Lead Opinion
Given that the Supreme Court long ago determined that the Constitution protects a woman’s right to choose an abortion, the ultimate issue in this appeal is whether the State of Mississippi can impose a regulation that effectively will close its only abortion clinic. The State of Mississippi, however, argues that Mississippi citizens can obtain an abortion in Tennessee, Louisiana, or Alabama without imposing an undue burden upon Mississippi citizens in the exercise of their constitutional rights.
Today, we . follow the principle announced by the Supreme Court nearly fifty years before the right to an abortion was found in the penumbras of the Constitution and hold that Mississippi may not shift its obligation to respect the established constitutional rights of its citizens to another state. Such a proposal would not only place an undue burden on the exercise of the constitutional right, but would also disregard a state’s obligation under the principle of federalism — applicable to all fifty states — to accept the burden of the non-delegable duty of protecting the established federal constitutional rights of its own citizens.
The Jackson Women’s Health Organization (“JWHO”) operates the only licensed abortion clinic in Mississippi (“the Clinic”). Three doctors are affiliated with the Clinic: Dr. Willie Parker, Dr. Doe, and Dr. Roe.
The defendants, Mary Currier and Robert Smith (collectively, “the State”), are Mississippi officials. They appeal the district court’s entry of a preliminary injunction enjoining the enforcement of the admitting privileges provision of H.B. 1390. We AFFIRM the district court’s judgment entering the preliminary injunction, as herein MODIFIED to limit it, in this “unconstitutional as applied” appeal, to these parties and this case.
I.
Several days before H.B. 1390’s effective date, JWHO filed this suit in the federal district court. JWHO sought both a temporary restraining order and a preliminary injunction barring the enforcement of the admitting-privileges provision.
Consistent with the district court’s order, Drs. Parker and Doe sought admitting privileges at seven of the Jackson-area hospitals, but no hospital was willing to grant either of the doctors these privileges.
In the light of this impending hearing, JWHO filed a second motion for a preliminary injunction. JWHO argued that, by closing the only clinic in Mississippi, the law would impose an undue burden on women’s right to choose abortions. The State responded that the law would not impose an undue burden because the Act would, at most, increase travel time and costs for women seeking an abortion. These women could travel to abortion clinics in other states that are not prohibitively far away. Taking the Jackson area as an example, the State pointed to abortion clinics in Baton Rouge, New Orleans, and Memphis that are no farther than three hours away. Because this increase in travel would only be an incidental burden on the right to an abortion, the State argued that H.B. 1390 was constitutional.
The district court granted the preliminary injunction. As a factual matter, the district court found that allowing enforcement of the Act would close the Clinic because JWHO could not comply with the Act. Moving to the legal analysis, the district court held that JWHO had demonstrated a substantial likelihood of success on the merits because the Act created an undue burden. Notwithstanding the other clinics that are within a few hours’ drive, the district court held that the proper analysis looked to the availability of abortions within the State of Mississippi. Seeing that the only clinic would be closed by enforcing the Act, the district court held that an undue burden would likely result.
Similarly, the district court held that JWHO had established a substantial threat of irreparable harm in the form of the impending closure of the Clinic. Finally, the district court held that the balance of harms cut in favor of JWHO as the preliminary injunction would merely maintain the status quo, and the court held that the injunction would not disserve the public interest because it would prevent constitutional deprivations. Having found the four factors of the preliminary injunction test satisfied, the district court enjoined the State from enforcing the admitting privileges provision.
The State then filed a Rule 52(b) motion to clarify. First, the State asked the district court to clarify whether its legal conclusion was that any regulation that would act to close the Clinic would be “per se unconstitutional.” The district court only addressed this argument insofar that it reiterated that the challenge was to the Act as-applied, and therefore was based on the facts before the court. Second, the State asked the district court to clarify a footnote in the original order which highlighted a lack of clarity in abortion jurisprudence related to the necessity of a challenged regulation. In its Rule 52(b) order, the district court reiterated that it did not undertake any necessity inquiry as it was not something raised by the parties, and that even if it did undertake a necessity inquiry, the Act would not be so medically necessary as to overcome the undue burden it established.
