Lead Opinion
Opinion by Judge RYMER; Dissent by Judge PREGERSON.
We are asked to invalidate the President’s authority to designate terrorist organizations when there is an extraordinary threat to national security, as well as the Secretary of the Treasury’s authorization to designate further organizations; and to declare that a ban on providing “services” to, or for the benefit of, such organizations, is unconstitutionally vague and overbroad.
In the wake of September 11, 2001, President George W. Bush declared a national emergency and, invoking the powers vested in him by the International Economic Powers Act (IEEPA), 50 U.S.C. § 1701, et seq., and the United Nations Participation Act (UNPA), 22 U.S.C. § 287c, signed Executive Order 13224. The Executive Order blocks property of twenty-seven designated terrorists, and authorizes the Secretary of the Treasury to designate others whom the Secretary determines to be acting for, providing support or services to, or are otherwise associated with, designated persons.
The Humanitarian Law Project (HLP)
The district court held in published opinions that HLP lacks standing to contest the President’s authority or the licensing scheme; and rejected its contention that the Secretary’s designation authority, or the ban on services, is unconstitutionally infirm. Humanitarian Law Project v. United States Dep’t of Treasury,
We agree with the district court that the Humanitarian Law Project lacks standing to challenge the President’s designation authority because HLP has never been designated, or threatened with designation, on account of it. We disagree with HLP’s contention that self-censorship suffices for injury-in-fact because IEEPA on its face does not regulate speech, but conduct. Therefore, the standing requirements for preenforcement challenges set out in Thomas v. Anchorage Equal Rights Commission,
I
This is not the first time that HLP and the government have collided over the government’s power to regulate non-terrorist activities in aid of terrorist organizations. HLP previously took on the ban against providing material support and resources to foreign terrorist organizations in the Antiterrorism and Effective Death Penalty Act of 1996 (AEDPA), Pub.L. No. 104-132, 110 Stat. 1214, and its 2004 amendment, the Intelligence Reform and Terrorism Prevention Act (IRTPA), see 18 U.S.C. § 2339B. That history is recounted in Humanitarian Law Project v. Mukasey,
AEDPA made it a crime for anyone knowingly to provide “material support or resources” to a foreign terrorist organization designated by the Secretary of State. 8 U.S.C. § 1189(a)(1); 18 U.S.C. § 233913(a). HLP argued that AEDPA imposed guilt by association, and was unconstitutionally vague and overbroad. We rejected HLP’s right of association argument in HLP I, holding that the statute prohibited “the act of giving material support, and there is no constitutional right to facilitate terrorism by giving terrorists the weapons and explosives with which to carry out their grisly missions.” HLP I,
After HLP I (on interlocutory appeal) and before HLP III (on appeal from summary judgment), Congress amended the definition of “material support or resources” to include, among other things, an additional prohibition against providing “service” to a designated foreign terrorist organization. HLP III,
IEEPA, which was enacted in 1977, was not at issue in the earlier litigation. It vests the President with authority to deal with any “unusual and extraordinary threat” to the national security whose source in whole or substantial part is outside of the United States, if the President declares a national emergency. 50 U.S.C. § 1701(a).
