Lead Opinion
Opinion for the Court filed by Circuit Judge PILLARD.
Concurring opinion filed by Circuit Judge BROWN.
The Secretary of the Department of Homeland Security, facing what he perceives to be enormous practical obstacles to removing from the United States the eleven million people unlawfully present here, has sought to set enforcement priorities. He accordingly directed relevant agencies temporarily to defer low-priority removals of non-dangerous individuals so that the agencies can focus their resources on removing dangerous criminals and strengthening security at the border. People whose removal has been deferred are generally eligible to apply for authorization to work, and to reside in the United States for up to three years.
Joseph Arpaio, the Sheriff of Maricopa County, Arizona, sued to enjoin the Secretary’s deferred action policies. He asserts that they are unconstitutional, arbitrary and capricious, and invalid under the Administrative Procedure Act as, in effect, regulations that have been promulgated without the requisite opportunity for public notice and comment. We cannot resolve those claims unless Sheriff Arpaio has Article III standing to raise them. To have standing, a plaintiff must have suffered or be about to suffer a сoncrete injury fairly traceable to the policies he challenges and redressable by the relief he seeks.
Sheriff Arpaio’s standing arguments rest on the premise that more people causing more crimes harm him because, as Sheriff, he will be forced to spend more money policing the county and running its jails. He alleges two ways in which he believes that the population of undocumented aliens committing crimes will increase as a result of deferred action. First, he contends that deferred action will act as a magnet drawing more undocumented aliens than would otherwise come across the Mexican border into Maricopa County, where they will commit crimes. Second, he alleges that the challenged policies will decrease total deportations by deferring action against approximately six million undocumented aliens, so that more individuals will remain unlawfully in Maricopa County and commit crimes than would be the case without deferred action.
We conclude that Sheriff Arpaio has failed to allege an injury that is both fairly traceable to the deferred action policies and redressable by enjoining them, as our standing precedents require. His allega-
In making immigration enforcement decisions, the executive considers a variety of factors such as the danger posed to the United States of an individual’s unlawful presence, the impact of removal оn the nation’s international relations, and the “human concerns” of whether the individual “has children born in the United States, long ties to the community, or a record of distinguished military service.” Id. More generally, the Supreme Court has recognized that all agencies have discretion to prioritize in light of the Secretary’s and, ultimately, the President’s assessments “whether agency resources are best spent on this violation or another, whether the agency is likely to succeed if it acts, whether the particular enforcement action requested best fits the agency’s overall policies, and, indeed, whether the agency has enough resources to undertake the action at all.” Heckler,
One form of discretion the Secretary of Homeland Security exercises is “deferred action,” which entails temporarily postponing the removal of individuals unlawfully present in the United States. See Reno v. Am.-Arab Anti-Discrimination Comm.,
Today, the Department of Homeland Security estimates that there are approximately 11.3 million people in the United States who may be subject to removal under the immigration laws. See id. at 1. Of those, the Department estimates that it has the resources to remove fewer than 400,000 each year. Id. In an effort to allocate the Department’s limited resources, Secretary Janet Napolitano in June 2012 directed relevant agencies “to ensure that our enforcement resources are not expended on ... low priority cases but are instead appropriately focused on peo-
In November 2014, Jeh Johnson, Na-politano’s successor as Secretary of Homeland Security, revised the DACA program by extending it to more childhood arrivals and extending to three years the deferred action and work authorization periods. Memorandum from Jeh Charles Johnson, Exercising Prosecu-torial Discretion with Respect to Individuals Who Came to the United States as Children and with Respect to Certain Individuals Who are Parents of U.S.■ Citizens or Permanent Residents 1 (Nov. 20, 2014), J.A. 145. In addition, the Secretary outlined a second deferred action policy for the parents of United States citizens and lawful permanent’ residents, which has become known as Deferred Action for Parents of Americans, or DAPA. Id. at 4-5. Parents seeking to take part in DAPA must meet similar eligibility requirements as' DACA beneficiaries, and they, too, must clear a background check. Id. Neither DACA nor DAPA applies to individuals who arrived in the United States after January. 1, 2010. Id. at 4.
