Lead Opinion
Opinion for the Court filed by Circuit Judge TATEL.
Concurring opinion filed by Circuit Judge HARRY T. EDWARDS.
Dissenting opinion filed by Circuit Judge RANDOLPH.
The Vice President of the United States and others, all defendants in this suit under the Federal Advisory Committee Act, petition for a writ of mandamus vacating the district court’s discovery orders, directing the district court to rule on the basis of the administrative record, and ordering dismissal of the Vice President as a party. Petitioners, however, have failed to satisfy the heavy burden required to justify the extraordinary remedy of mandamus: Their challenges to the district court’s legal rulings can be fully considered on appeal following final judgment, and their claims of harm can, at least at this stage of the litigation, be fully cured in the district court. We therefore dismiss the petition. The Vice President has also filed an inter-
I.
Shortly after his inauguration, President George W. Bush issued a memorandum establishing the National Energy Policy Development Group (NEPDG), a task force charged with “develop[ing] ... a national energy policy designed to help the private sector, and government at all levels, promote dependable, affordable, and environmentally sound production and distribution of energy for the future.” Mem. Establishing National Energy Policy Development Group, Jan. 29, 2001. Established within the Office of the President and chaired by Vice President Richard B. Cheney, the task force consisted of six cabinet secretaries, as well as several agency heads and assistants to the President. Id. The memorandum authorized the Vice President to invite “other officers of the Federal Government” to participate “as appropriate.” Id. Five months later, the NEPDG issued a final report recommending a set of energy policies. See NATIONAL ENERGY POLICY DEVELOPMENT GROUP, National Energy Polioy: Repoet of the National EneRgy Policy Development Group (2001), available at http://www. whitehouse.gov/energy/National-Energy-Policy.pdf.
On July 16, 2001, Judicial Watch, a nonprofit organization that seeks “to promote and protect the public interest in matters of public concern,” Second Am. Compl. ¶ 3 (Judicial Watch Compl.), filed suit in the United States District Court for the District of Columbia against the NEPDG, the Vice President, other federal officials, and several private individuals, alleging that the NEPDG had failed to comply with the procedural requirements of the Federal Advisory Committee Act (FACA), 5 U.S.CApp. 2. Enacted to “control the growth and operation of the ‘numerous committees, boards, commissions, councils, and similar groups which have been established to advise officers and agencies in the executive branch of the Federal Government,”’ Ass’n of Am. Physicians & Surgeons, Inc. v. Clinton,
Although the President appointed only federal government officials to the NEPDG and authorized the Vice President to add additional “federal officials,” Judicial Watch alleges that “non-federal employees, including Thomas Kuhn, Kenneth Lay, Marc Racicot, Haley Barbour, representatives of the Clean Power Group, and other private lobbyists ..., regularly attended and fully participated in non-public meetings of the NEPDG as if they were members of the NEPDG, and, in fact, were members of the NEPDG.” Judicial Watch Compl. ¶ 25; see AAPS,
Before proceedings commenced in the district court, the Sierra Club, a nonprofit group seeking “to practice and promote the responsible use of the Earth’s resources and ecosystems,” filed a virtually identical lawsuit in the United States District Court for the Northern District of California. Compl. ¶ 3. The Sierra Club’s suit was subsequently transferred to the district court here and consolidated with Judicial Watch’s.