On September 23, 2001, President George W. Bush invoked his authority under the Constitution, IEEPA, and UNPA, and found that the “grave acts of terrorism and threats of terrorism committed by foreign terrorists, including the terrorist attacks in New York, Pennsylvania, and the Pentagon committed on September 11, 2001,” and the continuing and immediate threat of further attacks on the United States, constitute “an unusual and extraordinary threat to the national security.” Exec. Order No. 13224, 66 Fed.Reg. 49079 (Sept. 23, 2001); see also Proclamation No. 7463, 66 Fed.Reg. 48199 (Sept. 14, 2001) (declaring national emergency). The Executive Order blocked all property and interests that are in the United States of foreign persons listed in an annex attached to it, of persons determined by the Secretary of the Treasury to act for or on behalf of those persons listed, and of persons determined by the Secretary “to assist in, sponsor, or provide financial, material, technological support for, or financial or other services to or in support of, such acts of terrorism or those persons listed” or “to be otherwise associated” with those persons. Exec. Order No. 13224 § 1(a), (c), (d)(i)-(ii). In addition, the Executive Order prohibited any transaction in blocked property, including provision of “services to or for the benefit of those persons listed.” Id. § 2(a). The President found that making any donations of the type specified would seriously impair his ability to deal with the national emergency declared in the order. Id. § 4. Finally, the President authorized the Secretary of the Treasury “to take such actions, including the promulgation of rules and regulations, and to employ all powers granted to the President by IEEPA and UNPA as may be necessary to carry out the purposes of this order.” Id. § 7. The President listed twenty-seven individuals and groups in the annex, 66 Fed.Reg. at 49083, and later amended it to include the Taliban and its leader, Mohammed Omar. See Exec. Order No. 13268, 67 Fed.Reg. 44751 (July 2, 2002).
By regulation, any person or group whose property is blocked by reason of the
PKK and the LTTE are designated SDGTs.
The parties brought cross-motions for summary judgment. The district court ultimately dismissed HLP’s challenge to the President’s designation authority and to the regulatory licencing scheme for failure to establish injury-in-fact. The court initially found that the “otherwise associated with” provision in the Executive Order was unconstitutionally vague on its face and overbroad,
HLP has timely appealed.
II
HLP maintains that it has standing to challenge the President’s designation authority under IEEPA because it credibly fears that if it engages in any activities that might be deemed to benefit or be associated with the PKK or the LTTE, it risks being designated itself.
Any pre-enforcement analysis starts with our en banc decision in Thomas. There, landlords sought to strike down an Alaska housing discrimination law on First Amendment religion and free speech grounds.
The Thomas factors lead to the same conclusion, here. HLP has never been designated as an SDGT. Nor does it point to any specific warning or threat of being designated. There is no evidence that HLP is similar to the organizations or individuals who have been designated by the President, or that it engages in conduct similar to those organizations. The President designated twenty-seven groups and individuals just after September 11, and added two more in July 2002, but no further designations have been made in the years since. In these circumstances, we cannot say that the threat of designation is “credible,” instead of “imaginary or speculative.” Thomas,
While Thomas leaves the door open to pre-enforcement challenges to laws that allegedly infringe upon constitutional rights, id. at 1137 n. 1, and we walked through it in California Pro-Life Council, this is not a California Pro-Life Council case. The Council was a non-profit corporation that took positions on California ballot propositions.
Unlike the California Political Reform Act, which was aimed directly at core political speech, IEEPA is not aimed at expression. See Cal. Pro-Life Council,
HLP says this isn’t always so, pointing to Steffel v. Thompson,
Finally, HLP suggested at argument that we should not find a standing problem in this case as the court saw none in HLP I or HLP III. This is not persuasive, however, for the law at issue in HLP I and III was AEDPA, which itself banned material support to terrorists, and established the Secretary’s ability to designate terrorists pursuant to it. There is no comparable provision in IEEPA.
In sum, we agree with the district court’s analysis. IEEPA does not on its face implicate First Amendment rights. The harm of self-censorship is not present here. HLP has not been designated, nor threatened with imminent prosecution or designation. For these reasons, we conclude that HLP cannot establish injury-in-fact, and lacks standing to challenge the President’s designation authority.
Ill
HLP argues that the Executive Order unconstitutionally gives the Secretary discretion to penalize and shut down individuals and groups on the basis of constitutionally protected activities, without any type of scienter, and leaves uncertain what it can do in conjunction with, or on behalf of, the LTTE and PKK.
