Indiana Civil Liberties Union, Joan Laskowski, Alice Bennett v. Frank O'bannon, Governor of IndianaIndiana Civil Liberties Union, Joan Laskowski, Alice Bennett v. Frank O'bannon, Governor of Indiana
Lead Opinion
This сase comes to us upon the district court’s grant of a preliminary injunction. On appeal, the dispute concerns whether plaintiffs are likely to succeed on the merits. Akin to our recent decision in Books v. City of Elkhart,
BACKGROUND
As detailed in Books,
The planned monument consists of two pieces of limestone — a four-sided block resting upon a rectangulаr base — and will weigh 11,500 pounds. The two wider sides of the four-sided block are carved into rounded arcs at the top, which resemble tablets, a form typically used in artistic depictions of the stone tablets delivered by Moses upon returning from Mt. Sinai. The monument will stand seven feet tall; six feet, seven inches wide; and four feet, seven inches deep. On one of the wide surfaces, the following version of the Ten Commandments will be engraved in one inch, all capital lettering:
Ten Commandments
I. Thou shalt have no other Gods before me
II. Thou shalt not make unto thee any graven image
III. Thou shalt not take the name of the Lord thy God in vain
*769 IV. Remember the Sabbath day to keep it holy ■
V. Honor thy father and thy mother that thy days may be long in the land which the Lord thy God giveth thee
VI. Thou shalt not kill
VII. Thou shalt not commit adultery
VIII. Thou shalt not steal
IX. Thou shalt not bear false witness against thy neighbor
X. Thou shalt not covet thy neighbor’s house or wife or anything that is thy neighbor’s
The other wide surface will display the Bill of Rights in five-eighths inch, all capital lettering. On one of the smaller sides the 1851 Indiana Constitution Preamble will be inscribed, which states:
To the end, that justice be established, public оrder maintained, and liberty perpetuated: We, the People of the State of Indiana, grateful to Almighty God for the free exercise of the right to choose our own form of government, do ordain this Constitution.
The 1851 Preamble will not be clearly identified as such. The other small side will read:
Gift of the Indiana Limestone Industry-2000 A.D.
This monument replaces one donated by the Aeries and Auxiliaries of the Indiana Fraternal Order of the Eagles on October 25,1958
The record is not clear as to the exact size of the lettering for the 1851 Preamble and the dedication.
The Statehouse park-like grounds span almost two acres and are home to many Indiana government buildings, including the Capitol Building, the Governor’s office, the General Assembly, the Indiana Supreme Court, the Indiana Court of Appeals, and other state offices. The grounds are surrounded by Ohio Street to the north, Washington Street to the south, Cаpitol Avenue to the east, and Senate Avenue to the west. There are numerous monuments currently on the grounds, including two monuments honoring the civil engineering of the National Road (U.S. Highway 40), a marker honoring the women of Indiana, two friezes depicting Civil War scenes, a marker describing the Statehouse’s history, and statues of Christopher Columbus, George Washington, a coal miner, and Indiana Governors Thomas A. Hendricks and Oliver H.P. Morton. The grounds also showcase seven dedicated trees. The planned site for the monument at issue in this case is the southwest corner of the grounds, about forty-one feet from one of the trees and ninety-two feet from the National Road monument, although precisely where and in what direction it will face is as of yet undetermined.
In May of 2000, plaintiffs filed an action under 42 U.S.C. § 1983, claiming that acceptance of the monument and the plan to erect it on the grounds of the Indiana Statehouse was state action that violated the Establishment Clause. On July 28, 2000, the district court granted plaintiffs’ motion for a preliminary injunction precluding the State from erecting the monument pending resolution on the merits. See Indiana Civil Liberties Union v. O’Bannon,
Under the first prong of the Lemon test, the district court reasoned that the State’s purpose in displaying the monument was to advance religion because the State had not shown a historical link between most of the Ten Commandments and the ideals of government and the legal system, that the monument’s tablet-shaped design was religious in nature, the Ten Commandments would be displayed apart from the other texts, and there was no explanation on the monument that the Ten Commandments was being displayed for its historical significance. Under the second prong, the district court reiterated that the content, shape, size, design, permanence, and location at the seat of Indiana’s government, would lead a reasonable observer to believe that the Ten Commandments were “marked with the stamp of government approval.”
The State’s appeal asks for the vacation of the preliminary injunction because the plaintiffs have not shown that they are likely to succeed on the merits.