All defendants moved to dismiss, arguing, among other things, that FACA does not authorize a private cause of action, that the Vice President cannot be sued under the APA, and that “[a]pplication of FACA to the NEPDG’s operations would directly interfere with the President’s express constitutional authority including his responsibility to recommend legislation to Congress and his power to require opinions of his department heads.” Mem. in Support of Mot. to Dismiss at 3 (D.D.C. Mar. 8, 2002). Amplifying this latter point, defendants argued that “such an expansive reading of FACA would encroach upon the President’s constitutionally protected interest in receiving confidential advice from his chosen advisers, an interest that is also rooted in the principle of separation of powers.” Id. Although the district court agreed that no private cause of action exists under FACA and recognized that the Vice President cannot be sued under the APA, it ruled that FACA could be enforceable through mandamus. Judicial Watch, Inc. v. Nat’l Energy Policy Dev. Group,
After denying defendants’ motion to dismiss, the district court approved plaintiffs’ discovery plan and directed the government to “fully comply- with the[] requests,” “file detailed and precise objections to particular requests,” or “identify and explain their invocations of privilege with particularity.” Order Approving Disc. Plan at 2 (D.D.C. Aug. 2, 2002). In response and on behalf of all federal defendants except the Vice President, the government produced some 36,000 pages of documents. On behalf of the Vice President, the government filed a motion for a protective order, arguing that discovery against the Vice President would violate the separation of powers and seeking permission to file a motion for summary judgment based on the “administrative record.” According to the government, the administrative record consists of the President’s memorandum creating the NEPDG, the NEPDG’s final report, and an affidavit by Karen Knutson, Deputy Assistant to the Vice President for Domestic Policy. Sub
Although the district court acknowledged that “[i]n APA cases, discovery is normally frowned upon,” it stated that it would not consider a motion for summary judgment until after discovery, explaining that “this case isn’t the typical case, where you have a significant administrative record.” Tr. of Status Hr’g at 13:17-23 (D.D.C. Aug. 2, 2002). The court therefore denied the government’s motion for a protective order and directed defendants to “produce non-privileged documents and a privilege log.” Order Den. Mots, for Reeons. and Protective Order at 1 (D.D.C. Oct. 17, 2002). The court informed the parties that it was considering either reviewing allegedly privileged information in camera or appointing a special master, such as a retired judge, to review privilege claims. Tr. of Omnibus Mots. Hr’g at 4:15-5:12 (D.D.C. Oct. 17, 2002).
Instead of responding to plaintiffs’ discovery requests and filing a privilege log, defendants asked the district court to certify an interlocutory appeal pursuant to 28 U.S.C. § 1292(b). The district court declined, Mem. Op. and Order (D.D.C. Nov. 27, 2002), and defendants filed in this court an emergency motion for writ of mandamus pursuant to 28 U.S.C. § 1651 seeking an order “vacating] the discovery orders issued by the district court, directing] the court to decide the ease on the basis of the administrative record and such supplemental affidavits as it may require, and directing] that the Vice President be dismissed as a defendant.” Emergency Pet. for Writ of Mandamus at 20. The Vice President also filed a notice of appeal from the district court’s order denying the motion to dismiss and from the various discovery orders. Plaintiffs opposed the mandamus petition and filed a motion to dismiss the interlocutory appeal. We granted an administrative stay and heard oral argument on April 17, 2003.
Now before us are the petition for a writ of mandamus and the plaintiffs’ motion to dismiss the appeal. We address each in turn.
II.
In considering the petition for a writ of mandamus, we are bound by well-established rules of both the Supreme Court and this court. “The remedy of mandamus,” the Supreme Court has explained, “is a drastic one, to be invoked only in extraordinary situations.” Kerr v. United States Dist. Court,
In Kerr, the Supreme Court explained the policy underlying the limited nature of mandamus relief:
[P]articularly in an era of excessively crowded lower court dockets, it is in the interest of the fair and prompt administration of justice to discourage piecemeal litigation. It has been Congress’ determination since the Judiciary Act of 1789 that as a general rule ‘appellate review should be postponed ... until after final judgment has been rendered by the trial court.’ A judicial readiness to issue the writ of mandamus in anything less than an extraordinary situation would run the real risk of defeating the very policies sought to be furthered by that judgment of Congress.
Kerr,
Consistent with these principles, in determining whether mandamus is warranted, we consider “whether the party seeking the writ has any other adequate means, such as a direct appeal, to attain the desired relief,” and “whether that party will be harmed in a way not correctable on appeal.” Nat’l Ass’n of Criminal Def. Lawyers, Inc. v. United States Dep’t of Justice,
Our recent decision in In re Executive Office of the President,
Noting that “[a]lmost the entire thrust of [the government’s] petition is that the District Court erred in concluding that the White House is subject to the Privacy Act,” we explained that “[e]ven assuming, arguendo, that the District Court’s holding on the scope of the Privacy Act is clear error, mandamus relief is not warranted in this case. This is so because, on the record at hand, there has been no showing of harm of the sort required to justify the drastic remedy of mandamus.” Id. at 23. Further, although acknowledging that “ ‘disclosure [of highly privileged material] followed by appeal after final judgment is obviously not adequate in such cases—the cat is out of the bag,’ ” id. (bracketed material in original), we observed that “[i]n the normal course, ... mandamus is not available to review a discovery order,” id. We then denied the request for mandamus, explaining that the government “offered ... no argument that it is even entitled to the privileges,” and that “[a]b-sent a viable claim that some important privilege will be infringed if discovery is allowed to proceed, this court has no jurisdiction to review the interlocutory order on this ground.” Id. at 23-24. As to the government’s fear that the district court might hold White House staff in criminal contempt, we explained, “the District Court has no free-wheeling authority to run the affairs of the White House with
With this case law in mind, we consider the petition for writ of mandamus. Petitioners first argue that by allowing broad discovery into “the inner workings of the executive including the Vice President,” Emergency Pet. for Writ of Mandamus at 12, on nothing more than a “mere allegation of ... unofficial non-government” participation in the work of the NEPDG, the district court has “brought to the fore the substantial constitutional questions it sought to avoid,” id. at 14. Petitioners therefore ask that we direct the district court to decide the case on the basis of the administrative record. For two reasons, we may not do so.