A
HLP makes the overarching submission that the Secretary’s authority to designate groups that have never engaged in terrorist activity is unconstitutionally vague and overbroad. It also argues that the Secretary’s designation authority under the Executive Order falls short of the conditions under AEDPA that we approved in HLP I. Specifically, HLP posits that under the Executive Order, the Secretary may designate domestic individuals, not just foreign entities as is the case under AEDPA. Further, in its view, the Executive Order authorizes designation of persons and organizations without any finding that they engaged in terrorism, whereas AEDPA requires the Secretary to have reasonable grounds to believe that an organization has engaged in terrorist acts. HLP also faults the breadth of the Secretary’s designation authority in that a group can be designated under the Executive Order for activity that is steps removed from any terrorist activity, for example, by attempting to assist someone else who has been designated merely for providing assistance to a terrorist group. Finally, it asserts that the
The short answer is that HLP I does not purport to set a floor for the constitutionality of designation authority; we merely found sufficient what AEDPA required. Beyond this, the Executive Order does constrain the exercise of discretion. It requires the Secretary to find that the person or organization is “owned or controlled by,” or “aet[s] for or on behalf of,” SDGTs, or else “provide[s] financial, material, or technological support for, or financial or other services to or in support of,” acts of terrorism or acts of SDGTs, or is “otherwise associated with” SDGTs. Exec. Order 13224, § l(c)-(d). These are sufficient checks on the Secretary’s discretion to allay constitutional concerns. They are reasonable in light of the fact that the Executive Order is a conduct regulation, not a speech restriction. As we explained in HLP I, there is no “right to provide resources with which terrorists can buy weapons and explosives.”
Nor is the designation authority unconstitutionally overbroad. To prevail on a facial overbreadth challenge to a law aimed at regulating conduct, HLP must show that the Executive Order “punishes a ‘substantial’ amount of protected free speech, ‘judged in relation to the statute’s plainly legitimate sweep.’ ” Virginia v. Hicks,
B
HLP mounts facial and as-applied challenges to the ban imposed by the Executive Order on “services.”
“A statute must be sufficiently clear so as to allow persons of ‘ordinary intelligence a reasonable opportunity to know what is prohibited.’ ” Foti v. City of Menlo Park,
The parties dispute whether the First Amendment or non-First Amendment test for facial vagueness applies. When a statute “clearly implicates free speech rights,” it will survive a facial challenge so long as “it is clear what the statute proscribes ‘in the vast majority of its intended applications.’ ” Cal. Teachers Ass’n v. State Bd. of Educ.,
HLP maintains that the “services” ban at issue here is even more vague than the AEDPA ban on “service” that was deemed unconstitutional in HLP III for two reasons: While AEDPA applies only to services provided “to” a designated entity, Executive Order 13224 and its implementing regulations also prohibit any services done “for the benefit of’ a designated entity. In addition, while AEDPA punishes “service” exclusively through the criminal process, the Executive Order and the regulations impose the sanction of closure through a closed administrative process.
The “services” ban in the regulations implementing the Executive Order is different from the “service” ban we invalidated in HLP III. The AEDPA ban was unexplicated and contained terms that were themselves vague — “expert advice and assistance,” and “training.” In those circumstances, it was easy for us “to imagine protected expression that falls within the bounds of the term ‘service.’ ” HLP III, 552 F.3d at 930 (internal quotation marks and citation to district court opinion omitted). Here, by contrast, the regulations clarify the term “services” by offering examples of what is contemplated. 31 C.F.R. § 594.406(b) (citing “legal, accounting, financial, brokering, freight forwarding, transportation, public relations, educational, or other services”). The examples take out the guesswork that troubled us in HLP III. They make clear that legal and educational services are prohibited. They also indicate that one should not perform a useful professional or business task for a terrorist organization. For these reasons, even if the term “services” standing alone would be ambiguous,
HLP is concerned that the term could ensnare independent advocacy undertaken for the benefit of the PKK and LTTE. It would undoubtedly offend the First Amendment if the regulations were to prohibit independent advocacy. However, they don’t. And we see no basis for supposing that they might.
