Lead Opinion
OPINION
The appellants, all of whom have been committed indeterminately as psycho
FACTS
Joelson v. O’Keefe (C7-98-1973)
On January 20, 1982, Joelson was initially committed as a psychopathic personality. On April 2, 1982, after a review hearing, his commitment was made indeterminate. A three-judge appeal panel affirmed. After a further appeal, the supreme court upheld his commitment on the merits but remanded it for new evidence on treatment. In re Joelson,
Joelson then sought discharge from commitment. On August 4, 1995, the Commissioner of Human Services denied his petition. On February 20, 1996, his petition for rehearing and reconsideration before the judicial appeal panel was denied. We affirmed. Joelson v. Petraborg, No. 09-96-805,
Patterson v. O’Keefe (C9-98-1974)
On May 3, 1994, Patterson was initially committed as a psychopathic personality. He appealed, challenging the merits and the constitutionality of his commitment. We affirmed. In re Patterson, No. C0-94-1367,
Mattson v. O’Keefe (C3-98-2120)
On January 3, 1995, Mattson was initially committed as a psychopathic personality. We affirmed. In re Mattson, No. C5-95-452,
Caprice v. O’Keefe (C5-98-2121)
On February 5, 1993, Julian Caprice, formerly known as Wilbert Buckhalton, was initially committed as a psychopathic personality. We affirmed. In re Buckhalton,
Duvall v. O’Keefe (C3-98-2246)
On April 4, 1991, Thomas Duvall was committed as a psychopathic personality. On August 14, 1991, his commitment was made indeterminate. We affirmed. In re Duvall, No. C5-91-1799,
ISSUES
1. Does the sexual psychopathic personality act comport with substantive due process in light of Kansas v. Hendricks,
2. Were appellants committed without the requisite showing that they exhibited an utter lack of power to control their sexual impulses?
3. Does Kansas v. Hendricks,
4. Does commitment as a sexual psychopathic personality violate the prohibition against double jeopardy?
5.Should respondent’s motion to strike portions of Mattson’s and Caprice’s appendices be granted?
ANALYSIS
An appellate court will review a habeas corpus decision de novo where, as here, the facts are undisputed. State ex rel. Hussman v. Hursh,
Committed persons may challenge the legality of their commitment through habeas corpus. State ex rel. Anderson v. United States Veterans Hosp.,
1. SPP Commitment: Substantive Due Process
Appellants first argue that their sexual psychopathic personality (SPP) commitments violate substantive due process under Kansas v. Hendricks,
The supreme court upheld section 526.09 as constitutional against a void for vagueness challenge through the use of narrowing language requiring “an utter lack of power to control [the person’s] sexual impulses.” State ex rel. Pearson v. Probate Court,
Appellants contend that Hendricks requires evidence of an inability to control sexual impulses as a constitutional predicate to commitment as a sexual predator. But Minnesota law already requires utter lack of power to control sexual impulses for an SPP' commitment. Minn.Stat. § 253B.02, subd. 18b. Further, Hendricks cited with approval the Minnesota psychopathic personality law.
2. Habeas Corpus Appeal Limitations
Appellants next contend that their commitments were based solely on mental disorders, without the necessary evidence or findings as to lack of control. But in none of the cases do the appellants make specific arguments concerning the law or the facts. See, e.g., Blodgett,
Moreover, in all of the instant cases, appellants have already obtained review of the sufficiency of the evidence in other proceedings. See Crippen,
Patterson raised the lack of control issue in his appeal from the initial commitment, and we concluded that the district court correctly held that Patterson lácked the power to control his sexual impulses. In re Patterson, No. C0-94-1367,
Mattson also specifically challenged the lack of control determination in the appeal from his initial commitment, which we affirmed. In re Mattson, No. C5-95-452,
We upheld the Caprice (formerly known as Buckhalton) commitment, specifically addressing the district court’s determination of an utter lack of power to control his sexual impulses. In re Buckhalton,
Finally, we upheld Duvall’s indeterminate commitment and rejected the argument that the threshold issue of lack of control had not been met. In re Duvall, No. C5-91-1799,
3. SPP Commitment: Procedural Adequacy
Appellants contend that the SPP law deprives them of their right to procedural due process and that it falls far short of the procedural protections that the United States Supreme Court recognized in upholding Hendricks. We note that the Supreme Court has upheld, against a procedural due process challenge, the psychopathic personality law in a version substantially similar to the present law. State ex rel. Pearson v. Probate Court,
Appellants first challenge the SPP statute because it does not provide for a jury trial in a commitment proceeding. In Hendricks, the subject individual obtained a jury trial to determine beyond a reasonable doubt whether he was a sexually violent predator. Hendricks,