The Secretary explained that DACA and DAPA apply to individuals who “are extremely unlikely to be deported given [the] Department’s limited enforcement resources — which must continue to be focused on those who represent threats to national security, public safety, and border security.” Id. at 3. In a separate memorandum issued on the same day, the Secretary revised the Department’s enforcement priorities. Memorandum from Jeh Charles Johnson, Policies for the Apprehension, Detention and Removal of Undocumented Immigrants 1 (Nov. 20, 2014), J.A. 154. One of the eligibility requirements of DACA and DAPA is that individuals must not fall under any of three enforcement priority categories. The first applies to “threats to national security,, border security, and public safety,” i.e., those engaged in or suspected of terrorism or espionage, apprehended at the border or ports of entry attempting to enter the United States unlawfully, convicted of an offense involving particiрation in gangs or organized crime, or convicted of a felony or aggravated felony. Id. at 3. The second category applies to those convicted of three or more offenses (not including traffic- or immigration-related offenses), or of a single “significant misdemeanor,” including crimes of violence, drug distribution or trafficking, driving under the influence of an impairing substance, and any other misdemeanor that resulted in more than ninety days’ incarceration. Id. at 3-4. The third category applies to individuals who have been issued a final order of removal on or after January 1, 2014. Id. at 4.
DACA and DAPA therefore apply to the portion of the population that the Department considers not threatening to public safety and that has not had any involvement, or only minimal and minor involve
B.
On the same day that the President announced the revisions to DACA and the new DAPA policy, the elected Sheriff of Maricopa County, Arizona, Joseph Arpaio, sued the President and other federal officials seeking a declaration and preliminary injunction that DACA and DAPA violate the Administrative Procedure Act, 5 U.S.C. § 551 et seq., the President’s constitutional duty to “take Care that the Laws be faithfully executed,” U.S. Const, art. II, § 3, and the non-delegation doctrine.
Maricopa County is the fourth most populous county in the nation, and the most populous by far in Arizona. It stands thirty miles from the United States’ border with Mexico. Sheriff Arpaio alleges that he was “adversely affected and harmed in his office’s finances, workload, and interference with the conduct of his duties, by the failure of the executive branch to enforce existing immigration laws” through adoption of DACA in 2012. Compl. ¶ 27. He asserts that his office has been “severely affected” by increases in unlawful entries that he alleges were motivated by the President’s “amnesty” policies, and he predicted further unlawful entries due to the policies announced in 2014. Id. In a declaration, Sheriff Arpaio avers that the increased number of unlawful arrivals in Maricopa County after DACA was first adopted in 2012 imposed costs on his office in terms of “manpower and financially” because some of those individuals who arrived without documentation ended up in the Sheriffs jails, and others committed offenses that required additional investigation on the part of the Sheriffs office. Supp’l Arpaio Deck, J.A. 656-58 ¶¶ 12,18-20, 27.
The district court denied a preliminary injunction and dismissed the complaint for lack of subject matter jurisdiction because Sheriff Arpaio had failed to allege a cognizable injury in fact for purposes of Article III standing. Arpaio v. Obama,
II.
We review de novo the district court’s dismissal for lack of standing. Renal Physicians Ass’n v. U.S. Dep’t of Health & Human Servs.,
“[E]aсh element [of standing] must be supported in the same way as any other matter on which the plaintiff bears the burden of proof, i.e., with the manner and degree of evidence required at the successive stages of the litigation.” Lujan,
III.
The Sheriffs Office’s expenditures of resources on criminal investigation, apprehension, and incarceration of criminals are indeed concrete, but Sheriff Arpaio lacks standing to challenge DACA and DAPA because any effects of the challenged policies on the county’s crime rate are unduly speculative.