The Secretary has explicitly recognized that the “designation criteria [under the Executive Order] will be applied in a manner consistent with pertinent Federal law, including, where applicable, the First Amendment to the United States Constitution.” 72 Fed.Reg. 4206 (January 30, 2007). This reflects the Treasury Department’s intent to interpret its own regulations, including the ban on “services,” to exclude independent advocacy because independent advocacy is always protected under the First Amendment. HLP I,
HLP also contends that it is unclear whether the ban on “services” covers activities such as teaching human rights advocacy, writing a human rights report, or engaging in public relations advocacy. However, we see no unconstitutional guesswork; as the district court observed, in the vast majority of cases a given individual can distinguish performing a service to an SDGT from independent activity. HLP v. U.S. Dept. of Treasury,
“Condemned to the use of words, we can never expect mathematical certainty from our language.” Grayned,
ii
The ban on “services” is not unconstitutionally vague as-applied to HLP’s intended activities, either. The heart of HLP’s position is that activities in which it proposes to engage for the benefit of the
iii
Alternatively, HLP posits that the Executive Order’s ban on “services” is broader than AEDPA’s ban on “service”— which we invalidated in HLP III on the footing that it could be read to reach protected speech — because the Executive Order bans all protected speech. However, the ban in the Executive Order is channeled by 31 C.F.R. § 594.406(b). So understood, the ban on “services” is like the material support ban in AEDPA that we held was not overbroad. Neither is “specifically addressed to speech or to conduct necessarily associated with speech,” and “[r]arely, if ever, will an over-breadth challenge succeed” in these circumstances. Hicks,
C
HLP faults IEEPA for imposing the penalties of designation, civil fines, and criminal sanctions without sufficient mens rea.
i
We determine whether civil penalties are so severe that they should carry the same due process guarantees as criminal offenses by following the guideposts set out in Hudson v. United States,
(1) whether the sanction involves an affirmative disability or restraint; (2) whether it has historically been regarded as a punishment; (3) whether it comes into play only on a finding of scienter; (4) whether its operation will promote the traditional aims of punishment — retribution and deterrence; (5) whether the behavior to which it applies is already a crime; (6) whether an alternative purpose to which it may be rationally connected may be assignable for it; and (7) whether it appears excessive in relation to the alternative purpose assigned.
Id. (quoting Hudson, 522 U.S. at 99-100,
Congress clearly intended the civil penalties under IEEPA to be civil, not criminal. It said so in so many words, describing a “civil penalty” in § 1705(b), and distinguishing a “civil penalty” from a “criminal penalty” that is separately provided for in § 1705(c). See Hudson, 522 U.S. at 103,
The Hudson factors do not indicate that the civil penalties are really criminal. IEEPA’s civil penalties are monetary, with no other “affirmative disability or restraint.” Reiserer,
On balance, we conclude that HLP has not shown by “clearest proof’ that either the civil penalty or designation is so punitive as to be criminal. Id. at 100,
Therefore, neither the civil penalty nor designation offends the First and Fifth Amendments for lack of sufficient mens rea.
ii
For the same reasons, IEEPA’s civil penalties do not violate the First and Fifth Amendments because they do not require proof of specific intent to further a designated entity’s terrorist activities. HLP’s principal argument, that both the civil and criminal penalties violate the First and Fifth Amendments’ prohibition on guilt by association, is basically foreclosed by prior HLP rulings. In HLP I we rejected a similar challenge to AEDPA because that statute punishes “material support,” not association. HLP I,
Thus, IEEPA’s penalties do not violate the First and Fifth Amendments.