The State now appeals the granting of the preliminary injunction and the district court’s motion granting the State’s Rule 52(b) motion in part.
II.
We review a district court’s grant of a preliminary injunction for an abuse of discretion. Janvey v. Alguire,
To support the “extraordinary equitable remedy” of a preliminary injunction, the plaintiff must establish four elements: “(1) a substantial likelihood of success on the merits; (2) a substantial threat that the movant will suffer irreparable injury if the injunction is denied; (3) that the threatened injury outweighs any damage that the injunction might cause the defendant; and (4) that the injunction will not disserve the public interest.” Hoover v. Morales,
The State argues principally that the district court erred in holding that JWHO had established a substantial likelihood of success on the merits. In this respect, the State questions one finding of fact and two conclusions of law of the district court’s order. We begin by touching on the factual issue before moving to the legal arguments.
III.
The district court found that the effect of the law would be to close the Clinic— the only licensed clinic in Mississippi. The State now contends that the district court erred because this fact is disputed, arguing that implementation of the law would not force the Clinic to close.
But we need not tarry long here because the State has waived this argument. All indications from the record are that this issue ultimately was not contested in the district court. See Pluet v. Frasier,
We now take up the State’s legal arguments that JWHO failed to demonstrate a substantial likelihood of success on the merits of its case. It is important to note at the outset that JWHO does not seek to have the Act declared unconstitutional for all intents and purposes; JWHO brings only an as-applied challenge to the Act. Consequently, to establish a substantial likelihood of success on the merits, JWHO must demonstrate that H.B. 1390, as applied against JWHO in this case on these facts, likely violates the Constitution.
It is also important to keep in mind that for more than forty years, it has been settled constitutional law that the Fourteenth Amendment protects a woman’s basic right to choose an abortion. Roe v. Wade,
In addition to these Supreme Court precedents, we are guided by a recent opinion of our court determining the constitutionality of a similar Texas statute. Planned Parenthood of Greater Tex. Surgical Health Servs. v. Abbott,
A.
In issuing the preliminary injunction, the district court saw the rational basis and no-undue-burden requirements as independent of each other, and both had to be satisfied in order for the Act to survive; that is, a regulation of the constitutional right must be struck if it fails to meet either test. Consequently, once the district court had held that the law created an undue burden on the exercise of the constitutional right, it became superfluous, the district court concluded, to engage in the rational basis inquiry. Conversely, the State argues that the rational basis inquiry is a necessary part of the total analysis, and it cannot be divorced from the undue burden analysis; this is especially true because the rational basis for the law will inform whether any burden on the right to an abortion is “undue.” We hold that we do not need to decide this dispute because, assuming that a rational basis review is a necessary first step, our court in Abbott has addressed the rational basis of a virtually identical law, and we are bound by that precedent to accept that the Mississippi statute has a rational basis.
In Abbott, we recognized that in determining whether a law is rational, the scales are tipped in a state’s favor. Id. at 594 (“[Cjourts must presume that the law in question is valid and sustain it so long as the law is rationally related to a legitimate state interest.”). A law meets this standard if it is “based on rational speculation” even if that speculation is unsupported by evidence or empirical data. Id. We thus held that the Texas regulation satisfied a rational basis review because it was based on the rational speculation that it would “assist in preventing patient abandonment” by the doctor providing the abortion. Id. at 594-95. We see no basis for distinguishing the rational basis analysis of H.B. 1390. None of the rationales discussed in Abbott was state specific, and each would be equally applicable to H.B. 1390.
Accordingly, we hold that H.B. 1390 satisfies rational basis review based upon our binding precedent in Abbott. We now turn to the thornier question: whether JWHO has demonstrated a substantial likelihood of proving that the law imposes an undue burden on the right to choose an abortion. Gonzales,
B.
A law imposes an undue burden on the right to an abortion when the law “has the purpose or effect of creating a ‘substantial obstacle’ to a woman’s choice.” Abbott,
1.
Assuming that the Clinic will close, the State argues that this result still would not create an undue burden. The State argues that, at most, an incidental burden will be created as Mississippi women will only be required to travel a further distance to reach an abortion clinic. The State points to clinics in cities in neighboring states such as Baton Rouge, New Orleans, and Memphis. Relying on these neighboring clinics, the State argues that Abbott demands reversal in this case because of the nearby clinics, albeit in other states.