Appellants also contend the SPP statute is unconstitutional because it fails to require the state to conduct periodic judicial reviews to determine whether the initial commitment standards continue to be met. Hendricks,
Furthermore, the Minnesota Supreme Court has rejected the argument
Appellants contend that the supreme court’s interpretation of the requirements in the SDP act as to the likelihood of reoffending should apply to an SPP commitment. Linehan,
In imposing this requirement, the supreme court wanted to insure that district courts applied the clear and convincing standard of proof to all SDP factors, in the face of the state’s argument to the contrary. Id. at 180. The supreme court did not extend this requirement to SPP commitments. In fact, it was unnecessary to do so because the court had recently addressed the relevant, standard, stating “the burden is on the state to prove by clear and convincing evidence, each of the three elements set out in Pearson.” In re Linehan,
4. SPP Commitment: Double Jeopardy
Appellants argue that their commitments violate the prohibition against double jeopardy. See Hendricks, 117 5.Ct. at 2086 (upholding Kansas law against double jeopardy challenge). The Minnesota Supreme Court has held that an SPP commitment does not constitute double jeopardy because it is for purposes of treatment, not preventive detention. Call,
Appellants nonetheless contend that the SPP statute is punitive, based on several statutes that may affect those who are committed thereunder. First, appellants contend that persons. committed as SPP are not considered vulnerable adults under MinmStat. § 626.557 (1998) (providing for reporting of maltreatment of vulnerable
Appellants also cite Minn.Stat. § 201.15, subd. 1(c) (Supp.1997), which at one time provided that persons adjudged an SDP or SPP were ineligible to vote. Appellants acknowledge, however, that in the 1998 legislative session the legislature repealed this language. 1998 Minn. Laws ch. 376, § 1. The legislature at the same time amended Minn.Stat. § 609.165, subd. lc, to state:
Notwithstanding subdivision 1, a person who has been deprived of civil rights by reason of conviction of a crime is not restored to civil rights as long as the person remains civilly committed under chapter 253B or Minnesota Statutes 1992, section 526.10, based in whole or in part on the same conduct as caused the person to be convicted of the crime.
1998 Minn. Laws ch. 376, § 5. Appellants acknowledge that the new law does not disenfranchise them.
Appellants further contend that if a person is committed as an SPP after being consigned to the corrections department, the person is denied treatment as an SPP until he first completes the sentence in a facility designated by the corrections commissioner. MinmStat. § 253B.185, subd. 2(b) (1998). After the person has finished the sentence, the person then shall be transferred to a regional center designated by the human services department. Id.; cf. Minn.Stat. § 241.69, subd. 4 (1998) (if mentally ill prisoner is committed, court may commit person to psychiatric unit in correctional facility .or to another hospital). This procedure does not render the commitment statute punitive; had the person not been committed, he still would have had to serve time in the correctional facility.
We conclude that while some of these statutory provisions may affect those committed under the SPP statute, appellants have not shown any reason that the provisions render the commitment statute punitive.
5. Respondent’s Motion to Strike
Finally, respondent moves to strike material contained in Mattson’s and Caprice’s appendices, contending that they contain material not part of the habeas record. The challenged items are the commitment petitions and reports and transcripts, apparently from the commitment proceedings. Mattson and Caprice have not responded to this motion.
Generally, an appellate court may not consider matters not received in evidence below. Thiele v. Stick,
A review of the district court record shows that with one exception, none of the challenged material is contained in the district court record for the habeas proceeding. That exception is a May 7, 1993, report by R. Owen Nelson, found in Caprice’s appendix. This report was in the appendix of respondent’s memorandum to the district court and thus would properly be included on appeal. We strike the remaining material from the record on appeal.
DECISION
The decisions of the district courts denying the petitions for a writ of habeas cor
Affirmed; motion granted in part and denied in part.
Concurrence Opinion
(concurring specially)-
I concur in the result. The result, to me, is the continued “preventive detention” of the five appellants, not for any crimes they have committed, as they have already served all of the lengthy sentences imposed for those crimes, but preventive detention because of a public policy decision that “they might do it again in the future.”