DISCUSSION
A preliminary injunction is an extraordinary remedy intended to preserve the status quo until the merits of a case may be resolved. A preliminary injunction may be issued only if the moving party demonstrates some likelihood of success on the merits, an inadequate remedy at law, and irreparable harm if denied. If these elements are demonstrаted, the court must balance the irreparable harm the nonmovant will suffer if relief is granted and the irreparable harm to the movant if relief is denied. The court must also consider the public interest in either the grant or denial of the relief. When a district court grants a preliminary injunction, we review conclusions of law de novo and findings of fact for clear error while giving substantial deference to the district court’s discretionary acts of weighing evidence or balancing equitable factors. See Cooper v. Salazar,
Deciding the merits of this case involves the application of the Lemon test. Under Lemon, the Establishment Clause is violated if any of the following are found: (1) the state action does not have a secular purpose; (2) the primary effect of the state action is the advancement or inhibition of religion; or (3) the state action fosters excessive entanglement with religion. See
I. Secular Purpose
Under the first prong of the Lemon test, we ask whether the State’s actual purpose in planning to erect this monument on the Statehouse grounds is to advance or inhibit religion. See id. We have recognized that the Ten Commandments is a religious and sacred text that transcends secular ethical or moral concerns. See id. This is so in part because its very text commands the reader to worship only the Lord God, to avoid idolatry, to not use the Lord’s name in vain, and to observe the Sabbath. These particular commandments are whol
Since displaying the text of the Ten Commandments may have a legitimate secular purpose, the state bears the burden of demonstrating “that it has taken steps to ‘obviate its religious purpose.’ ” Id. at 303 n. 8 (quoting Gonzales v. North Township,
Since the new monument will be significantly different than the 1958 version, we do not rely on the stated purpose for the display of the 1958 plaque. Therefore, the March 14, 2000 press release issued by Governor O’Bannon announcing that Indiana would accept the new monument provides the state’s stated purpose for agreeing to erect the monument. In the press release, Governor O’Bannon stated:
For more than three decades, a monument inscribed with the Ten Commandments stood on the Statehouse lawn as a reminder of some of our nation’s core values. Soon those words will stand alongside the biding principals of our form of government, especially its protections of individual rights. They’re ideals we all need to be reminded of from time to time.
Citing State v. Freedom From Religion Found., Inc.,
We start by saying that the display of secular texts along with the Ten Commandments does not automatically lead to a finding that the purpose in erecting the monument is primarily secular. The Ten Commandments is still an inherently religious text, and we conclude that the State has not articulated a valid secular justification for planning to erect the monument.
The stated purpose that the Commandments will remind society of its “core values” is akin to the purpose of providing a “code of conduct” rejected in Books. We stated: “The code chosen, however, was a religious code that focuses not only on subjects that are the legitimate concern of civil authorities, but are subjects that are beyond the ken of any government and that address directly the relationship of the individual human being and God.”
II. Primary Effect
Under the second prong, we ask, irrespective of the state’s stated purpose, whether accepting this monument for display on the Statehouse grounds has the primary effect of conveying a message that the state is advancing or inhibiting religion. See id. at 304. The question is: would a reasonable person believe that the display amounts to an endorsement of religion? “An important concern of the effects test is ... whether the symbolic union of church and state effected by the challenged governmental action is sufficiently likely to be perceived by adherents of the controlling denominations as an endorsement, and by the nonadherents as a disapproval, of their individual religious choices.” Id. at 305 (quotations omitted). Again, to answer these questions-we examine the content and context of the display. See id. at 304-06.
The State argues that the other statues and monuments help neutralize any religious message emanating from the Ten Commandments because they lend a historical context. It is true that the grounds house other statues and monuments, which certainly helps the State’s case because the grounds are somewhat akin to a museum, and “a typical museum setting, though not neutralizing the religious content of a religious painting, negates any message of endorsement of that content.” Lynch v. Donnelly,
The large limestone monument, weighing just under six tons and standing seven feet tall and four feet wide, will be a permanent fixture on the Statehouse grounds. Its very format conveys a religious message. The limestone blocks are tablet-shaped, so, particularly given its height, even from afar the religious nature of the monument is suggested to observers. The lettering of the Ten Commandments is larger (one inch capital lettering) than the Bill of Rights inscribed on the other side (five-eighths inch capital lettering), making the Commandments more prominent to observers. The State explains that the lettering sizes are difference because the Ten Commandments consists of fewer words than that of the Bill of Rights, and therefore, the lettering of the Bill of Rights is necessarily smaller so that it can fit on the face of the stone.
