited no decision in which a federal court has withheld a remedy from a civilian held in a military prison indefinitely, and without charge, when that civilian is within its jurisdiction and enjoys the constitutional privilege of habeas corpus." Pet'rs’ Br. 38. But petitioners seek an extraordinary remedy. We therefore think it more significant that petitioners have cited no case in which a federal court ordered the Executive to bring an alien into the United States and to release him here, when the alien was held outside our sovereign territory and had not even applied for admission under the immigration laws.
. The government asserts that petitioners would not qualify for admission under the immigration laws. Gov't Br. 27-29. They would need visas, 8 U.S.C. § 1182(a)(7)(A), (B), which they do not have, and a court could not order the Executive Branch to grant them visas. Saavedra Bruno,
. Some general classes of nonimmigrants are: career diplomats, 8 U.S.C. § 1101(a)(15)(A); temporary visitors for business or pleasure, id. § 1101(a)(15)(B); aliens in transit, id. § 1101(a)(15)(C); ship or airplane crew members, id. § 1101(a)(15)(D); students, id. § 1101(a)(15)(F); temporary workers, id. § 1101(a)(15)(H); aliens with extraordinary abilities , id. § 1101(a)(15)(O); entertainers and athletes, id. § 1101(a)(15)(P); religious workers, id. § 1101(a)(15); and individuals coming to provide information on a terrorist organization or for a criminal investigation, id. § 1101(a)(15)(S).
Concurrence Opinion
concurring in the judgment:
In Boumediene v. Bush, — U.S.-,
I.
The Executive chose not to file returns to the petitions for writs of habeas corpus for a majority of the petitioners. After several hearings and briefing, the district court determined that the Executive neither claimed petitioners were “enemy combatants” or otherwise dangerous, nor charged them with a crime, nor pointed to other statutory grounds for detention, nor presented reliable evidence that they posed a threat to U.S. interests. In re Guantanamo Bay Detainee Litig., Misc. No. 08-442, Mem. Op. at 4, 12 (D.D.C. Oct. 9, 2008) (“2008 Mem. Op.”). The Executive also did not deny it detained the petitioners.
However, in the district court the Executive had also pointed to a possible separate ground for detention that the district court did not resolve — namely that petitioners were excludable under the immigration statutes and could be detained pending removal proceedings. Mot. Status Hr’g Tr. at 15, 44-45 (citing 8 U.S.C. § 1182(a)(3)(B) (aliens engaging in terrorist activities inadmissible)), 52-53, 57-58 (discussing 8 U.S.C. § 1182) (Oct. 7, 2008) (“Oct.2008 Mot. Hr’g”). The Executive had also sought a stay so it could evaluate petitioners’ status under the immigration laws and present the views of the Department of Homeland Security,
In so proceeding, the district court erred by ordering release into the country without first ascertaining whether the immigration laws provided a valid basis for detention as the Executive alternatively suggested. See Boumediene,
Because the district court could not properly order release into this country when it could not yet know whether detention was justified, I concur in the judgment vacating the release order. Because the question of whether the immigration statutes provide that justification “cannot be resolved at this stage,” Maj. Op. at 1029 n. 14,1 would remand the case for that determination to be made.
II.
In reversing and remanding, the majority has written broadly, apparently concluding that a habeas court is without power to order the release into this country of Guantanamo detainees whom the Executive would prefer to detain indefinitely, where there is no legal basis for that detention, including no contention that these petitioners are “enemy combatants” or a
A.
The Executive urges this court to recognize an extra-statutory, perhaps constitutional, Executive power to detain in order to prevent an alien from entering the United States. See Appellants’ Br. at 21. Supreme Court precedent indicates there is no such power, and the Executive’s authority to exclude and remove aliens, and to detain them to effect that end, must come from an explicit congressional delegation, as the majority’s citations confirm, Maj. Op. at 1025-26. See, e.g., Zadvydas,
Where the Executive claims need of a power not yet delegated in order to control entry into the country, the Supreme Court has instructed it to look to Congress for a remedy. See Clark,
Shaughnessy v. United States ex rel. Mezei,
B.
The majority does not adopt outright the Executive’s argument that detention here is justified under an extra-statutory Executive power, but instead seems to conclude that the habeas court lacks the power to order the release of non-“enemy combatant” Guantanamo detainees from indefinite detention, even where such detention is not justified by statute. The effect, however, is much the same. To reach this conclusion, the majority has recast the traditional inquiry of a habeas court from whether the Executive has shown that the detention of the petitioners is lawful to whether the petitioners can show that the habeas court is “expressly authorized” to order aliens brought into the United States. Maj. Op. at 1026. Along the way, the majority’s analysis, Maj. Op. at 1028, tends to conflate the power of the Executive to classify an alien as “admitted” within the meaning of the immigration statutes, and the power of the habeas court to allow an alien physically into the country.