First, as petitioners concede, plaintiffs’ cause of action against the Vice President arises not under the APA, but under the Mandamus Act. 28 U.S.C. § 1361. Cf. Chamber of Commerce v. Reich,
As respondents point out, we faced a similar issue in AAPS. There, plaintiffs alleged that another presidential committee — President Clinton’s Task Force on National Health Care Reform — failed to follow FACA’s procedural requirements. We held that in determining the applicability of FACA section 3(2)’s exemption for meetings of full-time government officials, we would look beyond formal membership to whether persons described as consultants “may still be properly described as memberfs] of an advisory committee if [their] involvement and role are functionally indistinguishable from those of the other members.” AAPS,
Second, and most important given the interlocutory status of this case, even were there some doubt about-the district
Petitioners’ primary claim of harm is that “in the circumstances of this case, ... extending the legislative and judicial powers to compel a Vice President to disclose to private persons the details of the process by which a President obtains information and advice from the Vice President raises separation of powers problems of the first order.” Emergency Pet. for Writ of Mandamus at 4. Under the circumstances of this case, however, this argument is premature. Far from “orderfing] extensive disclosure of communications between senior executive branch officials and those with information relevant to advice that was being formulated for the President,” Reply to Appellees’ Resp. to Emergency Pet. for Writ of Mandamus at 1, the district court ordered defendants to produce “non-privileged documents and a privilege log.” Order Den. Mots, for Recons. and Protective Order at 1 (D.D.C. Oct. 17, 2002). Petitioners neither produced a privilege log nor, as directed by the district court’s earlier order, did they invoke “privileges with particularity.” Order Approving Disc. Plan at 2 (D.D.C. Aug. 2, 2002). If mandamus was inappropriate in Executive Office of the President, where the President had asserted but failed to justify asserted privileges, it is certainly unjustified here, where petitioners have yet to assert a privilege in the district court. “Absent a viable claim that some important privilege will be infringed if discovery is allowed to proceed, this court has no jurisdiction to review the interlocutory order.” In re Executive Office of the President,
Moreover, petitioners’ concerns about the potential disclosure of privileged information are fully addressable in the district court or, if necessary, in a later proceeding here. If, in response to the district court’s discovery order, petitioners choose to invoke executive or any other privilege, that court, keeping in mind the need to “accord[ ] high respect to the representations made on behalf of the President,” United States v. Nixon,
Petitioners next argue that in order to protect the separation of powers, the “President should not be forced to ‘consider the privilege question’ in response to unnecessarily broad or otherwise improper discovery.” Emergency Pet. for Writ of Mandamus at 15 (internal citation omitted). We see two answers to this argument. First, executive privilege is itself designed to protect the separation of powers. “The privilege,” the Supreme Court explained in United States v. Nixon, “is fundamental to the operation of Government and inextricably rooted in the separation of powers under the Constitution.” Nixon,
The second answer to petitioners’ argument is that their worry about “unnecessarily broad” discovery can be resolved in the district court. According to petitioners, discovery is excessive because (1) they have already produced some 36,000 pages worth of documents and (2) the discovery “compelled by the district court would result in even more sweeping intrusions into the Vice President’s office than would result from the remedies available if plaintiffs were to prevail on the merits of their suit.” Emergency Pet. for Writ of Mandamus at 4.
The district court has already addressed the first concern. In its order approving plaintiffs’ discovery plan, the district court expressly stated: “[Sjhould defendants believe that documents or information that they have already released to plaintiffs in different fora are responsive to these discovery requests, defendants shall bear the burden of identifying with detailed precision what information or documents have been so released, and to which discovery requests they believe the information or documents to be responsive.” Order Approving Disc. Plan at 2 (Aug. 2, 2002). Petitioners have yet to avail themselves of this aspect of the district court’s order.