JWHO does not argue that the distances involved alone impose an undue burden. Nor could it in the light of Abbott. See id. at 598 (“We therefore conclude that Casey counsels against striking down a statute solely because women may have to travel long distances to obtain abortions.”). We thus accept that, if these out-of-state clinics are properly considered in the undue burden analysis, the Act may well be upheld. This question is a central issue upon which the parties disagree: In analyzing whether the Act imposes an undue burden, should the analysis focus only on the availability of abortions in Mississippi, or should it also take into account nearby clinics in neighboring states. We turn now to this dispute.
2.
The district court held that because H.B. 1390 would close the only abortion clinic in Mississippi, women in Mississippi would be forced to travel to a neighboring state for an abortion, which, according to the district court, creates an undue burden notwithstanding that the physical distances may not be unduly burdensome. The district court reasoned that accepting the State’s argument would result in “a patchwork system where constitutional rights are available in some states but not in others.” The district court also found support in a prior case decided in the same district court — Jackson Women’s Health Org., Inc. v. Amy,
The State attacks the district court’s conclusion by pointing out that there is no reason that traveling a given distance is made more burdensome by simply crossing a state line during the trip. Crossing a state line, it argues, does not increase the time or money required for a trip of a given length. Thus, for the State, reasonable travel distances to other states’ facilities should end further discussion.
JWHO supports the district court’s conclusion that state lines do matter by pointing out that courts do not look to the
Similarly, in Jane L. v. Bangerter, the Tenth Circuit considered the constitutionality of a Utah law that significantly restricted abortions after twenty weeks gestation.
Jane L. stands out as the clearest example of an appeals court focusing its analysis on a regulation’s effect within the regulating state. We also note, however, that other courts, in striking down abortion regulations, have failed to consider the availability of abortions in neighboring states. See, e.g., Women’s Med. Prof'l Corp. v. Voinovich,
JWHO’s position finds additional support in.State of Missouri ex rel. Gaines v. Canada,
The Supreme Court of the United States reversed, holding that Missouri’s tuition stipend program could not relieve the State of Missouri of its obligations to its citizens under the Fourteenth Amendment. In a passage worth quoting at length, the Court reasoned that:
[T]he obligation of the State to give the protection of equal laws can be performed only where its laws operate, that is, within its own jurisdiction.... That obligation is imposed by the Constitution upon the States severally as governmental entities,&emdash;each responsible for its own laws establishing the rights and duties of persons within its borders. It is an obligation the burden of which cannot be cast by one State upon another, and no State can be excused from performance by what another State may do or fail to do. That separate responsibility of each State within its own sphere is of the essence of statehood maintained under our dual system.
Id. at 350,
To be sure, there are distinctions between Gaines and the instant case, which the State points out. First, Gaines was an Equal Protection case, which addresses the discriminatory distribution of a service provided by the state government; and second, Gaines has never been cited in the abortion context. In contrast, this appeal addresses rights arising under the Due Process Clause, in which the state government is not providing any service. The State is only regulating a privately provided service that is protected by the United States Constitution.
Although cognizant of these serious distinctions, and although decided in a different context, we think the principle of Gaines resolves this appeal. Gaines simply and plainly holds that a state cannot lean on its sovereign neighbors to provide protection of its citizens’ federal constitutional rights, a principle that obviously has trenchant relevance here. Pre-viability, a woman has the constitutional right to end her pregnancy by abortion. H.B. 1390 effectively extinguishes that right within Mississippi’s borders. Gaines locks the gate for Mississippi to escape to another state’s protective umbrella and thus requires us to conduct the undue burden inquiry by looking only at the ability of Mississippi women to exercise their right within Mississippi’s borders. There is no hiding the relevant language in Gaines: “[N]o State can be excused from performance by what another state may do or fail to do.” Id.
Consistent with Gaines, we hold that the proper formulation of the undue burden analysis focuses solely on the effects within the regulating state&emdash;here, Mississippi. Under this formulation,
V.