While this is an eminently reasonable reason, it is of no matter unless a reasonable observer would surmise such, which we doubt. But, even if a reasonable observer would surmise such, the fact that
The placement of the texts on different sides also inhibits observers from visually connecting the texts. We further hazard that since the texts are not visually connected, a reasonable observer would be hard-pressed to make any analytical connection between the texts, particularly since the planned monument lacks any marker explaining why these particular texts have been combined, although somewhat separately, on one slab of limestone. A reasonable observer would not necessаrily link all three of these texts to society’s legal development and history. A reasonable person will think religion, not history.
Nothing in the context of the monument itself or the surrounding grounds mitigates the religious message conveyed. The monument is a display distinct both in its placement by other statues and monuments and in its content. See generally County of Allegheny v. ACLU,
Moreover, an observer who views the entire monument may reasonably believe that it impermissibly links religion and law since the Bill of Rights and the 1851 Preamble are near the sacred text. This would signal that the state approved of such a link, and was sending a message of endorsement. See Books,
The permanence, content, design, and context of the monument amounts to the endorsement of religion by the state. Our holding is in regards to the likelihood of success on the merits based on the facts available to us at this preliminary stage, but we are hard-pressed to believe that a trial on the merits will support a different conclusion. See ACLU v. City of St. Charles,
CONCLUSION
We Affirm the district court’s entrance of the preliminary injunction, pending resolution on the merits.
Notes
. On May 29, 2001, the Supreme Court denied the petition for a writ of certiorari in our opinion in Books. See Elkhart v. Books, - U.S.-,
Even though the first two lines of the monument’s text appear in significantly larger font than the remainder, they are ignored by the dissenters. Those lines read: “THE TEN COMMANDMENTS — I AM the LORD thy GOD.” The graphic emphasis placed on those first lines is rather hard to square with the proposition that the monument expresses no particular religious preference ....
. Shortly after entrance of the preliminary injunction in this case, Representative Steele asked the President of the Lawrence County Commissioners, Timothy P. Terry, if the monument could be erected on the Lawrence County Courthouse lawn until a decision in this appeal was issued. The Commission voted to accept the monument for displаy. Not surprisingly, the erection of the monument on the Courthouse lawn spurred the filing of an
Dissenting Opinion
dissenting.
I do not disagree with the majority’s presentation of the facts at issue before us. The state of Indiana plans to erect a monument on Indiana Statehouse grounds that is to be engraved on various sides with the Ten Commandments, the Bill of Rights, and the Preamble to the Indiana Constitution (“Preamble”) on its sides. The plan to erect the monument originated after vandals destroyed a monument inscribed with the Ten Commandments, which had previously stood on the Statehouse grounds since 1958. I respectfully dissent because I believe that applying Lemon and its progeny should lead us to the conclusion that the proposed monument by the State
I. Lemon Test
In Lemon v. Kurizman,
The Lemon test continues to be criticized. See, e.g., Santa Fe Indep. Sch. Dist v. Doe,
Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of religion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof.
U.S. Const., amend. I (emphasis added).
The Establishment Clause was intended to prohibit the establishment of a national church and also to prohibit the Federal Government from preferring one religious denomination over others. See Wallace v. Jaffree,
Judges and legal scholars agree that the Lemon test has led to inconsistent results. See Wallace,
A. Secular Purpose
Under Lemon, the government’s challenged practice must have a secular purpose. In determining whether a secular purpose exists, the Supreme Court merely rеquires that the displays not be “motivated wholly by religious considerations.” Lynch,
The majority concludes that “[t]he Ten Commandments is still an inherently religious text, and ... that the State [of Indiana] has not articulated a valid secular justification for planning to erect the monument.” The Commandments are a “sacred text in the Jewish and Christian faiths,” concerning, in part, the “religious duties of believers.” Stone v. Graham,
The text of the Ten Commandments “no doubt has played a role in the secular development of our society and can no doubt be presented by the government as playing such a role in our civic order.” Books v. City of Elkhart,
Here, the State of Indiana has architecturally blended the text of the Ten Commandments with two other important legal texts — the United States Bill of Rights and the Preamble to the Indiana Constitution (not to mention the twelve other secular monuments with which it would share the Statehouse lawn). The explicit language of the Preamble further reflects the secular message of the monument. The Preamble to the Indiana constitution states three goals: 1) for “justice [to] be established”; 2) for “public order [to be] maintained”; and 3) for “liberty [to be] perpetuated”. The three goals espoused by the Preamble, reinforced by the freedoms contained in the Bill of Rights, clearly serve to secularize the monument, memorializing the cornerstones of our civilization’s law.