Furthermore, the majority has mischar-acterized relevant precedent. The majority offers that the district court did not have the power to order that petitioners be released into the United States because such an order would impermissibly “set aside the decision of the Executive Branch” to deny petitioners release into the United States. Maj. Op. at 1026. But the Supreme Court in Clark makes clear that a district court has exactly the power that the majority today finds lacking — the power to order an unadmitted alien released into the United States when detention would otherwise be indefinite.
The majority also offers that because petitioners are aliens outside the United States and have not applied for visas they are not entitled to the same due process as the aliens in Zadvydas and even Clark. Maj. Op. at 1026, 1028 (citing, e.g., Johnson v. Eisentrager,
In sum, the majority aims to safeguard the separation of powers by ensuring that the judiciary does not encroach upon the province of the political branches. But just as the courts are limited to enumerated powers, so too is the Executive, and the habeas court exercises a core function under Article III of the Constitution when it orders the release of those held without lawful justification. Indeed habeas is not an encroachment, but “a time-tested device” that “maintain[s] the ‘delicate balance of governance’ that is itself the surest safeguard of liberty,” Boumediene,
. The majority opinion accepts the Executive’s assertion on brief that "petitioners are held under the least restrictive conditions possible in the Guantanamo military base.” Maj. Op. at 1024, 1029; Appellants’ Br. at 9. This means, according to the uncontested allegations of petitioners, that they are still held in a high-security prison with no contact with family, friends, or news from the outside world, aside from sporadic visits from attorneys — during which detainees are at least
.The Executive argues this stems from the practice in past wars to detain prisoners of war ("POWs”) beyond the end of a conflict in order to arrange repatriation, as occurred, for example, with respect to German POWs held within the continental United States during World War II. The majority does not discuss this "wind up authority,” so I note only that both the Geneva Conventions and U.S. Army policy require repatriation of POWs "without delay.” The Geneva Convention (III) Relative to the Treatment of Prisoners of War, Art. 118, ratified July 14, 1955, 6 U.S.T. 3316, T.I.A.S. No. 3364; Dept, of the Army, The Law of Land Warfare, Field Manual 27-10 at ¶ 71(d) (1957) (instituting verbatim Geneva Convention III Art. 118). In the first Gulf War, for example, all POWs — over 80,000— were repatriated or granted refugee status within Saudi Arabia within six months of the cessation of hostilities. U.S. Dep’t of Def., Final Report to Congress: Conduct of the Persian Gulf War at *662, *671-72 (Apr. 1992), available at http://www.ndu.edu/ library/epubs/cpgw.pdf. By contrast, these seventeen petitioners, who have not been treated as POWs, have been imprisoned at Guantanamo for over seven years, and, as the district court determined, the Executive’s unsuccessful efforts to locate a suitable country for release had been on-going for more than five years and “[petitioners'] detention has become effectively indefinite.” 2008 Mem. Op. at 8-9.
. The majority understates the extent to which there is no other viable country to which these petitioners can go. Maj. Op. at 1024. It is not only petitioners who fear they would be tortured if returned to their homeland of China; former Navy Secretary Gordon England and former Secretary of State Colin Powell confirmed as much, and the Executive has never disputed that proposition, even in this litigation. And, while the majority states it is the "policy” of the United States not to render people into countries in which they will be subject to torture or other mistreatment, id., that is also the legal obligation of the United States as a signatory to the United Nations Convention Against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment, signed Apr. 18, 1988, S. Treaty Doc. No. 100-20, 1465 U.N.T.S. 85. Nothing in the Executive’s filings under seal on January 16 and 28, 2009 has changed the situation.
. See Homeland Security Act of 2002, Pub.L. No. 107-296, §§ 101, 441-478, 116 Stat. 2135, 2142, 2192-2212 (codified at 6 U.S.C. §§ 111, 251-298) (establishing Department of Homeland Security and vesting in it responsibility for border security and immigration).
. Petitioners were to be released in accordance with a detailed plan, developed with Lutheran Immigration and Refugee Services, the president of the World Uighur Congress, and others for their housing with Uighur families in the area, transportation, financial support, and care. See Oct. 2008 Mot. Hr’g Tr. at 49-52, 63. They acknowledged through counsel that conditions for bringing them into the country presented issues for the Department of Homeland Security. Id. at 52.
. See Zadvydas,
. As petitioners have not styled their pleadings as compensatory claims, the majority’s citations to Heck v. Humphrey,
