Opinion for the Court filed by Circuit Judge STEPHEN F. WILLIAMS.
In a series of articles and editorials in 1986 the Washington Times described Joann Medina’s collapse from a drug overdose and her death four days later. The paper depicted Medina’s boyfriend, plaintiff John Clyburn, as waiting “several critical hours” after Medina’s collapse to call for help, in order to allow other partygoers to leave the scene. Clyburn sued the Times’s publisher, News World Communications, Inc., and News World’s -owner, One-Up Enterprises, Inc., for libel. We agree with the district court that Clyburn was a public figure for purposes of this case, and that he failed to introduce enough evidence of actual malice to survive defendants’ summary judgment motion.
I
Joann Medina collapsed at an apartment on North Capitol Street in Washington, D.C. sometime in the early morning hours of December 10,1983. Clyburn was one of those with her at the time. Someone called 911, and paramedics came and attempted *31 unsuccessfully to revive her; she lapsed into a coma and died four days later. The barbiturates, cocaine, and alcohol found in her body led the coroner initially to call her death a suicide; he later changed it to “undetermined.”
In 1984 agents from the Drug Enforcement Administration interviewed Clyburn on the subject. In particular, they asked whether Medina had obtained the drugs from Karen Johnson, a friend of Mayor Barry’s who had been convicted of possession and conspiracy to distribute cocaine, see Joint Appendix (“J.A.”) 66 (affidavit of Hedges), and whether any highranking city officials had been at the apartment with Medina and Clyburn that night. 1 Clyburn also spoke to a reporter from the Washington Post about the circumstances surrounding Ms. Medina’s collapse. At both interviews, Clyburn said that he had called 911 and that he was alone with Ms. Medina at the time. He admitted later that he was not alone and that a woman called the paramedics.
Washington newspapers covered the event in some detail in 1984. The Washington Post ran a story in August discussing the medical examiner’s claim that political pressure had been exerted to make him change Medina’s death certificate. The article also noted that “[t]he U.S. Attorney’s office is trying to determine how Medina died and how she obtained the cocaine found in her blood.” Death Probed After Autopsy Was Changed, Washington Post, Aug. 11, 1984, at B3, col. 2. The Washington Times published six articles describing the ongoing investigation by the D.C. Police Department, the DEA, and the U.S. Attorney’s office, especially their inquiry into whether any highranking Barry administration officials had been at the party. See, e.g., D.C. Aides Probed in Drug Death of Woman at Party, Washington Times, Aug. 15, 1984, at 1A; Feds Check Guest List in D.C. Drug Probe, Washington Times, Aug. 16, 1984, at 5A. Four of the six articles mentioned Clyburn, including his consulting firm’s contracts with the D.C. government and his presence at the scene of Medina’s collapse.
In 1986 the Times published the articles that are the subject of this lawsuit. Aside from rehashing what had appeared previously, they stated that those at the party, including Clyburn, waited “several critical hours” after Medina’s collapse before calling an ambulance so that those present could clear out before the police arrived. This assertion formed the basis of Cly-burn’s libel suit.
The district court granted the Times’s motion for summary judgment,
Clyburn v. News World Communications, Inc.,
II
A. Limited-purpose Public Figure
Under
Gertz v. Robert Welch, Inc.,
People’s interest in a story purely as voyeurs is not enough to make it a public controversy for these purposes. See
Time, Inc. v. Firestone,
In discussing whether a plaintiff’s role in a controversy was central enough to justify imposing the actual malice burden, the Supreme Court has explained that a private individual typically lacks the public figure’s ability to use the media for rebuttal, and “[m]ore important,” has not run “the risk of closer public scrutiny” that falls on those who, for example, seek public office.
Gertz,
Courts have placed weight on a plaintiff’s “trying to influence the outcome” of a controversy.
Waldbaum,
More important, Clyburn’s acts
before
any controversy arose put him at its center. His consulting firm had numerous contracts with the District government, he had many social contacts with administration officials, and Medina, at least as one may judge from attendance at her funeral, also enjoyed such ties. Clyburn also spent the night of Medina’s collapse in her company. One may hobnob with high officials without becoming a public figure, but one who does so runs the risk that personal tragedies that for less well-connected people would pass unnoticed may place him at the heart of a public controversy. Clyburn engaged in conduct that he knew markedly raised the chances that he would become embroiled in a public controversy. This conduct, together with his false statements at the controversy’s outset, disable him from claiming the protections of a purely “private” person. See, e.g.,
Marcone v. Penthouse International Magazine for Men,
Finally, the alleged defamatory statement — that Clyburn and his friends delayed calling for help so that other party-goers could first leave — relates directly to Clyburn’s role in the controversy with respect to which he became a limited-purpose public figure.
B. Actual Malice
As a limited-purpose public figure, Clyburn could successfully resist a summary judgment motion only if he could point to record evidence from which a reasonable jury could find (by the “clear and convincing” standard) that the Times published the articles in question with actual malice.