Having reached this conclusion, we close with two observations. First, the State argues that our analysis bars the State from enforcing any regulation against JWHO that would close the Clinic simply because it is the only clinic in Mississippi. For instance, the State argues that our opinion would preclude the State from closing the Clinic for sanitation violations because, like H.B. 1390, such action would impose an undue burden on the right to an abortion by closing the only clinic in Mississippi.
Nothing in this opinion should be read to hold that any law or regulation that has the effect of closing all abortion clinics in a state would inevitably fail the undue burden analysis. Whether the State’s hypothetical sanitation regulation would impose an undue burden is not a question before this court, and is not a question that can be answered without reference to the factual context in which the regulation arose and operates. Here, we hold only that JWHO has demonstrated a substantial likelihood of proving that H.B. 1390, on this record and as applied to the plaintiffs in this case, imposes an undue burden on a woman’s right to choose an abortion. In reaching this determination, we look to the entire record and factual context in which the law operates, including, but not limited to, the statutory provision in question, the Clinic’s status as the sole abortion clinic in Mississippi, the ability of the Clinic to comply with H.B. 1390, Dr. Parker’s and Dr. Doe’s efforts to obtain admitting privileges, the reasons cited by the hospitals for denying admitting privileges to Dr. Parker and Dr. Doe, the absence of a Mississippi law prohibiting hospitals from discriminating against physicians who perform abortions when granting admitting privileges, and the nature and process of the admitting-privileges determination. See Casey,
Finally, this case is an as-applied challenge to H.B. 1390. The district court’s judgment granting the preliminary injunction enjoined “any and all forms of enforcement of the Admitting Privileges Requirement of the Act during the pendency of this litigation.” To the extent that this language extends the preliminary injunction to actions by the State against parties other than JWHO and the other plaintiffs, it was an overly broad remedy in an as-applied challenge. We modify the preliminary injunction to enjoin the State from enforcing the admitting privileges provision of H.B. 1390 against the plaintiffs in this case.
VI.
In this opinion we hold that, assuming a rational basis inquiry is a necessary first step in deciding the constitutionality of an abortion regulation, H.B. 1390 satisfies rational basis review. We hold that Gaines instructs us to consider the effects of H.B.
AFFIRMED as modified.
Notes
. The district court allowed Dr. Doe and Dr. Roe to participate in this action under pseudonyms.
. JWHO's initial complaint also challenged another portion of H.B. 1390 — a requirement that all physicians associated with an abortion clinic be board certified or eligible in obstetrics and gynecology. JWHO did not, however, seek to enjoin this provision, so no challenge to it is before this court.
.In denying the doctors’ applications for admitting privileges, the local hospitals cited reasons relating to the doctors’ provisions of abortion services, such as: ”[t]he nature of your proposed medical practice is inconsistent with this Hospital’s policies and practices as concerns abortion and, in particular, elective abortion,” and "[t]he nature of your proposed medical practice would lead to both an internal and external disruption of the Hospital's function and business within this community.”
. The dissent also argues that H.B. 1390 will not have the effect of closing the Clinic because the closure is actually caused by the actions of private parties' — the private hospitals that denied the admitting privileges applications. See Post at 449-51. We have no occasion to consider this argument as it too has been waived. As discussed above, the State's opening brief accepts that the Act will force the closure of the Clinic. And to the extent the State has challenged the factual findings of the district court, except with regards to the rational basis issue, the State only provides conclusory challenges without any argument, so these challenges are also waived. See Kohler v. Englade,
. The Texas law at issue in Abbott and H.B. 1390 are substantively identical. Both require that the doctor performing an abortion hold admitting privileges at a nearby hospital. See Abbott,
. Abbott does not speak to this issue. Even if the admitting privileges requirement in Abbott were enforced, a number of clinics would remain open in Texas. Abbott,
. A panel of this court embraced a similar theory in Okpalobi. The panel in Okpalobi held that a Louisiana statute imposed an undue burden because "[a] measure that has the effect of forcing all or a substantial portion of a state’s abortion providers to stop offering such procedures creates a substantial obstacle to a woman’s right to have a pre-viability abortion, thus constituting an undue burden under Casey." Okpalobi,
. These authorities are supported by the practical effects that would follow from the State’s proposed rule. It would be exceedingly difficult for courts to engage in an as-applied analysis of an abortion restriction if we were required to consider not only the effect on abortion clinics in the regulating state, but also the law, potential changes in the law, and locations of abortion clinics in neighboring states. This concern is not farfetched. Both Alabama and Louisiana have passed similar admitting privileges regulations for abortion providers, which could lead to the closure of clinics in those states.