Petitioners’ second concern is well taken. If the district court ultimately determines’ that the NEPDG is subject to FACA, plaintiffs would be entitled to “rec
Plaintiffs’ discovery also goes well beyond what they need to prove, as they allege, that FACA applies to the NEPDG, i.e., that non-federal officials participated to the extent that they were effectively NEPDG members. For example, plaintiffs have no need for the names of “all ... persons” who participated in the Task Force’s activities, nor “a description of [each] person’s role in the activities of the Task Force.” They must discover only whether non-federal officials participated, and if so, to what extent. Nor do plaintiffs require “[a]ll documents identifying or referring to any staff, personnel, contractors, consultants or employees of the Task Force.” Rather, they need only documents referring to the involvement of non-federal officials.
Although petitioners did raise the question of excessive discovery in the district court, they did so in support of their plea for a “protective order relieving [defendants] of any obligation to respond to plaintiffs’ discovery.” Mem. in Supp. of Defs.’ Mot. for a Protective Order and for Recons, at 21 (D.D.C. Sept. 3, 2002) (emphasis added). As far as we can tell, petitioners never asked the district court to narrow discovery to those matters plaintiffs need to support their allegation that FACA applies to the NEPDG. Moreover, we are confident that the district court, whose pending discovery order invites petitioners to file “objections,” will, consistent with the judiciary’s responsibility to police the separation of powers in litigation involving the executive, respond to petitioners’ concern and narrow discovery to ensure that plaintiffs obtain no more than they need to prove their case.
In thus relying on the district court to protect petitioners from harm, we are following closely in the Supreme Court’s footsteps in Kerr. There, the Court affirmed the Court of Appeals’ denial of a writ of mandamus sought by a state agency challenging a district court’s order granting a motion to compel discovery. Even though “the opinion below might be regarded as ambiguous,” the Court explained, “we are fortified in our reading of it by a recognition of the serious consequences which could flow from an unwarranted failure to grant petitioners the opportunity to have the documents reviewed by the trial judge in camera before being compelled to turn them over.” Kerr,
In sum, petitioners have not satisfied the heavy burden necessary to obtain a writ of mandamus. Their legal challenges to the district court’s refusal to proceed on the basis of the administrative record and to dismiss the Vice President can be fully addressed, untethered by anything we have said here, on appeal following final judgment. In the meantime, narrow, carefully focused discovery will fully protect the Vice President: Either the Vice President will have no need to claim privilege, or if he does, then the district court’s express willingness to entertain privilege claims and to review allegedly privileged documents in camera will prevent any harm. Moreover, such measures will enable the district court to resolve the statutory question — whether FACA applies to the NEPDG — without “sweeping intrusions into the Presidency and Vice Presidency.” Emergency Pet. for Writ of Mandamus at 8. And if after limited discovery, it turns out that no non-federal personnel participated as de facto NEPDG members, the district court will never have to face the serious constitutional issue lurking in this case — whether FACA can be constitutionally applied to the President and Vice President. If, on the other hand, the district court not only determines that FACA applies to the NEPDG, but also rejects petitioners’ constitutional challenge to the application of the Act, both issues can be fully addressed on appeal following final judgment.
We end with some comments about the dissent. According to the dissent, AAPS is wrong, General Services Administration regulations preclude the de facto membership theory, the district court is without jurisdiction, and the case should be remanded with instructions to dismiss. We may not reach these issues for several reasons. To begin with, AAPS is circuit law binding on this panel. As we have explained:
The “decision of a [panel]” is “the decision of the court.” Were matters otherwise, the finality of our appellate decisions would yield to constant conflicts within the circuit. One three-judge panel, therefore, does not have the authority to overrule another three-judge panel of the court. That power may be exercised only by the full court, either through an in banc decision, or pursuant to the more informal practice adopted in Irons v. Diamond[,670 F.2d 265 (D.C.Cir.1981)].
LaShawn v. Barry,
Even were we not bound by AAPS, we could not consider the dissent’s arguments because petitioners raised not one of them — not in the district court, not in their appellate briefs, not even at oral argument. Instead, petitioners argue that AAPS is distinguishable, not wrong; they never mention the GSA regulations; and they argue that the constitutional questions can be avoided by remanding to the district court with instructions to decide the case
Recognizing that appellate courts sit to resolve only legal questions presented and argued by the parties, the dissent maintains that we must nevertheless address these new arguments because they go to the jurisdiction of the district court. Specifically, pointing out that the only viable claim against the Vice President rests on mandamus, the dissent argues that given the constitutional concerns and the GSA regulations, plaintiffs have no “ ‘clear and indisputable’ right to relief.” Dissent at 2 (citation omitted). The defect in this argument is that it ignores AAPS. Because that decision holds that FACA permits a cause of action on the “de facto membership” theory, the district court “clear[ly]” has jurisdiction to entertain plaintiffs’ mandamus action. Plaintiffs may or may not prevail, but under the law of this circuit, the district court’s jurisdiction is not in doubt. According to the dissent’s theory, moreover, all statutory defenses to mandamus actions become jurisdictional, allowing defendants who fail to prevail on motions to dismiss to seek immediate appellate review. Nothing in our case law supports' such a result.