I correctly predicted in In re Linehan that the case was just one more step in a continuing round of steps to sidestep the Bill of Rights and keep people committed under the Sexual Psychopathic Personality Commitment Act (SPP) and/or the Sexually Dangerous Persons Act (SDP) (now codified in MinmStat. Ch. 253B (1998)) in a locked secured facility, not for a crime, but simply because we do not want to let them out. In re Linehan,
I concurred before, and for the same . reasons. I said in In re Mattson:
Under present Minnesota precedent, the result is correct. But I am troubled by the reality that the psychopathic personality statute, if we are to be honest, is being used only for preventive detention. As Justice Wahl warned,
“[t]he rigor and methodical efficiency with which the Psychopathic Personality Statute is presently being enforced is creating a system of wholesale preventive detention, a concept foreign to our jurisprudence.”
In re Mattson, No. C5-95-452,
With these five appellants today, along with Dennis Linehan and everyone else committed within at least the last two decades under the psychopathic personality statute and its progeny, the sexual psychopathic personality statute and the sexually dangerous person act, we have embarked on, and are continuing on, a clear path of preventive detention. See, e.g., In re Senty-Haugen,
Whenever state supreme courts and the United States Supreme Court start down the tortured labyrinth of trying to uphold Minnesota’s psychopathic personality act and recently, our sexually dangerous person act, you will find the courts doing everything possible to avoid a confrontation with the Minotaur, the Bill of Rights, and the U.S. Constitution — worthy foes against preventive detention. The United States Supreme Court made a wonderful effort in Kansas v. Hendricks,
To sidestep the confrontation with the Bill of Rights, commitment cases are replete with cliché-ridden conclusions: “these acts are civil, not criminal,” (thus, real due process is [not] necessary). By calling SPP and SDP statutes “civil,” we take these commitment acts, and the participants, out of the criminal justice system. Simply put, by not calling those committed “criminals,” we do not have to get into “justice.”
The Due Process and Bill of Rights prohibitions against cruel and unusual punishment and double jeopardy are sidestepped by the convenient device of stating that commitments for SPPs and SDPs are “for medical treatment” and not for punishment. See Call,
However, to read the cases, then the case histories of those committed under the SPP and SDP statutes and then to read the legislative history surrounding the passage of SDP makes it clear that the only focal point of these commitments is that the person be dangerous. It has nothing to do with their being mentally ill. If they were truly mentally ill, Minnesota has a standard civil commitment act that would do nicely. Minn.Stat. § 253B.18 (providing commitment procedure for persons mentally ill and dangerous to public). But none of these five appellants, nor Li-nehan, nor the others committed under these two acts would likely be anywhere near truly mentally ill enough for your basic civil commitment. Also, SPP and SDP are not concerned with those men and women found not guilty of a crime by reason of insanity — meaning the criminally insane. Those defendants are properly committed to secure state hospitals for treatment. On the other hand, all five appellants today are sane, stood trial for their crimes, were found guilty and sentenced, and have served all the time they owe for those crimes.
A community, a state, is never without a remedy to handle appellants and people with similar records. When they first entered prison on their last conviction, they were all looking at lengthy sentences.
■ If the true goal of commitment, as the state claims, is medical treatment, then anyone in the medical profession will confirm that if you have a diagnosable illness, it is preferable to start treatment as soon as possible rather than wait 10, 15, 20, or 25 years later to start treatment. So what the state does with the timing on SPP/SDP demonstrates the fallacy of the belief that “it is for medical treatment.” Instead, the state chooses to wait until a substantial part, or all, of a defendant’s sentence is served, and then, just before discharge, they begin the SPP/SDP process, which, if successful, will confine these men indefinitely, likely for the rest of their lives.
Because the system is called civil, not criminal, and because there is a strong public policy argument keeping these men in preventive detention (which is not talked about a lot, but I intend to talk about it), their chances of proving themselves “cured” are less than slim and equal to none. For proof of this, remember that SPP and SDP commitments are all matters of public record. Check on the number of Minnesota citizens (remember, they are committed as citizens, not as criminals, and the state has to agree with this statement because it is the touchstone of their logic — without it, the state stands guilty of constitutional improprieties) confined to locked hospitals “for treatment” in the last 20 years under psychopathic personality (PP) or its progeny, the SPP or SDP (the SPP and SDP being of more recent vintage), and see how many have been successfully discharged. When you locate the number committed and the number of those released, it is self-evident that this is not for medical treatment, but rather a continuing preventive detention.