IV
HLP argues that the licensing scheme in 31 C.F.R. §§ 501.801-02 violates the First and Fifth Amendments by giving the Director of the Office of Foreign Assets Control (OFAC) unregulated discretion to grant or deny exemptions from IEEPA prohibitions. HLP lacks standing to pursue this issue, however, for reasons stated by the district court. HLP v. U.S. Dept. of Treasury,
HLP relies for the first time in reply on City of Lakewood,
V
As a final point, HLP urges us to apply a saving construction to IEEPA to avoid constitutional difficulties. We see no need to do so. Nor do we accept the proposition that IEEPA should be narrowed to require a nexus between a sanction against a national and a sanction against his country. HLP points out that the statute permits the President to block transactions with “any foreign country or a national thereof,”
HLP’s proffered construction of IEEPA is not necessary to keep AEDPA, 18 U.S.C. § 2339B, from being superfluous. The statutes have different characteristics and consequences. Among other things, IEEPA is triggered only when the President declares a national emergency and takes action, whereas AEDPA is applicable when the Secretary of State designates a group as a foreign terrorist organization. The material support statute renders inadmissible any alien who has engaged in terrorist activities, see 8 U.S.C. § 1182(a)(3)(B)(i)(IV) and (V), whereas
We therefore decline to adopt HLP’s suggestions for a saving construction.
VI
We conclude that the district court correctly dismissed HLP’s challenge to the President’s designation authority under IEEPA and the UNPA. IEEPA has never been enforced against HLP, nor has enforcement or designation ever been threatened. Self-censorship, which suffices for preenforcement challenges to statutes that are aimed at speech on their face, is insufficient here because IEEPA is aimed at the conduct of engaging in transactions with designated entities, not at HLP’s speech.
HLP’s challenge to the Secretary’s designation authority fails on the merits. The ban on “services” in the Executive Order is neither unconstitutionally vague nor overbroad, on its face or as applied. It is adequately explicated in the regulations such that a person of ordinary intelligence can figure out the sort of assistance that is not allowed. HLP’s intended activities are plainly within it. Independent advocacy is not. And IEEPA’s civil penalties may be imposed without mens rea requirements because they are indeed civil; its criminal penalties require a culpable state of mind and the Constitution does not additionally require specific intent to further terrorist activities.
HLP lacks standing to challenge the Treasury Department’s licensing scheme. Under it, anyone can apply for an exemption from the ban on services. Having not done so, HLP is in no position to assert injury from what it believes to be the Secretary’s standardless discretion to grant or deny licenses.
Given no constitutional difficulties of the magnitude that requires a narrowing construction, we decline to rewrite IEEPA more narrowly.
AFFIRMED.
Notes
. The Humanitarian Law Project is joined in the action and on appeal by Ralph Fertig, the Ilankai Thamil Sangam, Dr. Nagalingam Jeyalingam, the Tamil Welfare and Human Rights Committee, and the World Tamil Coordinating Committee. We will refer to them
. IEEPA was enacted in 1977 to amend the Trading With the Enemy Act, which, in turn, was enacted in 1917 and amended in 1933. 50 U.S.C. app. § 5(b). IEEPA authorizes the President to declare a national emergency "to deal with any unusual and extraordinary threat, which has its source in whole or substantial part outside the United States, to the national security, foreign policy, or economy of the United States.” 50 U.S.C. § 1701(a). Under this authority, the President may:
[I]nvestigate, block during the pendency of an investigation, regulate, direct and compel, nullify, void, prevent or prohibit, any*1140 acquisilion, holding, withholding, use, transfer, withdrawal, transportation, importation or exportation of, or dealing in, or exercising any right, power, or privilege with respect to, or transactions involving, any property in which any foreign country or a national thereof has any interest by any person, or with respect to any property, subject to the jurisdiction of the United States ....
50 U.S.C. § 1702(a)(1)(B).
. The regulation states: "U.S. persons may not, except as authorized by or pursuant to this part, provide legal, accounting, financial, brokering, freight forwarding, transportation, public relations, educational, or other services to a person whose property or interests in property are blocked pursuant to § 594.201(a).” 31 C.F.R. § 594.406(b). Section 594.201(a) is the foundational regulation that basically tracks the blocking provisions of the Executive Order.
. Section 594.316 provides:
The term "to be otherwise associated with,” as used in § 594.201(a)(4)(h), means:
(a) To own or control; or
(b) To attempt, or to conspire with one or more persons, to act for or on behalf of or to provide financial, material, or technological support, or financial or other services to.