Anderson v. Liberty Lobby, Inc., 477
U.S. 242, 255-56,
A newspaper publishes an article with “actual malice” if it knowingly or recklessly disregards the truth. See
New York Times Co. v. Sullivan,
*34 According to Clyburn, the “sting” of the libel “lies in the allegation that persons present at the scene of [Medina’s] collapse deliberately delayed calling for an ambulance” for the period stated by the Times, “several critical hours.” Brief for Appellant at 44. We discern two possible libelous implications: first, that Clyburn delayed calling for help to any non-trivial extent, thereby possibly increasing the likelihood of death; second, that Clyburn waited for so long.
1.
Delay.
The Times relied on three sources for the proposition that there had been a delay in seeking help. Clyburn attacks the reliability of one (Michael Wheeler) on the ground that his statements reflect an obvious and extreme bias. Although there are real problems with Cly-burn’s theory (e.g., the bias appears mainly directed at Barry, not Clyburn), we assume arguendo that Wheeler’s contribution was worthless. The bias of one source, corroborating two independent ones, however, does not detract from the reliability of the latter. Cf.
Tavoulareas,
This takes us to the remaining two, both confidential law enforcement sources — one a D.C. police officer, the other an FBI agent. They had gathered their information from summaries of interviews with eyewitnesses and with others who had talked to eyewitnesses. Clyburn does not claim that at the time the Times published the disputed articles it had any reason to believe that bias or past inaccuracy undermined the reliability of the confidential law enforcement sources or the people interviewed. Without more, the Times was under no duty to dig deeper. See
New York Times,
Clyburn’s sole attack, then, is on the sources’ inconsistencies and likely memory loss — two years passed between the original inquiry and the time in 1986 when the sources provided the information. To the extent Clyburn invites us to impose on reporters a blanket duty to discount a source solely because its knowledge is two years old, we reject the invitation. And while the sources’ memory of the interview summaries doubtless frayed between 1984 and 1986 (as evidenced by the differences in their lists of guests at the December 9-10, 1983 party), Clyburn offered no evidence that any of the sources wavered in their assertions that a delay had occurred. Discrepancy as to minor details, without more, does not cast doubt on the main thrust of a source’s information. See
Herbert v. Lando,
Nor does the hearsay character of the source’s information indicate actual malice by the Times. Clyburn points to
King v. Globe Newspaper Co.,
2. Length of delay. The Times articles asserted not only the presence of delay in getting help for Ms. Medina but also that it lasted “several critical hours.” We assume without deciding that a duration of “hours,” as opposed simply to any *35 non-trivial length of time, constitutes an independent libel. In fact, any material delay in seeking help for the victim of a drug overdose, where based on the actor’s face-saving concerns, seems bad enough. Focus on the marginal issue of the exact length is a little reminiscent of Lady Macbeth’s response to word of Duncan’s death, “What, in our house?”
The Times states that only one source (Source 2, a D.C. police officer) actually gave an estimate of the length of delay as “several hours.” See J.A. 62-63 (affidavit of Hedges). The other two sources who stated that there had been a delay, Source B and Wheeler, gave no estimates of its duration. Although Hedges, the Times reporter who had interviewed Source 2, made notes of the conversation, Clyburn did not make a timely effort to insert the notes into the record; his belated motion to do so was rebuffed by the district court in a ruling not disputed here. See Memorandum Order, Dee. 6, 1989, No. 86-1149. Clyburn makes much, however, of an exchange in Hedges’s deposition that may suggest a possible conflict between the notes and his testimony. After reviewing his notes, Hedges was asked, “What words did [Source 2] use that led you to believe he meant several hours?” He replied, “I can’t reconstruct from my — I can’t reconstruct precisely the phrases he used.”
If there be a conflict between Hedges’s notes and his testimony, we may not take it into account
except
as actually reflected in his statements on deposition. See
Frito-Lay, Inc. v. Willoughby,
The deposition itself, however, conveys an indication at least of some vulnerability. From this, Clyburn argues, a reasonable jury could infer that the Times referred to the length of delay “without any factual basis.” Assuming a jury could discredit Hedges’s testimony, however, such a factual vacuum would not be the same as “clear and convincing evidence of actual malice.” Cf.
Bose Corp. v. Consumers Union of U.S., Inc.,
We recognize that where the primary source of evidence is the reporter’s own (naturally self-interested) testimony of what a confidential source told him, the combination of the burden of proof and the reporter’s privilege to withhold the source’s identity confront a defamation plaintiff with unusual difficulties. But the reporter’s privilege is a qualified one. If the plaintiff exhausts all reasonable alternative means of identifying the source, the privilege may yield. See
Zerilli v. Smith,
* H* * * * *
After an independent review of the record, see
Harte-Hanks,
Affirmed.
Notes
. The record does not reveal why the DEA investigation sought links to Ms. Johnson or highranking officials of the Barry administration. Possible reasons were Clyburn’s presence at the scene of her collapse, his longtime association with Mayor Barry, and the presence of members of the Barry administration at Medina’s funeral.
. Almost anyone who finds himself in the middle of a controversy will likely have enough access to the press to rebut any allegedly libelous statements, thus satisfying the Supreme Court’s first concern. It is perhaps because of this that the Court has regarded the second justification as more important.