A.
Sheriff Arpaio’s standing theory relies on a predicted chain of events, as
Any injury Sheriff Arpaio suffers from the financial burdens imposed by new arrivals would not be fairly traceable to DACA or DAPA. Neither DACA nor DAPA applies to people who entered the United States after January 1, 2010, and thus plainly neither applies to entrants arriving now or in the future. Sheriff Arpaio argues that foreign citizens will see DACA and DAPA as harbingers of the federal government’s future immigration policies, and so be encouraged to enter the United States unlawfully. Even if the causal links in that attenuated chain were adequately alleged, the decisions of such individuals to enter the United States unlawfully lack any legitimate causal connection to the challenged policies. Just as the law does not impose liability for unreasonable reliance on a promise, see Restatement (Second) of Contracts § 90 (1981), it does not confer standing to complain of harms by third parties the plaintiff expects will act in unreasonable reliance on current governmental policies that concededly cannot benefit those third parties. We are aware of no decision recognizing such an attenuated basis for standing. See Mideast Sys. & China Civil Const. Saipan Joint Venture, Inc. v. Model,
Even were we to ignore the disconnect between the challenged policies and the increased law enforcement expenditures that Sheriff Arpaio predicts, his reliance on the anticipated action of unrelated third parties makes it considerably harder to show the causation required to support standing. The injuries Sheriff Ar-paio predicts would stem not from the government’s DACA or DAPA programs, but from future unlawful entrants committing crimes in Maricopa County after their arrival. Although “standing is not precluded” in a case that turns on third-party conduct, “it is ordinarily substantially more difficult to establish.” Lujan,
Sheriff Arpaio asserts that he is entitled to proceed based on a lenient assessment of his alleged concrete injury, because his complaint includes a claim of procedural injury from violation of the Administrative Procedure Act. That contention mischaracterizes our procedural injury cases. “[T]hough the plaintiff in a procedural-injury case is relieved of having to show that proper procedures would have caused the agency to take a different substantive action, the plaintiff must still show that the agency action was the cause of some redressable injury to the plaintiff.” Renal Physicians,
Here, Sheriff Arpaio’s allegations that DACA and DAPA will cause unlawful immigration to increase are conjectural аnd conclusory. See, e.cj., Suppl. Arpaio Decl. ¶¶ 16-17. The only relevant specifics appear not in his pleadings, but in his brief, where he points to the “flood of unaccompanied minors in the Summer of 2014 crossing the Mexican border”—an increase that he attributes to Secretary Napolita-no’s June 2012 DACA memorandum. Ar-paio Br. 17. He argues that we may extrapolate from that experience that the revised DACA and new DAPA policies will cause increased unlawful immigration in the future. Even if we could credit an assertion in a brief as if it were alleged in a pleading, see Runnemede Owners, Inc. v. Crest Mortg. Corp.,
Sheriff Arpaio provides no factual allegations to link the 2014 “flood” of minors to DACA. The record reveals only speculation about the complex decisions made by non-citizens of the United States before they risked' life and limb to come here. While immigration policies might have playеd into that calculus, so, too, might the myriad economic, social, and political realities in the United States and in foreign nations. Even assuming that it is conceivable that inaccurate knowledge of DACA could have provided some encouragement to those who crossed the southern border, the Supreme Court’s precedent requires more than illogic or “unadorned speculation” before a court may draw the inference Sheriff Arpaio seeks. Simon v. E. Ky. Welfare Rights Org.,
A crucial assumption behind this standing claim is that, but for the challenged policies, the government would be able promptly to remove individuals eligible for DACA or DAPA. But Sheriff Arpaio does not dispute that the Department of Homeland Security has the resources only to remove fewer than 400,000 undocumented aliens per year. See Hrg. Tr., J.A. 718-19. Indeed, he repeatedly alleges that, before DACA and DAPA, the government was removing far fewer undocumented aliens from Maricopa County than he thought was appropriate. But Sheriff Arpaio does not generally challenge what he calls the executive’s failure to enforce the immigration laws; his claims are directed only to DACA and DAPA. Neither those policies, nor the Department of Homeland Security that administers them, contemplates the net removal of fewer individuals under the policies than under the status quo ante..
