This case is a companion case to
Pittsburg & Midway Coal Mining Co. v. Yazzie,
BACKGROUND
Charles Blatchford, a Navajo Indian, was convicted in 1978 in the New Mexico courts of being an accessory to criminal sexual
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penetration of a Navajo child and an accessory to the kidnapping of a second Navajo child. He was sentenced concurrently to ten to fifty years on the first count and life imprisonment on the second. After pursuing various appeals in state court, he filed a writ of habeas corpus in federal court, alleging that the state of New Mexico lacked jurisdiction to try him for his offenses. The district court determined that Blatchford’s unsuccessful appeal in
Blatchford v. Gonzales,
The criminal acts of which Blatchford was convicted occurred in 1977 within a rural settlement area known as Yah-Ta-Hey, more specifically within section 7 of Township 16 North, Range 18 West, New Mexico Principal Meridian. Section 7 and the surrounding sections fall within an area added in 1907 to the Navajo Reservation by EO 709, as amended by EO 744. Blatch-ford alleged that the 709/744 area had never lost its reservation status and that, therefore, exclusive federal jurisdiction to try him lay with the federal courts under the Federal Major Crimes Act, 18 U.S.C. § 1153. Alternatively, he alleged that even if the area had lost reservation status, it was a “dependent Indian community,” also mandating federal criminal jurisdiction in his case. After an eight-day evidentiary hearing before the U.S. Magistrate, and after proposed findings by the Magistrate, to which both parties objected, U.S. District Judge Howard Bratton ruled that the crimes of which Blatchford had been convicted did not occur within either an Indian reservation or a dependent Indian community and, therefore, 18 U.S.C. § 1153 did not apply. The district court dismissed Blatchford’s petition, and he appeals. We affirm.
I.
The Federal Major Crimes Act provided “Any Indian who commits against the person or property of another Indian or other person any of the following offenses, namely ... kidnapping, rape, ..., within the Indian country, shall be subject to the same laws and penalties as all other persons committing any of the above offenses, within the exclusive jurisdiction of the United States.”
18 U.S.C. § 1153 (1982). For purposes of the Act, Indian country is defined as
“(a) all land within the limits of any Indian reservation under the jurisdiction of the United States Government, notwithstanding the issuance of any patent, and, including rights-of-way running through the reservation, (b) all dependent Indian communities within the borders of the United States whether within the original or subsequently acquired territory thereof, and whether within or without the limits of a state, and (c) all Indian allotments, the Indian titles to which have not been extinguished, including rights-of-way running through the same.”
18 U.S.C. § 1151.
Blatchford concedes that the offenses of which he was convicted did not occur on an Indian allotment under 18 U.S.C. § 1151(c). We have already ruled in
Pittsburg & Midway
that the area in which the offenses occurred lack reservation status. Therefore, they do not fall within section 1151(a). That leaves for resolution the issue of whether they occurred within a dependent Indian community under section 1151(b). The issue before us raises a jurisdictional question, and we review de novo the district court’s legal conclusion that Yah-Ta-Hey is not a dependent Indian community. The factual characteristics of the Yah-Ta-Hey area are essentially undisputed, and in reviewing them this court is essentially reviewing the legal conclusion drawn from them by the district court.
See United States v. Morgan,
II.
The standards guiding the determination of what constitutes a dependent Indian community have been spelled out in a series of federal cases dating back to 1913. The early cases from which interpretation of the term dependent Indian community
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derives are
United States v. Sandoval,
The
McGowan
case also applied the federal law prohibiting the introduction of liquor into Indian country. In
McGowan,
the United States had purchased a tract of land in which to settle needy, nonreservation Indians living in Nevada. The United States held title to the land for the benefit of the Indians. The Court observed that “Indians of the Reno Colony have been established in homes under the supervision and guardianship of the United States.”
McGowan,
“The Reno Colony has been validly set apart for the use of the Indians. It is under the superintendence of the Government. The Government retains title to the lands which it permits the Indians to occupy. The Government has authority to enact regulations and protective laws respecting this territory.... [I]t is not reasonably possible to draw any distinction between this Indian ‘colony’ and ‘Indian country.’ ”
Id.
at 539,
The next case to interpret the term dependent Indian community was
United States v. Martine,
*546 In each of the above cases, the dependent communities represented clusters of Indians grouped together in their own special communities on land owned by a tribe or held in trust for them and arguably outside an established reservation.
Since
Martine,
a series of cases elaborating on the parameters of dependent Indian community status have emerged from within the Eighth Circuit. In
United States v. Mound,
The following year, the Eighth Circuit decided
United States v. Morgan,
Soon after
Morgan,
the Eighth Circuit ruled in
Weddell v. Meierhenry,
The following year the Eighth Circuit decided the case of
United States v. South Dakota,
The most recent case on point comes again from the Eighth Circuit. In
United States v. Azure,
*548 In summary, courts within the Eighth Circuit have found dependent Indian community status in three cases {Azure, South Dakota, and Mound), found it lacking in a fourth {Weddell), and found non-Indian community status in a fifth (.Morgan ). 4 In all three of the cases in which dependent Indian community status was established, the lands in question were tribal trust lands.
III.