. Consistent with this holding, we also hold that the district court did not abuse its discretion in finding that the injunction would not disserve the public interest because it will prevent constitutional deprivations. See, e.g., Awad v. Ziriax,
Dissenting Opinion
dissenting:
The majority holds that the mere act of crossing a state border imposes an “undue burden” on a woman’s right to choose to obtain abortion services. Planned Parenthood of Se. Pa. v. Casey,
A
The majority claims that “the district court found that the effect of the law would be to close the Clinic” operated by the Jackson Women’s Health Organization (“JWHO”). Ante at 452 (emphasis added).
The direct, legal effect of House Bill 1390 (“H.B. 1390” or “the Act”) is only to mandate that “[a]ll physicians associated with [an] abortion facility must have admitting privileges at a local hospital_” Miss.Code Ann. § 41 — 75—1(f). Mississippi had previously required all doctors affiliated with outpatient ambulatory surgical facilities to have admitting privileges at a local hospital, but expressly exempted Level I abortion facilities, which are authorized to perform abortions after the first trimester. See Miss. Admin. Code 15-16-1:42.9.7 (2011). H.B. 1390 eliminated this exemption.
The independent decisions of private hospitals have no place in our review of state action under the Constitution. Cf. Lugar v. Edmondson Oil Co., Inc.,
Regardless of the propriety or the legality of the hospitals’ actions, what matters for this substantive due process analysis is that JWHO has not shown that the Clinic’s closure would result directly from H.B. 1390, as opposed to the independent decisions of local hospitals — non-state actors. Because JWHO failed to demonstrate that the Act could have “the effect of placing a substantial obstacle in the path of a woman’s choice” to obtain abortion services, Casey,
B
Even assuming that H.B. 1390 itself would cause the Clinic to close, I would still disagree with the majority’s holding. The majority, following the lower court, holds that “the proper formulation of the undue burden analysis focuses solely on the [challenged law’s] effects within the regulating state.” Ante at 457. Accordingly, the majority concludes that H.B. 1390, which “effectively clos[es] the one abortion clinic in the state,” would impose an undue burden because Mississippi women would need to travel to a neighboring state to obtain abortion services. Id. Put differently, in the majority’s view, to require a woman to cross a state border in order to obtain abortion services would unduly burden her right to choose an abortion. I disagree.
Two errors infect the majority’s analysis — an impermissible reliance on silence and a misunderstanding of the holding of State of Missouri ex rel. Gaines v. Canada,
Of course, we do not write on a blank slate. Casey teaches that a state may regulate abortion to further its interests in protecting the health and safety of women, though “[u]nnecessary health regulations that have the purpose or effect of presenting a substantial obstacle to a woman seeking an abortion impose an undue burden on the right.” Casey,
The majority’s second, and more grievous, error is its reliance on the wholly inapposite case of Gaines. In that equal protection case, Gaines was refused admission to the University of Missouri’s law school because he was African-American. Gaines,
That a state may not shift its equal protection duties to another state is “[m]anifestly” clear. Id. at 350,
Although the correctness of Gaines’s equal protection holding is beyond question, it has no bearing on this case, which arises under the Due Process Clause. The majority concedes that “Gaines has never been cited in the abortion context.” Ante at 457. Nonetheless, the majority proceeds to transpose Gaines’s maxim that “[n]o State can be excused from performance by what another State may do or fail to do,” Gaines,
Additionally, the state’s equal protection obligation is fundamentally different from its obligation under Casey. The majority concedes that in the abortion context, “the state government is not providing any [abortion] service,” ante at 457, but fails to grasp the doctrinal consequence: The duty not to unduly burden the abortion right could never be “cast by one State upon another,” Gaines,
The majority’s cited authorities do not resolve this case. Casey did not contemplate whether the availability of abortion in neighboring states affects the undue burden analysis. Similarly, Gaines stands for the uncontroversial principle that a state’s duty to provide equal protection cannot be altered by the áctions or inactions of a neighboring state. The majority sheds no light on a state’s duties under the Due Process Clause, let alone its duty to refrain from unduly burdening the right to choose an abortion.
