This appeal from the grant of summary judgment for the defendant requires us to consider the limitations that the First Amendment has been interpreted to place on decisions regarding personnel actions by a public agency, specifically a sheriffs department. The defendant, David Clarke, is the sheriff of Milwaukee County. The plaintiff, James Fuerst, is a deputy sheriff and also the president of the union of Milwaukee County deputy sheriffs. Clarke is a Republican-leaning Democrat (see Bill Christofferson, “David Clarke Is No Zell Miller, But It’s Not Because He’s Black,” http://www.wisopin- *772 ion.com/blogs/2005/06/david-elarke-is-no-zell-milleiUout-its.html) in a predominantly Democratic county and was believed to be nursing mayoral ambitions. When he proposed to replace a civil-service position on his staff traditionally filled by a deputy sheriff with a “civilian” answerable only to him, who Clarke’s opponents believed would be a public relations “mouthpiece” for promoting Clarke’s political career, at an annual salary of $71,500, Fuerst publicly criticized the proposal as a waste of taxpayers’ money. Earlier he had campaigned against Clarke’s election as sheriff.
Shortly after Milwaukee’s leading newspaper reported Fuerst’s criticisms, Sheriff Clarke passed him over for promotion to the rank of sergeant, even though Fuerst had scored second out of the 105 deputy shei-iffs who had taken the most recent sergeants’ examination. When he complained, Clarke told him he’d been passed over because he wasn’t “loyal” to Clarke’s “vision.” The sheriff is not required to promote strictly on the basis of examination scores, but he concedes for purposes of this appeal that it was Fuerst’s public denunciation of the “mouthpiece” proposal that doomed his promotion.
Public officials do not violate the First Amendment when they deny for political reasons appointments or promotions to jobs that involve the making of policy or the giving of confidential policy-related advice to a policymaker. For in a democratic society the formulation of policy by government agencies is an inescapably political activity. Thus, as we explained in
Riley v. Blagojevich,
So the first question is whether the job of sergeant in the Milwaukee County Sheriffs Department is such a job. In answering it we must not confuse the making or advising on matters of policy with either discretion or supervision. Discretion often is exercised not only by policymaking officials but also by workers all the way down the chain of command to the bottom-most layer, which in this case would be the policeman on the beat (the equivalent to what in the Milwaukee County Sheriffs Department is called a “deputy sheriff’). That does not make a policeman a policymaker. Nor are first-line supervisors, such as police sergeants (the next rank above deputy sheriff in the Milwaukee County department and the rank to which Fuerst aspired), policymakers, even though they have more discretion than nonsupervisory employees. Senior civil servants exercise significant discretion, but it is discretion regarding how best to implement the policies formulated by their political superiors, and so it does not make them policymakers.
The standard management hierarchy, whether in a government agency or in a private firm, operates on the basis of “management by exception.” Luis Garica-no, “Hierarchies and the Organization of Knowledge in Production,” 108 J. Pol. Econ. 874, 875-77 (2000); A.W. Beggs, “Queues and Hierarchies,” 68 Rev. Econ. Stud. 297, 298 (2001); Stephen Page, Best Practices in Policies and Procedures 1 (2d ed.2002). The workers on the bottom rung *773 use their discretion to decide matters that deviate only slightly from the completely routine matters that they are trained and experienced in handling. If they encounter a significant deviation from the norm, they bounce the issue up to their supervisor, who has broader authority, and so on up. The issue can rise through many levels before its resolution requires the formulation of policy rather than merely a technical judgment.
The Milwaukee County Sheriffs Department has some 600 deputy sheriffs, 43 sergeants, 22 lieutenants and captains, and an inspector, who is the number 2 official in the department. It is uncertain whether any of these are policymaking officials, even the inspector, who is a police officer rather than a “civilian.” “Employee supervisors,” the Supreme Court explained in
Elrod v. Burns, supra,
The sergeants in the Milwaukee County Sheriffs Department are not policymaking officials so understood.
DiRuzza v. County of Tehama,
It is worth noting that Wis. Stat. § 164.015 provides that “no law enforcement officer may be prohibited from engaging in political activity when not on duty or not otherwise acting in an official capacity, or be denied the right to refrain from engaging in political activity.” The last clause, read in light of section 164.03, which forbids any “diseriminat[ion] ... by reason of the exercise of the rights under this chapter,” including the right of political inactivity conferred by section 164.015, makes clear that sergeants are not expected to be political loyalists of the sheriff. This is relevant to Fuerst’s appeal not because the statutory provisions may confer legally enforceable rights on him, an issue of state law that is not before us, but because they cast additional light on the nature of the sergeant’s job. The provisions in effect amend the job description (which is vague),
Thompson v. Illinois Dept. of Professional Regulation,
The defendant points to cases in which this court has held that a “deputy sheriff’ is a policymaking official.
Mitchell v. Thompson,
The district court thus erred in ruling on summary judgment that the sergeant’s position is a policymaking one, and the next question is whether Fuerst’s public criticism of the sheriffs proposal to hire a public-relations officer was nevertheless a permissible consideration for the sheriff to use in deciding not to promote Fúerst. Fuerst describes the sheriffs use of words like “loyalty” and “mission” as code words for disapproval of Fuerst’s exercising free speech. That is too simple a view. Although Fuerst’s public criticism was prima facie protected by the First Amendment as a contribution to political debate, the sheriff is entitled to rebut by showing that Fuerst’s exercise of his right of free speech interfered with the efficient operation of the sheriffs department. E.g.,
Connick v. Myers,
The right of free speech is not absolute; it is the point of balance between competing values, in this case that of public criticism of public officials and that of sound management of a public agency.
United States v. National Treasury Employees Union,
Despite the wording of the Wisconsin statutes that we quoted earlier, Wisconsin law does not, as far as we are able to determine, consider
all
political activity by
*775
law enforcement officers privileged — for what if Fuerst had made false charges of corruption against Clarke? But at the other extreme, suppose that Clarke were an avid hunter and Fuerst the president of the local animal-rights society and without mentioning Clarke urged the abolition of hunting, infuriating Clarke and inciting Clarke to deny him promotion. Cf.
Grossart v. Dinaso,
This case is in between, again precluding the grant of summary judgment to the defendant. On the one hand, Fuerst’s criticism of the proposal to hire outside police ranks could be thought a challenge to the sheriffs authority. On the other hand, we are told without contradiction that the president of the deputy sheriffs’ union has always been a deputy sheriff, which suggests that when Fuerst is wearing his union president’s hat he is not challenging the sheriffs authority but carrying out duties consistent with that authority, since Wisconsin permits public-employee unions.
Reversed and Remanded.