. They were so designated by the Secretary of State after he determined that both met the criteria in § 1(b) of Executive Order 13224. 67 Fed.Reg. 12633, 12633-34 (Office of the Coordinator For Counterterrorism, Dep't of State, March 19, 2002). The Secretary of Stale acted pursuant to an essentially parallel scheme under which the assets of foreign terrorist organizations are blocked and U.S. persons are prohibited from rendering them material support. See 8 U.S.C. § 1189; 18 U.S.C. § 2339B.
. HLP's suggestion that the district court improperly considered the Secretary’s standing arguments on a motion for reconsideration fails, as all courts have a continuing obligation to assess jurisdiction.
. See HLP I,
. Nor is the UNPA, under which the President also acted, aimed at HLP's speech. That Act simply authorizes the President to implement U.N. Security Council measures by taking certain actions, including prohibiting economic relations between any foreign country or national and persons subject to United States jurisdiction. See 22 U.S.C. § 287c. The statute provides:
[WJhenever the United States is called upon by the [United Nations] Security Council to apply measures which said Council has decided ... the President may, ... under such orders, rules, and regulations as may be prescribed by him, ... prohibit, in whole or in part, economic relations ... between any foreign country or any national thereof or any person therein and the United States or any person subject to the jurisdiction thereof, or involving any property subject to the jurisdiction of the United States.
22 U.S.C. § 287c(a).
. American-Arab Anti-Discrimination Comm. v. Thornburgh,
. At oral argument HLP suggested that it had also challenged the ban on “material support” to SDGTs in § l(d)(i) of the Executive Order. However, we see no reference to this provision in the complaint or briefs. As the issue is not properly before us, we express no opinion on it. We also note that even though HLP did contest the ban on being "otherwise associated with” an SDGT in the district court, it does not seriously press that issue on appeal. (It alludes to it in a footnote.) To the extent pursued, we would in any event affirm for reasons stated by the district court in its order granting reconsideration.
. But see United States v. Homa Int’l Trading Corp.,
. We note that HLP does not bring a direct First Amendment challenge to the Executive Order — a challenge that would require HLP to address this court’s holding in HLP I that AEDPA’s ban on "material support” was constitutional,
. Individuals or institutions in doubt about the propriety of proposed activities may call the Department of Treasury’s compliance hotline; e-mail the Treasury’s e-hotline mailbox; call Treasury’s licensing division, or apply for a license; and consult an attorney in the Chief Counsel’s Office, or submit a request for a written interpretation of whether the proposed activity would constitute a violation.
. As the Seventh Circuit recently explained: If you provide material support to a terrorist organization, you are engaged in terrorist activity even if your support is confined to the nonterrorist activities of the organization. Organizations that the statute, and indeed in this instance common parlance, describes as terrorist organizations, such as Hamas in Gaza and Hezbollah in Lebanon, often operate on two tracks: a violent one and a peaceful one (electioneering, charity, provision of social services). If you give money (or raise money to be given) for the teaching of arithmetic to children in an elementary school run by Hamas, you are providing material support to a terrorist organization even though you are not providing direct support to any terrorist acts.
Hussain v. Mukasey,
. IEEPA’s penalties section, 50 U.S.C. § 1705, provides:
(a) Unlawful acts. It shall be unlawful for a person to violate, attempt to violate, conspire to violate, or cause a violation of any license, order, regulation, or prohibition issued under this chapter.
(b) Civil penalty. A civil penalty may be imposed on any person who commits an*1149 unlawful act described in subsection (a) of this section in an amount not to exceed the greater of—
(1) $250,000; or
(2) an amount that is twice the amount of the transaction that is the basis of the violation with respect to which the penalty is imposed.
(c) Criminal penalty. A person who willfully commits, willfully attempts to commit, or willfully conspires to commit, or aids or abets in the commission of, an unlawful act described in subsection (a) of this section shall, upon conviction, be fined not more than $1,000,000, or if a natural person, may be imprisoned for not more than 20 years, or both.
