This appeal presents the question whether a common personnel-management practice violates the Equal Pay Act of 1963, 29 U.S.C. § 206(d). Like many employers both public and private, the Department of Human Services in Illinois gives lateral entrants a salary at least equal to what they had been earning, plus a raise if that is possible under the scale for the new job. Jenny Wernsing contends that the normal raise at the Office of the Inspector General, where she works, is 10%. This practice, Wernsing maintains, discriminates against women and thus violates federal law.
When Wernsing was hired in 1998 as an “Internal Security Investigator II,” the civil service classification of that job allowed a monthly pay from $2,478 to $4,466, depending on prior experience and years of service. Wernsing, who had been earning $1,925 monthly as a Special Agent with the Southern Illinois Enforcement Group, started with the Department at $2,478, a raise of almost 30%. People who came to the Department from more remunerative positions landed higher salaries (though lower percentage raises). For example, Charles Bingaman, hired contemporaneously with Wernsing, had a prior salary of $3,399 monthly as a Child Welfare Specialist III at the state’s Department of Children and Family Services. He received a monthly salary of $3,739 to start his new job, a 10% raise. Wernsing and Bingaman do the same work but at substantially different pay as a result of this process for determining initial salaries. Annual raises preserve the relative gap until employees reach the maximum of the pay scale. Bin-gaman will top out years before Wernsing does.
Section 206(d)(1) establishes this rule: “No employer ... shall discriminate ... between employees on the basis of sex by paying wages to employees in such establishment at a rate less than the rate at which he pays wages to employees of the opposite sex in such establishment for equal work on jobs the performance of which requires equal skill, effort, and responsibility, and which are performed under similar working conditions”. Werns-ing observes that she performs the same tasks as Bingaman, under the same working conditions, yet is paid substantially less; it follows, she contends, that the *468 Department must raise her salary. The difficulty with this argument is that § 206(d)(1) forbids differences “on the basis of sex” rather than differences that have other origins—and § 206(d)(1)(iv) drives this home by exempting any pay “differential based on any other factor other than sex”. Wages at one’s prior employer are a “factor other than sex” and so, the district judge held, an employer may use them to set pay consistently with the Act.
Although three decisions of this court have held that prior wages are a “factor other than sex”—see
Dey v. Colt Construction & Development Co.,
Four appellate courts have held that wages in a former job are a “factor other than sex” only if the employer has an “acceptable business reason” for setting the employee’s starting pay in this fashion. See
Aldrich v. Randolph Central School District,
Section 206(d) does not authorize federal courts to set their own standards of “acceptable” business practices. The statute asks whether the employer has a reason other than sex-—not whether it has a “good” reason. Accord,
Taylor v. White,
Employment-discrimination statutes forbid reliance on criteria such as race and sex. Provided that they avoid
*469
these, employers are free to set their own standards. Under Title VII and other anti-discrimination statutes, once the plaintiff makes a
prima facie
case of discrimination, all the employer need do is articulate a ground of decision that avoids reliance on the forbidden grounds. The plaintiff then bears the burden to show that the stated reason is a pretext for a decision really made on prohibited criteria. See
St. Mary’s Honor Center v. Hicks,
Kouba,
which originated the “acceptable business reason” requirement, did not explain its genesis; it was advanced as ukase. The ninth circuit proceeded as if the Equal Pay Act worked like the disparate-impact theory under Title VII: if the plaintiff shows that an employment practice adversely affects protected workers as a group, then the employer must provide a strong reason (“business necessity”) for the practice. See, e.g.,
Albemarle Paper Corp. v. Moody,
Circuits that have followed the ninth likewise do not locate an acceptable-business-reason requirement in either the statutory text or the rules developed under other similar statutes. The eleventh circuit, for example, asserted (again as a ukase) that employers are forbidden to set salaries based on competitive markets, and as prior salary reflects economic competition it is off limits to employers. The eleventh circuit recognized that it was disagreeing with our holding in
Covington
and stated: “The flaws of the
Covington
decision are that the Seventh Circuit implicitly used the market force theory to justify the pay disparity and that the Seventh Circuit ignored congressional intent as to what is a ‘factor other than sex.’ Consequently, we reject
Covington
because it ignores that prior salary alone cannot justify pay disparity.”
Our opinion in
Dey
reiterated the conclusion of
Covington:
“The factor [other than sex] need not be ‘related to the requirements of the particular position in question,’ nor must it even be business-related.”
Thus we turn to Wernsing’s second argument: that because women earn less than men from private employment, all market wages must be discriminatory and therefore must be ignored when setting salaries. The premise is correct; many empirical studies show that women’s wages are less than men’s on average. See, e.g.,
Statistical Abstract of the United States
Table 681 (2004-05); Finis Welch,
Growth in Women’s Relative Wages and in Inequality Among Men: One Phenomenon or Two?,
90 Am. Econ. Rev. 444 (Papers & Proceedings 2000). But the conclusion is a non-sequitur. Wages rise with experience as well as with other aspects of human capital. That many women spend more years in child-rearing than do men thus implies that women’s market wages will be lower on average, but such a difference does not show discrimination—a point that we made in
American Nurses,
Wage patterns in some lines of work could be discriminatory, but this is something to be proved rather than assumed. Wernsing has not offered expert evidence (or even a citation to the literature of labor economics) to support a contention that the establishments from which the Department recruits its employees use wage scales that violate the Equal Pay Act and thus discriminate against women. If sex discrimination led to lower wages in the “feeder” jobs, then using those wages as the base for pay at the Department would indeed perpetuate discrimination and violate the Equal Pay Act. See
Corning Glass Works v. Brennan,
When Wernsing asked the Department for a raise to match Bingaman, the reason she gave is that her prior salary had been lower than his because she had worked for a small, nonprofit employer; she did not suggest that either her former employer or Bingaman’s was out of compliance with the Equal Pay Act. Indeed, she has not even tried to show disparate impact; for all this record shows, the Department’s female internal security investigators make as much on average as the men. Wernsing’s position from the beginning has been that the Department’s salary-setting practices hurt her, not that they harm women generally. (Wernsing demonstrated on the record that four other men holding the Internal Security Investigator II position also are paid more than *471 she is because they came to the Department from higher-paying positions. She contends that the district court should have let her make a similar demonstration for other men, but the absolute number is beside the point and so the ruling in li-mine, right or wrong, does not affect the judgment.)
In lieu of proof, Wernsing relies on a statement that a Senate committee made 42 years ago: that “the wage structure of ‘many segments of American industry has been based on an ancient but outmoded belief that a man, because of his role in society, should be paid more than a woman even though his duties are the same.’ ” S. Rep. 176, 88th Cong. 1st Sess. 1 (1963). That was indeed the view of many employers in 1963, the year the Equal Pay Act came into force, one year before Title VII forbade sex discrimination in private employment, and nine years before Title VII was extended to public employment. But what relevance can this have now that anti-discrimination statutes have been in force for more than two generations? It remains possible that pay differences between men and women reflect discrimination rather than choices made about allocating time between family and market endeavors, and some industries may have been successful in disguising their discrimination. But if this is so it must be established by evidence rather than assumed. Wernsing has abjured her opportunity to supply evidence.
Affirmed.