The arguments raised by the dissent are also premature. Following limited discovery, the district court may find, as the Knutson affidavit claims, that no non-federal personnel participated in the NEPDG’s activities. That would end the case, leaving no need to address the constitutional issues raised by the dissent. If, on the other hand, discovery reveals some degree of participation by non-federal personnel, then the district court will have to decide whether that participation amounts to de facto membership. Only if the participation in fact amounts to such membership will the court have to resolve the constitutional issue—subject, of course, to appellate review following final judgment.
The dissent contends that mandamus relief is nevertheless required because even though petitioners have made no claim of privilege, the mere need to assert privilege will “distraet[ ] and divert[ ] [the President] from the performance of his constitutional duties and responsibilities.” Dissent at 8. This argument too is foreclosed by circuit precedent. As we held in Executive Office of the President, mandamus relief is inappropriate “[a]bsent a viable claim that some important privilege will be infringed if discovery is allowed to proceed.”
Finally, and contrary to the dissent, we are confident that this opinion fully responds to the constitutional arguments presented in this case. As we have explained, petitioners’ primary argument—-that the broad discovery plaintiffs seek will violate the separation of powers'—is premature. Petitioners have yet to invoke executive privilege, which is itself designed to protect the separation of powers, see infra p. 1105, and the narrow discovery we expect the district court to allow may avoid the need for petitioners even to invoke the privilege. Petitioners also argue that applying FACA to the NEPDG would itself violate the separation of powers. As we have explained, resolution of this issue is also premature, for it-assumes the answer to the question the district court has yet to resolve: Is the NEPDG a FACA advisory committee? Not until the district court answers that question and only if it determines that the NEPDG is in fact an advisory committee will that constitutional question be ripe for
III.
The Vice President’s appeal of the district court’s denial of the motion to dismiss and discovery orders requires little discussion. In general, only final orders are appealable. 28 U.S.C. § 1291. Circuit courts have jurisdiction over interlocutory appeals if the requirements of the collateral order doctrine apply, that is, if the challenged order “finally determined claims of right separable from, and collateral to, rights asserted in the action, too important to be denied review and too independent of the cause itself to require that appellate consideration be deferred until the whole case is adjudicated.” Cohen v. Beneficial Indus. Loan Corp.,
Largely for the reasons given above, none of the orders the Vice President seeks to appeal satisfies the collateral order doctrine. See In re Sealed Case,
This case is very different. Because the Vice President has yet to invoke executive privilege, we are not confronted with the “unseemly” prospect of forcing him to choose between either (1) disclosing allegedly privileged information and appealing following final judgment after the “cat is out of the bag,” or (2) refusing to disclose and going into criminal contempt in order to create an appealable order. Absent this constitutionally troubling choice, Nixon is inapplicable.
At oral argument, the government contended that applying Nixon to this ease would amount to a “modest extension.” Tr. of Oral Arg. at 5:10. We disagree. Including the Vice President’s appeal within Nixon’s ambit would convert a narrow exception designed to protect fundamental privileges into a blanket exception to the collateral order rule in suits against the executive. This court has no authority to “extend” the law beyond its well-prescribed bounds.
IV.
The petition for mandamus is dismissed and the motion to dismiss the appeal is granted.
So ordered.
Concurrence Opinion
concurring:
I concur in the majority opinion, because, in my view, it faithfully adheres to the law of the circuit and correctly decides
The Government comes to this court seeking mandamus or collateral order review on an interlocutory appeal, to block discovery, having never claimed that any of the disputed material is privileged and having never responded to the District Court’s invitation to specify their objections to the disputed discovery orders. The Government merely claims that interlocutory review is appropriate because this case implicates “separation of powers” issues. This is an extraordinary proposition. There is no legal authority of which-I am aware - and the Government cites none - to support jurisdiction in this court.