. This court has used the Hudson test to determine whether a penalty is criminal or civil in a variety of circumstances. See Noriega-Perez v. United States,
. See, e.g., Islamic Am. Relief Agency,
. 50 U.S.C. § 1702(a)(l)(A)(ii) provides that the President may "investigate, regulate, or prohibit ... transfers of credit or payments between, by, through, or to any banking institution, to the extent that such transfers or payments involve any interest of any foreign country or a national thereof.” Subsection 1702(a)(1)(B) allows the President to act in the respects identified with respect to property "in which any foreign country or a national thereof has any interest by any person.” See supra note 2.
Dissenting Opinion
dissenting in part:
I dissent from Parts II and III.B. of the majority opinion. HLP’s standing to challenge the President’s power to designate entities as specially designated global terrorists should be analyzed using the less rigid standard appropriate when First Amendment rights are at stake. Furthermore, I disagree with the majority’s conclusion that the Executive Order’s ban on “services” is valid, because I do not agree that a person of ordinary intelligence would be put on notice of whether his or her desired conduct would be considered a prohibited “service.”
I
The majority concludes that HLP lacks standing to challenge the President’s unfettered power to designate entities as specially designated global terrorists (SDGTs) because HLP has failed to demonstrate an injury-in-fact. In so concluding, the majority finds that using a First Amendment standing analysis for a pre-enforcement challenge is not proper in this case. I disagree.
“Particularly in the First Amendment-protected speech context, the Supreme Court has dispensed with rigid standing requirements.” California Pro-Life Council, Inc. v. Getman,
First, no case holds that the standing analysis used in the First Amendment context requires that the challenged statute must on its face implicate First Amendment rights. To the contrary, to invoke that standing analysis, the plaintiff must only show “an actual and well-founded fear that the law will be enforced against [him or her].” California Pro-Life Council,
“A plaintiff who mounts a pre-enforcement challenge to a statute that he claims violates his freedom of speech need not show that the authorities have threatened to prosecute him; the threat is latent in the existence of the statute .... [I]f [the statute] arguably covers [his conduct], and so may deter constitutionally protected expression ... there is standing.”
Id. at 1095 (quoting Majors v. Abell,
Here, HLP argues that it has a well-founded fear of prosecution because it seeks to engage in activities (for example, providing training in human rights advocacy) that might be deemed “association with” the PKK or the LTTE, or activities which might be deemed to benefit those organizations. Based on those activities, which involve conduct protected by the First Amendment, HLP fears it might fall within the President’s broad power to designate entities as specially designated global terrorists. Because HLP’s First Amendment rights are implicated, I believe our “less rigid” standing analysis is the appropriate framework for this case.
The majority finds that this case is distinguishable from California Pro-Life Council and that the less rigid standing analysis should not apply. The holding of California Pro-Life Council, however, encompasses the facts of this case. HLP is not “nakedly asserting that [its] ... speech was chilled by the statute.” California Pro-Life Council,
II
I disagree with the majority’s holding that the Executive Order’s ban on providing “services” here is valid. According to the majority, the ban is distinguishable from the ban invalidated in HLP III because here, relevant regulations clarify what the term “services” means. It is true
HLP argues that the term “services” could easily trench upon independent advocacy undertaken for the benefit of a designated group. The majority finds this is not the case, because the government reassures us that it will not apply the regulation to protected speech. The Treasury Department, for example, promises to apply its regulations in a manner “consistent with pertinent Federal law, including, where applicable, the First Amendment....” 72 Fed.Reg. 4206 (Jan. 30, 2007). The government has taken the position and made representations that the term “services” does not reach independent advocacy. I doubt whether such expressed intentions and representations— no matter how earnestly made — could assuage the reasonable fears of entities who stand to have all their assets frozen if the Secretary should change course. Accordingly, I dissent.
. IEEPA authorizes the President to declare a national emergency with respect to "any unusual and extraordinary threat, which has its source in whole or substantial part oustide the United States, to the national security, foreign policy, or economy of the United States[.]” 50 U.S.C. § 1701(a). Upon declar