The majority somehow suggests that the design and construction of the monument belies any intention to convey a secular message. Respectfully, I am forced to disagree. It seems to me that the majority is overly concerned with the design of the monument. This court, nor any other court, should not be in the business of monument design. If the State of Indiana believes that it is aesthetically pleasing (or more conducive to conveying a historical message) to erect the monument as designed, it should be permitted to do so without the court making the assumption based only on a foundation of quicksand that a reasonable observer will glance only at a single side or glance only at the side bearing the larger letters. I believe that a court’s inquiry should focus on the reasonable observer viewing the display in its entirety, and not on an observer’s potential misperception of an isolated aspect of the display. When any person focuses on only one particular aspect of a monument or display to the exclusion of the other aspects it will distort even the most reasonable observer’s opinion. It seems far more reasonable to assume that a person taking the time to gaze .uрon the beautiful edifice will look at all three sides, and draw conclusions from the whole — which presents three important steps in the development of the law as they affect 1) the people of the world; 2) the citizens of the United States; and 3) the citizens of the State of Indiana.
Further, because the Preamble to the Indiana Constitution would occupy the smaller side of the monument between the Ten Commandments and the Bill of Rights, its message, “that justice be established, public order maintained, and liberty peiyetuMted,” would link the Ten Commandments with the Bill of Rights and convey a secular message of the fundamental legal principles which form the basis of our national history and culture.
Indiana Governor O’Bannon explicitly articulated the secular purpose of the monument, stating that it was to be “an integral part of the Statehouse setting, which honors the history of our state and our nation.” The Governor’s March 14, 2000, press release further stated that the Ten Commandments “stood on the Statehouse lawn as a reminder of some of our nation’s core values ... [and that] [s]oon those words will stand alongside the abiding principals of our form of government, es
We are “normally deferential” to “artie-ulation[s] of secular purpose,” so long as they are “sincere and not a sham.” Edwards v. Aguillard,
The majority attempts to downplay Governor O’Bannon’s press release, stating that reminding society of its “core values” is akin to the purpose of providing a “code of conduct” rejected in Books. But this is not the same case as Books, and “[ejvery government practice must be judged in its unique circumstances.... ” Allegheny,
Nevertheless, the majority here, partially based on the recent decision in Books,
I believe that the proposed monument conveys a secular message that honors and pays due homage to our nation’s legal history. Accordingly, I would hold that the monument satisfies the first prong of the Lemon test requiring a valid secular purpose.
B. Principal or Primary Effect
The second prong of Lemon focuses on whether the government’s practice has the principal or primary effect of advancing or inhibiting religion. Freedom from Religion Foundation, Inc. v. City of Marshfield,
Even recent decisions of the Supreme Court have looked favorably upon the constitutionality of government displays of purely religious symbols — a creche and a menorah — when those symbols were part of a larger display, as in the factual situation before us. See Lynch,
As Lynch and Allegheny teach, the inquiry into whether the display of a religious symbol violates the Establishment Clause turns upon the "context in which the symbol appears. In this case, the Ten Commandments is not the only text to be inscribed on the monument, but instead is only one portion of the display, to be accompanied the Bill of Rights and the Preamble to the State of Indiana’s Constitution.
The majority curiously suggests, however, that an observer who views the entire display may reasonably believe that it links religion and law since the Bill of Rights and the Preamble are near the Commandments. The cases the majority cites for this proposition are distinguishable. In Books,
Moreover, the layout of monuments that adorn the Statehouse lawn also serves to diminish any perceived endorsement of religion that may allegedly flow from the monument at issue. The proposed monument would share the Statehouse lawn with twelve other monuments — all wholly secular in nature, thereby emphasizing the secular aspects not only of the proposed monument but of the entire designated area. For instance, among the twelve other monuments are busts and statues of historic figures — Christopher Columbus, George Washington, and Robert Dalе Owen. There are statues of former Indiana Governors Thomas A. Hindricks and Oliver H.P. Morton. There are monuments commemorating historic events and ideals of liberty — two Civil War friezes and two monuments dedicated to the National Road. There is also a statue of a coal miner to honor Indiana’s coal mining history and a marker honoring the Statehouse itself. In short the Statehouse lawn is an area dedicated to monuments that pay due homage to both the state’s and the nation’s history that serves to situate the monument in an appropriate cultural and historical context.