A correct analysis under the Due Process Clause requires us to apply Casey and Abbott and consider whether the difficulty of obtaining abortion services under the facts of this case constitutes an undue burden. On this record, JWHO has not shown a substantial likelihood that any such burden actually exists — that the Act results in more than an “incidental effect of making it more difficult or more expensive to procure an abortion.” Casey,
The majority claims that requiring courts to examine abortion availability in other states would be “exceedingly difficult” as a practical matter. Ante at 456 n. 8. The majority cannot imagine how courts undertaking as-applied analyses could account for “the law, potential changes in the law, and locations of abortion clinics in neighboring states.” Id. This concern is unfounded. Here, the parties are fully prepared and able to develop the record concerning the presence of abortion providers in neighboring states.
The majority also echoes the district court’s fear of a “patchwork system where constitutional rights are available in some states but not in others.” Ante at 455. The majority’s belief that the mere closure of the Clinic would abrogate the State’s obligation not to unduly burden abortion access again illustrates its misunderstanding of Gaines. See supra. Moreover, the majority has unwittingly instituted its own “patchwork system”: If all undue burden analyses must stop at state borders, the existence of an undue burden will depend, in part, on a plaintiffs location relative to those boundaries. For instance, women in northern Mississippi who live a mere fifteen miles from the heart of Memphis, Tennessee, could never enjoin the closure of the clinic in that city, lest Mississippi be “excused from [its] performance.” Gaines,
Lastly, the sole act of crossing a state border cannot, standing alone, constitute an unconstitutional undue burden on the abortion right because the Constitution envisions free mobility of persons without regard to state borders.
By arbitrarily confining its undue burden analysis to Mississippi, the majority departs not only from the concept of a .constitutional right to travel, but importantly from the text “any person” in the Due Process Clause. In assessing whether a state law unduly burdens the abortion right, courts must be able to consider the availability of abortion services in neighboring states. Accordingly, I cannot conclude, as the majority does, that our analysis must “focu[s] solely on the effects within the regulating state,” ante at 457, or that JWHO has shown a substantial likelihood H.B. 1390 imposes an undue burden merely by causing women to travel to an adjacent state to obtain abortion services.
The majority concludes by denying that it establishes any per se rule. “Nothing in this opinion,” the majority declares, “should be read to hold that any law or regulation that has the effect of closing all abortion clinics in a state would inevitably fail the undue burden analysis.” Ante at 458. Attempting to narrow its holding to the specific facts of this case, the majority claims to base its holding on “the entire record and factual context in which the law operates,” including “the statutory provision in question,” “the ability of the Clinic to comply with H.B. 1390,” “the reasons cited by the hospitals for denying admitting privileges,” and the “nature and process of the admitting-privileges determination.” Id. In so doing, the majority professes to leave open the possibility that some law, such as the “hypothetical sanitation regulation” discussed in the State’s briefing, could cause the closure of all abortion providers within a state and yet still be constitutional. Id. at 457-58.
The majority’s attempt to cabin its holding to the facts of this case betrays its awareness that crossing Mississippi’s borders cannot be dispositive. Yet notwithstanding this attempt, today’s opinion concludes in no uncertain terms: “Gaines instructs us to consider the effects of H.B. 1390 only within Mississippi in conducting an undue burden analysis.” Id. at 458-59. The majority simply cannot have it both ways. So long as the undue burden analysis is confined by Mississippi’s borders, the closure of that state’s sole abortion provider must be an undue burden.
Even accepting that the majority’s factors somehow narrow its holding, I find its ad hoc approach to be unworkable. The majority does not even attempt to explain how this case’s “factual context,” the “statutory provision” at issue, and the “nature and process” of the admitting-privileges requirement purportedly combine to make this burden “undue.”