The relevant question, then, is not whether the government will remove fewer undocumented aliens under the challenged policies than without them, but whether the shift in removal priorities that DACA and DAPA reflect will cause an increase in crime in Maricopa County. Sheriff Ar-paio’s prediction of an increase in undocumented aliens committing crime runs contrary tо the thrust of those policies. DACA and DAPA apply only to non-dangerous immigrants. They are designed to allow the Department to focus its resources on removing those undocumented aliens most disruptive to the public safety and national security of the United States. To qualify for DAPA or DACA, individuals must pass a background check, have long-term ties to the United States, and submit to individualized assessments for compatibility with the Secretary’s priorities in removing criminals. Even after they are approved for deferred action, DAPA and DACA beneficiaries are subject to the Department’s overall enforcement priorities. They get no free pass to commit offenses, whether dangerous or otherwise serious; those types of offenders remain high priorities for removal from the United States.
The flaw in Sheriff Arpaio’s logic is fatal to his claim. See Renal Physicians,
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We have observed that the “complexity and interdependence of our society and governmental policies” enable prospective plaintiffs to allege theories of causation that, though severely attenuated, carry with them “some plausibility.” Nw. Airlines,
Accordingly, we affirm the judgment of the district court.
So ordered.
Notes
. Sheriff Arpaio claims throughout his briefing, without citation, that the total number of DACA- and DAPA — eligible individuals is six million. The Department estimates that four million people may be eligible for DAPA, but acknowledges the difficulty of arriving at accurate estimates. See OLC Op. at 30. We have found no estimate of DACA eligibility in the record, but one court has noted that some observers expect the number of eligible individuals to reach 1.7 million, Texas v. United States, No. CIV. B-14-254,
. Sheriff Arpaio also argues that we tire required to draw the inference that “a demonstrated willingness to break this nation's laws to get what one wants but is not entitled to, experiencing a widespread outcry excusing their law-breaking, and suffering no consequences constitute valid grounds for predicting a lowered resistance to breaking more laws.” Arpaio Br. 46. Not so. Sheriff Ar-paio has made no factual allegations that might support his asserted connection between the decision to еnter the United States unlawfully and the propensity to commit other crimes. See Islamic Am. Relief Agency, 477 F.3d at 732 ("This Court need not ... accept inferences that are unsupported by the facts set out in the complaint.”). Even if he had, he has not contended with the legal hurdle
. The Fifth Circuit recently acknowledged a similar flaw in Mississippi’s challenge to
Concurrence Opinion
concurring:
Today we hold that the elected Sheriff of the nation’s fourth largest county, located mere miles from our border with Mexico, cannot challenge the federal government’s deliberate nonenforcement of the immigration laws. I agree with my colleagues that the state of the law on standing “requires, or at least counsels, the result here reached.” Haitian Refugee Ctr. v. Gracey,
Sheriff Joseph Arpaio of Maricopa County, Arizona, filed suit to prevent the President from implementing programs deferring the removal of certain undocumented immigrants from the United States. These programs, referred to as Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals (DACA) and Deferred Action for Parents of Americans (DAPA), generally delay removal proceedings for undocumented immigrants who pass a background check and satisfy specified eligibility criteria. See Memorandum from Janet Napolitano, Exercising Prosecutorial Discretion with Respect to Individuals Who Came to the United States as Children 1 (June 15, 2012), J.A. 101; Memorandum from Jeh Charles Johnson, Exercising Prosecutorial
What the government views as permissible prosecutorial discretion, Sheriff Arpaio views as a violation of the President’s duty to “take Care that the Laws be faithfully executed,” U.S. CONST, art. II, § 3, and the non-delegation doctrine. Sheriff Ar-paio also identifies potential procedural violations, contending the orders fail to comply with notice-and-comment procedures required by the Administrative Procedure Act.