The England of King George III, just prior to the thirteen American colonies coming into existence, had preventive detention. This was one of the reasons our forebearers left for the country we now call America. In England, people could be picked up and held for weeks or months, or years on “suspicion” or because the government considered them dangerous or political dissidents. They may or may not have been brought promptly before a magistrate to be informed of their charges, they may or may not have had access to an attorney. They may or may not have had access to the outside world, their families, and paper and pens to write. They may or may not have just “disappeared.” We will never know. If a reason was needed to confine somebody who had not been formally accused of a crime and formally convicted in an open and fair trial, a reason would be found. That form of government is exactly why the founding fathers at the constitutional convention specifically insisted on certain sections of the Bill of Rights. They put into our constitution specific amendments to protect against “preventive detention.” The Fifth, Sixth, and Eighth Amendments to the Constitution forbid excessive bail, cruel and unusual punishment, trying, and punishing a person twice for the same crime (double jeopardy), and guarantee a fair trial, the right to counsel, guaranty a speedy trial, prohibit excessive incognito detention, and place on the government the requirement to get you quickly before a magistrate/judge to at least be informed of the charges against you and to have a hearing on bail. U.S. Const, amend. V, VI, VIII.
We should go slow before amending the Minnesota Constitution and the United States Constitution to allow for preventive detention. But since that is what we are doing now with SPP/SDP, we might as well talk about it openly and give it our official imprimatur.
After all, this country is used to “tough times calling for tough decisions.” During World War II, we endured rationing, an involuntary draft, rent controls, wage and price controls, etc. We allowed many things to happen in wartime that we might not allow in a time of peace. At the outset of the Great Depression, President Franklin Roosevelt and his congress passed a number of emergency measures to counteract raging economic hardship. Some of those acts, like the Agricultural Adjustment Act of 1933, were eventually declared unconstitutional by the United States Supreme Court. See United States v. Butler,
We can tinker openly with the U.S. Constitution if, as a community, we decide to. In 1920, the Constitution stated that honest bartenders could no longer sell alcohol, only organized crime could. See U.S. Const, amend. XVIII (prohibiting manufacturing, selling, or transporting intoxicating liquors). Then in 1933, when that
As I stated in Mattson, Minnesota does not even attempt to claim justification to “medically treat” other habitual criminals.
“We do not commit and do not attempt ‘to treat’ first degree murderers, even contract killers, even if they have sworn vengeance against their accusers, after they have served all their time. They may be released with strong warnings not to run afoul of the law again. If there is any probation or parole time left, the state might well “sit on their heads” with onerous release conditions, but no attempt is made to commit them against their will to a hospital. First degree murder is as serious, or more serious, than sex offenses, so we cannot distinguish between the two on the basis of who has done the more heinous thing. We do not attempt to involuntarily commit and treat habitual check forgers, even though their recidivism is high or higher than sex offenders. So we cannot differentiate between the two classes on the basis of recidivism.
Also we do not try to involuntarily commit and then treat kleptomaniacs, pyromaniacs, or any other of the ‘manias’ that are criminal conduct. Respondent alludes to this reasoning, and argues that sexual offenders are dangerous in a way different than those who commit these other offenses. See also Blodgett,510 N.W.2d at 917 (stating there are substantial distinctions between sexual predators and other criminals). That reasoning, however, is not constitutionally significant. Instead, it proves the point. Psychopathic personalities are the subject of preventive detention. The state simply chooses this one class of people, to the exclusion of other classes of felons, to involuntarily commit to protect the public from any further possibility of harm — read preventive detention.”
Linehan I,
As I stated above, tinkering with the Constitution is not a decision to be taken lightly. The gulags of oppressive governments are too well documented to deny.
Preventive detention bears an eerie resemblance to the old Stalinist Russia winter resort for political dissidents at the gulag archipelago.
It bears a resemblance to our own Farewell to Manzanar. This is not to say that I am unaware that conditions in 1942 were different than conditions today. The Japanese Relocation Act was the considered decision of those in power during World War II. At least it was honest, not disguised as “remedial treatment.” It was acknowledged to be pure preventive detention, preventive detention of a singled out class of people not for what they had done, but for what they might do. We look back on it now and learn. If history teaches us anything, it is that the past does not mandate the present. But history teachesthat the past dictates that we give the past thoughtful consideration when seeking guidance for the present.
Mattson,
I concur in the result. The result here is to continue the indefinite preventive detention of the five appellants. My concurrence does not mean that I necessarily agree with the result, but like pornography, I do not have to agree with it to recognize it when I see it.
As a husband and a father, I could be persuaded that preventive detention of sexual predators, despite being a violation of the Bill of Rights, is good public policy. It is just that as a judge, I hate lying about it.