As the Supreme Court clearly noted in Lynch, in applying the second prong of the Lemon test a court should not focus exclusively on the religious symbol, but within the context in which the symbol appears. Lynch,
The majority suggests that the other monuments would be too far away to contribute to the secular message of the proposed monument. I fail to see what effect the distance between the mоnuments upon the very beautiful plot of land has upon our analysis. Indeed the proposed monument is not given a special place on the Statehouse lawn any more than any of the other memorial edifices. Instead, it would be merely just one of a number (12) of monuments on the lawn. In my view, the vastness of the grounds, coupled with the number and diversity of the subject matter of the monuments, dilutes even the slightest perceived endorsement of religion flowing from the proposed monument. Accordingly, I conclude that the proposed monument does not constitute an endorsement of religion. Because it also satisfies and fits within the parameters of the other prongs of Lemon, I would further hold that it does not violate the Establishment Clause.
II. Historical Practices
Even if the proposed monument was found not to satisfy the requirements of Lemon, which I am convinced it does, I still would dissent from the majority’s opinion. Where a religious symbol has a landmark foundation and meaning in the history of our country the Supreme Court has side-stepped the strictures of Lemon to avoid a result contrary to the clear intent of the Framers of the Constitution. Then-Justice Rehnquist discussed at length the history and intent of the Framers who crafted the First Amendment in Wallace,
Our Nation’s history is replete with religious symbols “linked” in some way to the government. Indeed, George Washington, at the request of the Congress that passed the Bill of Rights, proclaimed, Thanksgiving to be a day of “prayer to be observed by acknowledging with grateful hearts the many and signal favors of Almighty God.” See id.,
Washington’s and Jefferson’s examples have been followed as the practice of Congressional prayer has continued uninterrupted since the very first Congress. Moreover, each Congress elects (and pays a salary to) a Chaplain to preside over this practice. See Marsh v. Chambers,
The proposed monument’s reference to the Ten Commandments is much like other references (that have been deemed not to violate the Constitution) to God as set forth in the Christian history of our country — not an endorsement of religion, but merely an'acknowledgment of the historical fact 'that the Ten Commandments served as an integral part of the foundation for our counti’y’s legal system. Because of the Ten Commandments’ history and ubiquity, I believe that even if the monument would somehow fail the strictures of Lemon, Indiana’s proposed monument as determined herein does not violate the Establishment Clause.
III. Conclusion
The majority’s decision, similar to that in Books,
In my view, the proposed three-subject monument inscribed with the Ten Commandments, the Bill of Rights, and the Preamble to the Indiana Constitution, does not offend the Constitution. Instead, it serves as a well-deserved recognition of our country’s legal, historical, and religious roots. Any possible endorsement of religion is diluted by the monument’s placement on the Statehouse lawn with at least twelve other secular monuments memorializing and honoring the state’s and nation’s history.
Samuel Smith wrote My Country, ’Tis of Thee in 1831 and concluded his epic with the following lines:
Our fathers’ Gоd, to thee, Author of liberty, To thee we sing;
Long may our land be bright, With freedom’s holy light.
Protect us by thy might, Great God, our King!
Does Samuel Smith’s song no longer represent the very values upon which this country was founded, and indeed, where government officials are forbidden to sing of the liberty about which Smith cherished above all else, simply because it refers to religion?
I therefore respectfully Dissent from the court’s holding that Indiana’s proposed monument violates the Establishment Clause or constitutes an establishment of religion, and thus would ReveRse the district court’s grant of the preliminary injunction.
. While I obviously recognize the constitutional distinction between state and private action, I am surprised that the First Amendment has been used at times to protect pornography (and those who distribute and possess it) and private religious proselytization, while at the same time also been used to prohibit well-intentioned communities from expressing their understanding of our nation’s history and culture and from making any reference to God. Indeed, people can receive pornography through the mail, over the internet, on their televisions because of the simple premise that one may turn it off. But wouldn't a person passing the proposed monument also be free to believe whatever he or she wants, to pass it by and thereby turn it off? In my opinion, the pornography available on the internet (often sent unsolicited) and religious proselytizers who come to people’s homes seems far more invasive and difficult to “turn off” than a monument that sits passively among a beautiful grassy lawn adorned with monuments that honor the history of our nation and also the State of Indiana.
. Indeed, if one extends plaintiffs' theory of the case to its logical extreme, not only must every public monument be shorn оf religious reference, but many of the nation’s most revered documents must be cleansed as well. If the Ten Commandments are deemed constitutionally offensive, how can one justify the rich religious traditions of our nation established in government practices including the opening of a Congressional session or the opening of this court with a prayer; similarly, how can one justify the religious references as found in innumerable public documents, including the Declaration of Independence (which declares God as the source of our rights) or the Constitutions to 46 out of the 50 states (which include references to "God,” "Almighty God,” and the "Supreme Ruler of the Universe,” and with notable frequency refer to God as the author or source of human rights and liberties). A policy that tolerates religion does not improperly endorse it. See Chandler,