I suspect that, on remand, the Government may be able effectively to challenge the breadth of the disputed discovery order. I also suspect that, once these objections have been raised, the District Court will tailor the discovery order. Until the Government voices its objections, however, this court has no jurisdiction to meddle' in a dispute over a discovery issue that should properly be resolved by the District Court in the first instance.
Under 28 U.S.C. § 1291, discovery orders are appealable only after entry of final judgment in the underlying case, or under the “collateral order” doctrine upon entry of an order holding the litigant in criminal contempt. See Byrd v. Reno,
Rather, this case focuses principally on the Government’s request for mandamus relief. Mandamus “is reserved for extraordinary circumstances in which the petitioner demonstrates that his right to issuance of the writ is clear and indisputable and that no other adequate means to obtain relief exist.” Byrd,
The Government suggests that interlocutory review is appropriate here, because the District Court is bound to consider
The decision in AAPS is perfectly consistent with both Overton Park and the law of this circuit. In Commercial Drapery Contractors, Inc. v. United States,
Overton Park and Commercial Drapery make it clear that the exception to the rule of no discovery in APA cases is wider than bad faith. Thus, the absence of any showing of bad faith in this case is immaterial, because plaintiffs here seek discovery on the ground that the administrative record is inadequate for judicial review. And there is no serious doubt here - just as there was none in AAPS - that the bare administrative record does not allow for meaningful judicial review of plaintiffs’ claim. Therefore, reasonable and carefully tailored discovery is legally permissible and entirely appropriate in this case. See AAPS,
As the opinion for the majority correctly notes, this case is controlled by our decision in In re Executive Office of the President,
I respectfully disagree with the dissent’s argument that we should instead dismiss plaintiffs’ case because the District Court lacks mandamus jurisdiction over plaintiffs’ claim. As the dissent correctly acknowledges, AAPS is the law of this circuit, and we are bound by it, as is the District Court. Under AAPS, plaintiffs clearly had a basis for seeking relief in the District Court ordering the Government to comply with FACA. The dissenting opinion cites a General Services Administration (“GSA”) regulation, 41 C.F.R. 101-6.1003 (2000), to suggest that the “de facto member doctrine” of AAPS is misguided. This argument might be tenable if the court in AAPS was obliged to give deference to GSA’s interpretation of FACA. But the Supreme Court in Public Citizen v. U.S. DOJ,
Finally, most of the arguments raised in the dissenting opinion have never been presented to the District Court and they were not raised for consideration in the Government’s brief to this court or in the oral argument before this court. In other words, the dissent’s position rests on a view of FACA that has never been urged by the Government. “Certainly there are circumstances in which a federal appellate court is justified in resolving an issue not passed on below, as where the proper resolution is beyond any doubt, or where ‘injustice might otherwise result.’ Suffice it to say that this is not such a case.” Singleton v. Wulff,
For the foregoing reasons, I concur in the opinion for the majority.
Dissenting Opinion
dissenting:
My disagreement with the majority is about not only its logic but also its starting points, one of the most prominent of which is derived from Ass’n of American Physicians & Surgeons, Inc. v. Clinton,
The case comes to us in a peculiar posture. We have mandamus on top of mandamus. Both sides have invoked the All Writs Act, 28 U.S.C. § 1361. The federal officers have petitioned this court for a writ of mandamus barring discovery. In the district court, plaintiffs sought a writ of mandamus ordering the federal officers to comply with FACA.
“The President ... may require the Opinion, in writing, of the principal Officer in each of the executive Departments, upon any Subject relating to the Duties of their respective Offices.... ” U.S. Const. art. II, § 2, cl. 1.
In January 2001 President Bush sought advice on energy policy. To that end, he established, in the Executive Office of the President, the National Energy Policy Development Group. The President named to this task force the Vice President; the Secretaries of Treasury, Interi- or, Agriculture, Commerce, Transportation, and Energy; the Director of the Federal Emergency Management Agency; the Administrator of the Environment Protection Agency; and three Assistants to the President. The President authorized the Vice President to invite “as appropriate, other officers of the Federal Government.” The Group’s mission was to “develop a national energy policy designed to help the private sector” and State and local governments, “to gather information, deliberate, and ... make recommendations to the President.” In May 2001 the Group issued its recommendations to the President. The Group’s final report listed, as its members, the officials the President appointed in his January directive plus the Secretary of State and the Director of the Office of Management and Budget. See National EneRgy Polioy Development Group, National EneRgy
If the President’s Energy Policy Group were an “an advisory committee” within the meaning of FACA, the President was required to make its membership “fairly balanced.” 5 U.S.C.App. § 5(b)(2). If FACA applied, the Group should have filed a detailed “charter” with the General Services Administration (GSA) before the Group began operating. Id. § 9(c). It should have held its meetings open to the public and allowed interested persons to file comments. Id. § 10(a)(1). It should have given notice of its meetings in the Federal Register. Id. § 10(a)(2). It should have kept detailed minutes of each meeting and “a complete and accurate description of matters discussed and conclusions reached.” Id § 10(e). And it should have made available to the public its “records, reports, transcripts, minutes, appendixes, working papers, drafts, studies, agenda” and other documents. Id. § 10(b).