Sheriff Arpaio’s problems with the challenged policies run deeper than a difference in philosophy or politics. He claims DACA and DAPA impose clear and “severe[ ]” harms on his ability to protect the people of Maricopa County. Compl. ¶ 27. In particular, he argues that deferring removal proceedings and providing work authorizations to undocumented immigrants “harmed ... his office’s finances, workload, and interfere[d] with the conduct of his duties....” Id. He attributes an influx of undocumented immigrants to the Department’s non-enforcement policies, and claims it corresponded with a rise in crime. Increased crime means increased costs for the Sheriff, who must run the jails and provide deputies to police the streets.
Sheriff Arpaio’s concerns are no doubt sincerе. But, as the court concludes, we cannot hear his claims because he lacks standing to proceed. Under our standing jurisprudence, the injuries he claims resulted from DACA and DAPA are simply too inexact and speculative. Consequently, we must affirm the district court’s dismissal of the complaint.
Some may find today’s outcome perplexing. Certainly Sheriff Arpaio cannot be blamed for believing he had standing. The relevant judicial guideposts do not exactly “define[ ]” standing “with complete consistency.” Valley Forge Christian Coll. v. Ams. United for Separation of Church & State, Inc.;
Indeed, at first blush, Sheriff Arpaio’s allegations appear somewhat similar to those the Supreme Court found sufficient to secure standing in Massachusetts v. EPA. That case revolved around EPA’s decision not to regulate greenhouse gas emissions in new vehicles. Then, as now, standing consisted of a tripartite test. Plaintiffs must show they were or will be concretely injured by an action fairly traceable to the defendant and redressable by the court. See Steel Co. v. Citizens for a Better Env’t,
The Supreme Court ultimately found that Massachusetts’ injury lay in the potential loss of coastal land caused by the threat of rising seas. The Court said “the rise in sea levels associated with global warming has already harmed and will continue to harm Massachusetts.” Massachusetts,
Just as EPA’s inaction harmed Massachusetts’ shores, inaction on immigration is said to harm Sheriff Arpaio’s streets. Immigration, like global warming, affects the entire nation. But that does not mean no one has standing to challenge the concrete effects of the federal government’s immigration policies. “[W]here a harm is concrete, though widely shared, the Court has found ‘injury in fact.’ ” FEC v. Akins,
Based on these facial similarities, someone in Sheriff Arpaio’s shoes may well believe he has standing. After all, Massachusetts sets out a “loosened standard” under which “any contribution of any size to a cognizable injury” seems to be “sufficient for causation, and any step, no matter how small,” seems to be “sufficient to provide the necessary redress.” Jonathan H. Adler, Standing Still in the Roberts Court, 59 CASE W. RES. L. REV. 1061, 1078 (2009). Under that elastic framework, the risk of harm, however tenuously linked to the challenged government action, appears to suffice to show standing.
Despite initial appearances, Massachusetts does not support the Sheriff’s standing. Preliminarily, perhaps sensing that Massachusetts’ broad-based claim could not satisfy the ordinary rules of standing, the Court lowered the bar, ruling that state litigants were “entitled to special solicitude” in the standing calculus. Massachusetts,
Without the laxity afforded to state litigants, Sheriff Arpaio’s arguments for causation are overly speculative. At bottom, Sheriff Arpaio avers that DACA and DAPA inspired a flood of immigration which led, in turn, to increased crime. His injury rests on the behavior of third parties, undocumented immigrants who chose to commit crime. “[I]t is ordinarily substantially more difficult to establish” standing based on the actions of third parties. Lujan,
■Finally, the central difference between ' this case and Massachusetts may be much more practical in nature: Massachusetts, unlike Sheriff Arpaio, did its homework. The State hired experts and introduced detailed information suggesting a causal relationship between certain gases, atmospheric warming and a rise in sea levels. See Massachusetts,
Today’s holding puts the consequences of our standing jurisprudence in stark relief. If an elected Sheriff responsible for the security of a county with a population larger than twenty-one states
First, our decision holds only that Sheriff Arpaio lacks standing to challenge DACA and DAPA, not that those programs are categorically shielded from suit. Indeed, those programs are currently subject to challenge in a number of other circuits. See Texas,
Our jurisprudence on standing has many shortcomings. As today’s decision demonstrates, standing doctrines often immunize government officials from challenges to allegedly ultra vires conduct. To understand how this deferential attitude came to pass, we must briefly consider how the standing doctrine evolved over the decades.