Lastly, certain factors by which the majority purports to narrow its approach undermine its holding as to the Act’s rational basis. As already explained, I fully join in the majority’s conclusion that H.B. 1390 has a rational basis. See supra Part A; ante Part IY.A. Yet the majority, by faulting the “statutory provision” and the “nature and process of the admitting-privileges determination,” without any explanation, in essence mounts a back-door attack on the purpose of H.B. 1390. Ante at 458.
Despite the majority’s attempt to narrow its reasoning, today’s opinion can only be read to mean that a law or regulation causing all of a state’s abortion providers to close, such that women must cross a state border to obtain abortion services, imposes an unconstitutional undue burden on the abortion right.
C
The majority reminds us that “the Supreme Court long ago determined that the Constitution protects a woman’s right to choose an abortion-” Ante at 449. We are then reminded that “the right to an abortion was found in the penumbras of the Constitution....” Id. at 449. Proceeding further, and following the Supreme Court’s direction, the majority relies on Casey for its “undue burden” test. Id. at 453.
In addition to announcing the undue burden standard, however, Casey also advanced a new interpretation of substantive due process by which the judiciary can now interpret the “full scope of the liberty guaranteed by the Due Process Clause.” Casey,
[T]he imperative character of Constitutional provisions ... must be discerned from a particular provision’s larger context. And inasmuch as this context is one not of words, but of history and purposes, the full scope of the liberty guaranteed by the Due Process Clause cannot be found in or limited by the precise terms of the specific guarantees elsewhere provided in the Constitution.
Poe,
Consistent with its substantive due process theory, Casey gives full play to political preferences in its “undue burden” standard. By defining in circular fashion an “undue burden” as a “substantial obstacle,” Casey,
By its jarring opinion, the majority has affirmed the district court’s decision to enjoin enforcement of H.B. 1390, enacted by the Mississippi legislature — the people’s elected representatives — -to regulate physicians’ services. That this injunction flows from the policy choices of judges, who must fill the vacuum that is now the Due Process Clause’s “liberty’ interest, is a profoundly troubling consequence of current constitutional jurisprudence under Casey.
Ultimately, I await a return to legal theory that recognizes principled limits.
Respectfully, I dissent.
.Preliminarily, the district court made no such finding. The district court found only that "the State has essentially confirmed that it will revoke the Clinic’s license....” The undisputed fact that the Clinic's closure was imminent, see ante Part III, says nothing about the legal cause of such closure. Even if the district court implicitly found that House Bill 1390 would cause the Clinic's closure, the majority errs in relying on this finding because it is not supported by this record, notwithstanding any concerns about waiver, ante at 452 n. 4. See Century Marine Inc. v. United States,
. JWHO does not challenge the admitting-privileges requirement on procedural due process grounds, and in any event, Abbott has foreclosed such an argument. See Planned Parenthood of Greater Tex. Surgical Health Servs. v. Abbott,
. Also unchanged by H.B. 1390 is the authority of hospital officials to "evaluate the professional competence of ... applicants for medical staff membership and/or clinical
.The Abbott panel concluded that Casey’s "purpose” prong remains an independent inquiry, and we are bound by that prior panel's decision. See Abbott,
. Under Lugar's two-part test for determining whether a deprivation of a federal right is fairly attributable to the state, (1) "the deprivation must be caused by the exercise of some right or privilege created by the State or by a rule of conduct imposed by the State or by a person for whom the State is responsible”; and (2) "the party charged with the deprivation must be a person who may fairly be said to be a state actor,” and "[t]his may be because he is a state official, because he has acted together with or has obtained significant aid from state officials, or because his conduct is otherwise chargeable to the State.” Ballard v. Wall,
. By contrast, Mississippi law protects only physicians who choose not to perform abortions, not those who do. See Miss.Code Ann. § 41-107-7(3) ("It shall be unlawful for any person, public or private institution, or public official to discriminate against any health care institution, or any person, association, corporation, or other entity ... in any man
. The Second Circuit has held that this statutory provision does not imply a private right of action. See Cenzon-DeCarlo v. Mount Sinai Hosp.,
. See also ante at 14 (explaining that "other courts, in striking down abortion regulations, have failed to consider the availability of abortions in neighboring states”).