There is no doubt that these requirements would violate the separation of powers if they were imposed on all groups formed by the President for the purpose of providing him advice. See Bybee, supra. And so FACA contains an exemption for committees “established or utilized” by the President when the committees are “composed wholly of full-time ... officers or employees of the Federal Government.” 5 U.S.C.App. § 3(2). On the face of it, the Energy Policy Group, consisting only of high-level federal officials, was thus exempt from FACA.
But plaintiffs, relying on AAPS, alleged that the Group nevertheless was a FACA advisory committee. AAPS held that an outside consultant may “be properly described as a member of an advisory committee if his involvement and role are functionally indistinguishable from those of the other members,” thus rendering the entire committee subject to FACA.
It is this holding in AAPS that enabled plaintiffs - through allegations that private citizens were de facto members of the Energy Policy Group - to avoid a motion to dismiss, and it is this holding that led directly to the discovery order we have before us. Judicial Watch’s complaint names four private individuals and alleges that they “regularly attended and fully participated in non-public meeting of the [Energy Policy Group] as if they were members.” Judicial Watch Compl. at 8-9. The Sierra Club’s complaint is more general: it alleges that “[e]nergy industry executives, including multiple representatives of single energy companies, and other non-federal employees, attended meetings and participated in the activities of the Cheney Energy Task Force and Task Force SubGroups.” Sierra Club Compl. at 6. The allegations are on information and belief.
Given AAPS’s formulation, extensive discovery into the Executive Office of the President is inevitable. Functional equivalency, as AAPS contemplated, invites a comparative judgment. One cannot know whether a private individual acted like a member of a Presidential committee unless one knows how the members acted. And so plaintiffs proposed, and the district court approved, free range discovery: interrogatories asking for descriptions of all the activities of all individuals - members
My colleagues are confident that the district court can rein in the discovery, but I cannot see how this can be done in any non-arbitrary way. The AAPS opinion provides no standards. And my colleagues never articulate their conception of de fac-to membership. Left open is an extensive area to be explored in depositions, interrogatories, and document production. Consider just a few of the possibilities. Suppose it turns out that a private individual attended 6 of the Group’s 12 meetings. Would that make him a de facto member? Would it matter if discovery revealed that some of the members the President appointed attended the same number of, or even fewer, meetings? What if the private individual attended all meetings but did not speak, or was present only for a short period each time? Would it matter whether the private individual had a place at the table or sat on the side with the Group’s staff? Or whether the private individual attended only a few meetings, but was quite influential in the formulation of the final recommendations? Should there be discovery into what impact the person’s presence or statements had on the other members, and how would that discovery proceed? Suppose the private individual submitted memoranda or other documents. Is there to be discovery for the purpose of determining whether the other members of the Group took those documents into account in performing their information gathering function or in formulating their view of energy policy? (One of the complaints alleges that a corporate CEO handed the Vice President a three-page memorandum on the subject of energy.) Would it be of any consequence that the private person met individually with some of the members the President appointed? (There are also allegations to this effect.) And if so, is there to be discovery of who said what, and how this affected the work of the Group?