Academic accounts suggest that, from the time of the founding until the early twentieth century, “there was no separate standing doctrine at all.” Cass R. Sunstein, What’s Standing After Lujan? Of Citizen Suits, “Injuries, ” and Article III, 91 Mioh. L.Rev. 163, 170 (1992); accord Joseph Vining, Legal Identity: The Coming of Age of Publio Law 55 (1978) (“The word ‘standing’ ... does not appear to have been commonly used until the middle of ... [the twentieth] century.”); William A. Fletcher, The Structure of Standing, 98 Yale L.J. 221, 224-25 (1988) (“[N]o general doctrine of standing existed.”). “In early practice in England and in the United States, moreover, certain forms of action, or writs, were available to all citizens without any showing of a ‘personal stake’ or an ‘injury in fact.’ ” Alex Hemmer, Note, Civil Servant Suits, 124 Yale L.J. 758, 764 (2014). There were limits. Namely, plaintiffs could only proceed based on a cause of action rooted in common law or statute. See Sunstein, supra, at 169-70; Fletcher, supra, at 224. The absence of a free-standing, self-conscious doctrinal approach left room to challenge the government’s failure to meet its obligations. That type of claim, “the public action — an action brought by a private person primarily to vindicate the public interest in the enforcement of public obligations — has long been a feature of our English and American law.” Louis L. Jaffe, Standing to Secure Judicial Review: Private Actions, 75 Haev. L.Rev. 255, 302 (1961).
If public actions ever were a feature of our law, that is true no longer. Soon after the turn of the twentieth century, as the administrative state materialized, the Supreme Court began focusing on standing as a critical component of justiciability. See Sunstein, supra, at 179-81. In a significant 1923 case, the Court dismissed a taxpayer’s constitutional challenge to the Maternity Act of 1921, finding the taxpayer’s pecuniary interest in the Act to be “minute and indeterminable” and noting this scant interest was “shared with millions of other[]” citizens. Massachusetts v. Mellon,
In the following decades, the standing doctrine secured its footing and coalesced around the three factors we know today: injury in fact, causation and redressability. See Lujan,
Today’s decision reaches the same conclusion as did the district court — Sheriff Arpaio lacks standing — but wisely rests on grounds other than the generalized grievance doctrine. Our antagonism to so-called generalized grievances, if unbounded, threatens multiple harms. For one thing, this doctrine gives public officials all the wrong incentives. The advice seems to be: “Never steal anything small.” Focused acts of wrongdoing against particular persons or classes of persons will probably result in injury in fact, affording standing to challenge public officials. But the larger the injury, and the more widespread the effects, the harder it becomes to show standing.