We come now to the facts of the case before us. The crimes of which Blatchford was convicted occurred at Yah-Ta-Hey, McKinley County, New Mexico. The district court described Yah-Ta-Hey as a rural and “readily identifiable residential and trading community” including the commercial establishments at the intersection of U.S. Highway 666 and State Highway 264, a small housing subdivision known as Navajo Estates, and the surrounding area within three to five miles of the intersection. District Court Opinion at 18. The record establishes that Yah-Ta-Hey is located approximately eight miles north of Gallup, New Mexico and two miles south of the southern boundary of the Navajo Reservation. The crime site was at and around Navajo Estates, adjacent to the intersection.
The relevant facts surrounding the land status dispute are essentially uncontested. In analyzing the facts, the district court followed the standards established by Mar-tine and South Dakota and addressed land title, community composition and purpose, and the relationship of the community to the federal government and the Navajo nation, as well as to the state and county government. With respect to land title, the court noted that section seven, which included the commercial junction and housing subdivision, was in private ownership although the surrounding area was largely Navajo allotment land. It found the composition of the commercial intersection to be largely non-Indian, the composition of Navajo Estates to be mixed, and the surrounding area to be largely Navajo. It found the primary purpose of the community to be commercial, “where local merchants buy Navajo made goods, then distribute them in other locations.” Id. at 20. It also noted that Yah-Ta-Hey could be characterized as a suburb of Gallup, New Mexico. Finally, the court found that the relationship of the community to the federal government and the Navajo nation was such that the Navajos must travel outside the community to obtain BIA and tribal services with the exception of some tribal law enforcement services. In contrast, Gallup, McKinley County, and the state of New Mexico all provided a variety of services to Yah-Ta-Hey, including water, roads, landfills, public schools, and law enforcement. 5 Yah-Ta-Hey businesses paid state and county taxes and were subject to state and county health and building codes. They were also subject to regulations affecting pawn shops, liquor sales, unemployment compensation, and worker’s compensation. Id. at 21.
In reviewing the record it becomes clear that the Yah-Ta-Hey “community” is one born out of opportunities for private commercial gain, not one born out of a public need to provide land for use, occupancy, and protection of a dependent people. In *549 other words, the primary purpose of the community is not federal protection of dependent Indians but private commercial activity. Yah-Ta-Hey is in both an Indian and non-Indian commercial stream by virtue of its economic activities (e.g., trading post and cafe, gas stations, 7-11 store, pawn shop) at the intersection of two highways. Its cohesiveness springs not primarily from its rural residential pattern but rather from its commercial roots emanating from the highway junction. Nothing in the record indicates that it would be characterized as a community, were it not for its non-Indian commercial center.
The federal government’s relationship with the Yah-Ta-Hey community is not with the community qua community, unlike the housing project communities in Mound and South Dakota. Instead, it is with the approximately 350 Indians who happen to live in the Yah-Ta-Hey area. The same is true for the Tribe’s relationship with the community. Although Navajo inhabitants vote in tribal elections and are a part of the Rock Springs chapter (local governmental unit) of the Tribe, eligibility for a variety of services flows to individual inhabitants of the area by virtue of their identification as part of the Navajo Nation, not by virtue of their settlement within an established Indian community.
There is no indication from the Federal Major Crimes Act, or case law construing it, that Congress intended to include Indian allotments clustered around a non-Indian commercial junction on private land as together constituting a dependent Indian community. The fact that much of the area is held in the form of trust allotments does not establish that the “community” itself was established for the use, occupancy, and protection of a dependent people. The case before us contrasts with those described previously, in which dependent Indian communities were located on tribal lands or tribal trust lands and were created by the Indians themselves or the federal government to provide for their economic and political protection. Here, private interests created the “community” character of Yah-Ta-Hey. As
Martine
noted, “[t]he mere presence of a group of Indians in a particular area fice [to establish a dependent Indian community].”
Martine,
We affirm the district court’s ruling that although Yah-Ta-Hey is a community populated largely by Indians, it is nonetheless not within the Navajo Reservation and is not a dependent Indian community for purposes of the Federal Major Crimes Act. The district court’s dismissal of Blatch-ford’s habeas corpus petition is, therefore, also affirmed.
AFFIRMED.
Notes
. The only other ruling issued from a court within the Tenth Circuit of which we are aware
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is
United States v. Oceanside Oklahoma, Inc.,
. The John court observed that past lack of continuity of federal supervision over the Choctaws had not destroyed federal power to deal with them in the present, an observation not precisely analogous to the situation in South Dakota.
. Aside from the Eighth and Tenth Circuits, only one other circuit court has ruled on dependent Indian community status under 18 U.S.C. § 1153. In
United States v. Levesque,
. A second non-Indian-community case from within the Eighth Circuit applied factors used in the dependent Indian community cases under 18 U.S.C. §§ 1151, 1153.
United States v. Mission Golf Course, Inc.,
. The record reveals that McKinley County and the Navajo Tribe shared law enforcement responsibility in the area between Gallup and the Reservation. Eighty percent of the Navajo police had state commissions so that they could arrest non-Indians. The state police were in the process of seeking Navajo police commissions so that they could arrest Indians on Indian land. R. Vol. V at 82-83, 124. Police from both units patrolled the checkerboarded area regularly.