. The majority discusses certain language in Okpalobi v. Foster,
. See Casey,
. Mississippi State Department of Health statistics show that in 2011, Mississippi women obtained 3,188 abortions in other states and only 2,224 abortions in Mississippi. See Defs.’ Resp. Opp’n Pis.’ Second Mot. Prelim. Inj. at 24 n.27.
. The district court did not make findings on the distance that Mississippi women would need to travel or costs they would incur to obtain an abortion in a neighboring state following the Clinic’s potential closure; instead, the district court concluded, as the majority does as well, that the closure of a state's only abortion provider would be a per se undue burden.
.The State has already submitted data on distances from Jackson to abortion facilities in West Monroe, Louisiana (121 miles); Tuscaloosa, Alabama (185 miles); Baton Rouge, Louisiana (174 miles); and Memphis, Tennessee (209 miles). See Defs.’ Resp. Opp’n Pis.’ Second Mot. Prelim. Inj. at 24 n.27.
.Cf. Reno v. Catholic Soc. Servs., Inc.,
. See, e.g., SMI Owen Steel Co., Inc. v. Marsh USA, Inc.,
. See Van Hollen,
. To be sure, this case involves JWHO’s as-applied challenge to H.B. 1390. But as-applied challenges still establish important rules of law, and the majority attempts to obscure the necessary implications of its own rule.
. Tellingly, at oral argument, when JWHO was asked to clarify how courts should assess whether the closure of a state's only abortion
. The question of whether H.B. 1390 has a purpose of imposing an undue burden (under Abbott, a question distinct from the rational basis inquiry, see supra note 4) is not before us on this appeal, and the district court made no relevant factual findings. If, in the majority’s view, ascertaining the Act’s purpose is indeed so crucial, then for this reason alone, vacatur is proper.
. The majority claims to base its holding on certain facts that seem to implicate the local hospitals’ actions, including "the ability of the Clinic to comply with H.B. 1390, Dr. Parker’s and Dr. Doe’s efforts to obtain admitting privileges, the reasons cited by the hospitals for denying admitting privileges to Dr. Parker and Dr. Doe, [and] the absence of a Mississippi law prohibiting hospitals from discriminating against physicians who perform abortions when granting admitting privileges....” Ante at 458.
.To support its theory of unenumerated substantive due process rights, the Casey joint opinion shifted the underlying theory from a right of privacy, see Roe v. Wade,
. In concluding, the Casey joint opinion likewise concedes that it is unconstrained by the niceties of constitutional text, explaining that "[e]ach generation must learn anew that the Constitution’s written terms embody ideas and aspirations that must survive more ages than one.” Casey,
. "The absolute is not attained nor, above all, created through history.... History can then no longer be presented as an object of worship.” Albert Camus, The Rebel: An Essay on Man in Revolt 302 (Anthony Bower trans., Vintage Books 1956) (1951).
. See also Casey,
. Professor Hamburger has commented on this aggrandizement of judicial power:
[M]any Americans, in their desire to prevent the people from abusing the power above law, have invited their judges to exercise it.... [N]ot unlike some kings and Parliament when they claimed to be the final arbiter, American judges have acquired a taste for power above the law. Perhaps every society needs this sort of power, but in denying absolute power to Parliament, Americans did not give it to the judges, and although it is questionable whether the people, being merely human, will always act wisely and justly in exercising their power above the law of the land, it is even more doubtful whether the judges or any other persons in government can be trusted with such a power. Men will ever be discontent with law and ambitious for power, and judges will ever be vain enough to aspire to a justice above human law, but it is therefore all the more important for judges to recall the common law ideals of law and judicial duty.
Philip Hamburger, Law and Judicial Duty 620-21 (2008), accord Emilio M. Garza, Judicial Duty and the Future: Two Issues of Fundamental Law, 6 J.L. Phil. & Culture 147, 156 (2011).
. Government must be guided by "thought that recognizes limits." Camus, supra note 23, at 294. Moreover, when a representative government subverts the Constitution, it runs the risk of being superseded by a new (and potentially less representative) government. See Eric Voegelin, The New Science of Politics 49 (1952). The Supreme Court has subjected substantive due process theory only to the "[ajppropriate limits” of "respect for the teachings of history" and “solid recognition of the basic values that underlie our society,” which in practice are not limits at all. Moore v. City of E. Cleveland,