Moreover, the generalized grievance theory and related principles of contemporary standing doctrine effectively insulate immense swaths of executive action from legal challenge. Our relentless emphasis on the need to show a concrete injury caused by executive action and redressable by judicial relief makes it virtually impossible to challenge many decisions made in the modern regulatory state. Executive branch decisions crafting binding enforcement (or nonenforcement) policies, devoting resources here or there (at taxpayer expense), or creating generally applicable norms may well escape challenge. See, e.g., Hemmer, supra, at 768-69; see also Heckler v. Chaney,
Consider this case. The Sheriffs claims on the merits may well raise a constitutionally cogent point. Despite the dazzling spin DHS puts on the DACA and DAPA programs, a categorical suspension of existing law — distinct from the case-by-case deferrals or targeted humanitarian exemptions cited as past precedent — complete with a broad-based work authorization, arguably crosses the line between implementing the law and making it. See Zachary S. Price, Enforcement Discretion and Executive Duty, 67 VAND. L. REV. 671, 759-61 (2014). And this is true even if the legislature aids and abets the usurpation. See generally Department of Homeland Security Appropriations Act of 2010, Pub.L. No. 111-83, 123 Stat. 2142, 2149 (2009); Consolidated Approрriations Act of 2014, Pub.L. No. 11376, div. F., Tit. II, 128 Stat. 5, 251 (2014) (directing the Secretary of Homeland Security to “prioritize the identification and removal of aliens
Separation of powers concerns surely cannot justify every application of the generalized grievance doctrine. By prohibiting abstract, general claims, the doctrine aims to ensure that the President’s “most important constitutional duty, to ‘take Care that the Laws be faithfully executed’ ” is not transferred to the courts. Lu-jan,
This court has previously emphasized the need to approach the standing of challengers to ultra vires conduct with a measure of sensitivity. In a 1987 case, we held that a non-profit providing services to Haitian refugees lacked standing, under both constitutional and prudential rubrics, to challenge the executive’s policy of interdicting Haitian refugees on the open ocean. Haitian Refugee Ctr.,
constitutional and statutory powers invoked by the President in order to establish their standing to challenge the interdiction program as ultra vires. Otherwise, a meritorious litigant, injured by ultra vires action, would seldom have standing to sue since the litigant’s interest normally will not fall within the zone of interests of the very statutory or constitutional provisiоn that he claims does not authorize action concerning that interest.
Id. at 811 n. 14. While the court’s comments centered on prudential standing, they offer a useful reminder that standing doctrines — both constitutional and prudential in nature — should not be construed so narrowly as to choke legitimate challenges to ultra vires conduct. Here, the lesson is clear. We should, at the very least, give careful thought before blindly applying the generalized grievance doctrine in cases challenging federal programs as ultra vires.
The second shortcoming of our standing doctrine is this: standing has become a “lawyer’s game,” as Chief Justice Roberts phrased it. Massachusetts,
More broadly, our obsession with standing “presents] courts with an opportunity to avoid the vindication of unpopular rights, or even worse to disguise decision on the mеrits in the opaque standing terminology of injury, causation, remedial benefit, and separation of powers.” 13A CHARLES ALAN WRIGHT ET AL., FEDERAL PRACTICE AND PROCEDURE § 3531.3 (3d ed.1998).
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In the not-so-distant past, Judge (and later Chief Justice) Burger could safely conclude that “experience rather than logic or fixed rules” guided the search for standing. Office of Commc’n of United Church of Christ v. FCC,
No doubt the modern approach to standing serves to reduce our caseload. But there are much more important matters at stake. “Some [litigants] need bread; others need Shakespeare; others need their rightful place in the national society — what they all need is processors of law who will cоnsider the people’s needs more significant than administrative convenience.” Id. at 1005 (quoting Edmond Cahn, Law in the Consumer Perspective, 112 U. Pa. L.Rev. 1, 13 (1963)). Our approach to standing, I fear, too often stifles constitutional challenges, ultimately elevating the courts’ convenience over constitutional efficacy and the needs of our citizenry.
. Of course, in reality, the link may be no more attenuated than that connecting a potential twenty-centimeter rise in sea level with greenhouse gas emissions from new vehicles. See Massachusetts,
. Maricopa County Profile, Maricopa County Open Books, http://www.maricopa.gov/Open Books/profile.aspx (last visited July 28, 2015).