These problems and others are a direct result of AAPS and its lack of any principled standard for determining who is and who is not a de facto member of a Presidential committee. For the judiciary to permit this sort of discovery, authorized in the name of enforcing FACA - a statute providing no right of action, see supra note 1 - strikes me as a violation of the separation of powers. The intrusion into the inner workings of the Presidency, the disruption this intrusion is bound to entail, the probing of the mental processes of high-level Cabinet officers inherent in the type of discovery that AAPS sanctions, the deleterious impact on the advice the President needs to perform his constitutional duties - all this and more present “formidable constitutional difficulties,” as the Supreme Court acknowledged in Public Citizen v. Department of Justice,
The majority and concurring opinions, citing Citizens to Preserve Overton Park, Inc. v. Volpe,
The majority also maintains that there is no “harm” to the Presidency, that if discovery probes too extensively, all the federal officials need do is assert executive privilege or any other privilege that might be available. Maj. op. at 1103-1105. The unstated premise of the majority’s view is that the only potential harm would be in the revelation of privileged material and that the federal officers are fully capable of making sure this does not occur. If this
The majority’s no-harm proposition is especially ill founded in this case. The Energy Policy Group was part of the Executive Office of the President. If executive privilege is to be asserted, it therefore appears that the President must make the decision. “There must be a formal claim of privilege, lodged by the head of the department which has control over the matter, after actual personal consideration by that officer.” United States v. Reynolds,
If Congress, in order to ensure that outsiders did not have “undue influence,” had passed a law requiring all groups within the Executive Office of the President to disclose publicly not only their advice to the President but also all their records, I am confident the law would be struck down as a violation of the separation of powers. My confidence in the unconstitutionality of such a law is not lessened by the prospect that the President might resist some disclosure by invoking executive privilege. See Public Citizen,
Although more could be said, I will not dwell further on the constitutional problems raised by today’s decision. I believe those problems may be avoided on the basis of a regulation apparently not brought to the court’s attention in AAPS - a regulation that is contrary to the defacto member doctrine. Once that doctrine is east aside, as it surely must be, see McCreary v. Offner,
First, the regulation affects the mandamus jurisdiction of the district court. See Steel Co. v. Citizens for a Better Env’t,
The other reason is that relying on the regulation rather than the de facto member doctrine of AAPS avoids the constitutional difficulties this sort of FACA litigation poses, much in the same way the Supreme Court avoided those difficulties in Public Citizen,
In short, I would issue the writ of mandamus and send the case back to the district court with instructions to dismiss the complaints.
Notes
. Mandamus was the only basis upon which the actions could have proceeded in the district court. All agree that FACA does not itself create a cause of action. It is also clear that the Administrative Procedure Act, which plaintiffs invoked, does not apply. The alleged FACA "advisor committee” here was not an "agency” within the meaning of the APA. See Meyer v. Bush,
Why the majority analyzes (maj. op. at 1103) the adequacy of the administrative record in terms of the APA is therefore a mystery. Stranger still is the majority's insistence thát there even must be an administrative record. See supra pp. 1102-1103.
. None of the material sought in discovery here would be available through the Freedom of Information Act (FOIA). The Supreme Court held in Kissinger v. Reporters Committee for Freedom of the Press that FOIA does not cover "the President’s immediate personal staff or units in the Executive Office whose sole function is to advise and assist the President.”
. "Even on those rare occasions when [discovery pursuant to Overton Park] is appropriate, the district court is not engaged in ordinary fact-finding, but instead is filling in gaps in the record to determine what the agency actually did.” Marshall County Health Care Auth. v. Shalala,
.Even in APA cases, "if the reviewing court simply cannot evaluate the challenged agency action on the basis of the record before it, the proper course, except in rare circumstances, is to remand to the agency for additional investigation or explanation. The reviewing court is not generally empowered to conduct a de novo inquiry into the matter being reviewed and to reach its own conclusions based on such an inquiry” - which is precisely what the majority has allowed the district court to do. Fla. Power & Light Co. v. Lorion,
. Contrary to the implication of the majority, the federal officers have repeatedly argued
. On August 20, 2001, the General Services Administration redefined "committee member” to mean "an individual who serves by appointment or invitation on an advisory committee or subcommittee.” Federal Advisory Committee Management, 66 Fed. Reg. 37,728, at 37,734 (July 19, 2001) (codified at 41 C.F.R. § 102-3.25). FACA does not authorize retroactive rulemaking, and there is no indication that this regulation was meant to be retroactive. See Bowen v. Georgetown Univ. Hosp.,
. If the regulation controls and if plaintiffs had made these allegations, it would have been a simple matter to determine whether evidence supported the claims. Wide ranging discovery of the sort approved here would be unnecessary and improper. For instance, only the President, and through his directive, the Vice President, had the authority to appoint members to the Group, and even then the authority was limited to full-time government employees.
.The majority contends that the court is bound by AAPS to permit discovery to determine de facto membership. Maj op. at 1107-1108; see also concurring op. at 1111-1112. However, AAPS did not consider the GSA regulation, nor did it address the constitutional issues presented by authorizing discovery. Accordingly, AAPS’s holding does not preclude the court from considering these points. See Hagans v. Lavine,
.
. Skidmore v. Swift & Co.,
