Plaintiff Larry Edward Hatfield wants to keep a gun in his home for self-defense. But the Government bans him from doing so, because 28 years ago, Hatfield lied on some forms that he sent to the Railroad Retirement Board: a felony in violation of
I. BACKGROUND
The facts of this case are undisputed. From August 5, 1989 to January 5, 1990, Hatfield completed several claim for benefits forms and sent them to the U.S. Railroad Retirement Board. (Def.'s Mot. Summ. J., Ex. A, ECF No. 41-1.) That agency administers benefits for unemployed railroad workers pursuant to the Railroad Unemployment Insurance Act.
Hatfield later pled guilty to the charge following formal plea negotiations with the Government. Even though
Fast forward nearly three decades and we have a problem. Even though Hatfield received a small fine and no prison time for his non-violent statutory felony,
Hatfield now brings an as-applied challenge to the statute, arguing that it violates his Second Amendment rights. His theory is straightforward: the Seventh Circuit has said that "there must exist the possibility that the [felon disarmament] ban could be unconstitutional in the face of an as applied challenge," Williams ,
The Government moved for summary judgment, arguing that (1) the Second Amendment does not protect felons; and (2) even if it does, § 922(g)(1) satisfies intermediate scrutiny as-applied to felons like Hatfield. (Def.'s Mot. Summ. J., ECF No. 41-2.) The Court held oral argument on the matter, where Hatfield made a cross-motion for summary judgment for the reasons stated within his response brief. (See Pl.'s Resp. to Def.'s Mot. Summ. J., ECF No. 47.)
II. LEGAL STANDARDS
Summary judgment must be granted "if the movant shows that there is no genuine dispute as to any material fact and the movant is entitled to judgment as a matter of law." Fed. R. Civ. P. 56(a) ; see also Celotex Corp. v. Catrett ,
III. ANALYSIS
The Second Amendment commands: "A well regulated Militia, being necessary to the security of a free State, the right of the people to keep and bear Arms, shall not be infringed." Second Amendment rights, however, are not dependent on militia service: the amendment chiefly protects "the right to keep and bear arms for the purpose of self-defense." McDonald v. City of Chicago, Ill. ,
Heller gave birth to this case through a much-discussed footnote in the opinion. First, Heller instructs that nothing in the opinion "should be taken to cast doubt on longstanding prohibitions on the possession of firearms by felons." Heller ,
But the government does not get a free pass simply because Congress has established a "categorical ban"; it still must prove that the ban is constitutional, a mandate that flows from Heller itself. Heller referred to felon disarmament bans only as "presumptively lawful," which, by implication, means that there must exist the possibility that the ban could be unconstitutional in the face of an as-applied challenge. Therefore, putting the government through its paces in proving the constitutionality of § 922(g)(1) is only proper.
United States v. Williams ,
The Seventh Circuit has since adopted a two-step inquiry for Second Amendment claims: (1) does the challenged statute cover conduct that falls within the Second Amendment's protections; and (2) if so, does the statute survive "some level of heightened scrutiny"? Baer v. Lynch ,
Despite this entanglement, it is possible to boil down the relevant case law to two steps. First, does the Second Amendment protect felons in the same class as Hatfield? Second, if the Second Amendment does protect felons like Hatfield, does § 922(g)(1) survive "some level of heightened scrutiny"?
A. Step One: The Second Amendment and Felons
The Second Amendment protects the "right of the people" to bear arms. The
The answer, unfortunately, is not so simple. In 2016, the Seventh Circuit stated:
We have not decided if felons historically were outside the scope of the Second Amendment's protection and instead have focused on whether § 922(g)(1) survives intermediate scrutiny. Williams ,616 F.3d at 692 ; see also United States v. Yancey ,, 684-85 (7th Cir. 2010) (noting that "scholars continue to debate the evidence of historical precedent for prohibiting criminals from carrying arms"). 621 F.3d 681
Baer ,
Ezell ,
Accordingly, if the government can establish that a challenged firearms law regulates activity falling outside the scope of the Second Amendment right as it was understood at the relevant historical moment-1791 or 1868-then the analysis can stop there; the regulated activity is categorically unprotected, and the law is not subject to further Second Amendment review. If the government cannot establish this-if the historical evidence is inconclusive or suggests that the regulated activity is not categorically unprotected-then there must be a second inquiry into the strength of the government's justification for restricting or regulating the exercise of Second Amendment rights.
Heller is the first place to start when analyzing this question. Justice Scalia, writing for the majority, broke the amendment into several clauses-one of which was "Right of the People." Heller ,
Next, Heller noted that in all of the above mentioned provisions of the Constitution, "the people" refers "unambiguously to all members of the political community, not an unspecified subset." Heller ,
'[T]he people' seems to have been a term of art employed in select parts of the Constitution ... [Its uses] sugges[t] that 'the people' protected by the Fourth Amendment, and by the First and Second Amendments, and to whom rights and powers are reserved in the Ninth and Tenth Amendments, refers to a class of persons who are part of a national community or who have otherwise developed sufficient connection with this country to be considered part of that community.
The Government has pointed to several authorities in an attempt to carry their burden. One of these authorities is "The Address and Reasons of Dissent of the Minority of the Convention of the State of Pennsylvania to Their Constituents, 1787," which Heller identified as a "highly influential" precursor to the Second Amendment. Heller ,
The Government has fallen on their own sword by relying on these cases: at the
And on a similar note, if the Court accepts the Government's position, it would lead to a harebrained outcome in which the Founders meant to allow Congress to inadvertently disarm the people by passing gobs of statutory felonies not contemplated at the common law, such as making a false statement (
Even if the Founders did intend for such a result, the Government has certainly not carried their burden and established as much: they dedicate a mere two paragraphs of their motion for summary judgment to the historical record and have introduced zero evidence to actually develop that record. (Def.'s Mot. Summ. J. 14-15, ECF No. 41-1.) And even if the Court views the available historical record in the light most favorable to the Government, that record is inconclusive-meaning the Government has failed at step one. See Skoien,
B. Step Two: "Second Amendment Scrutiny"
The next step is to determine whether § 922(g)(1) survives some form of
First, a severe burden on the core Second Amendment right of armed self-defense will require an extremely strong public-interest justification and a close fit between the government's means and its end. Second, laws restricting activity lying closer to the margins of the Second Amendment right, laws that merely regulate rather than restrict, and modest burdens on the right may be more easily justified. How much more easily depends on the relative severity of the burden and its proximity to the core of the right.
Ezell ,
The Court, however, must apply an Ezell analysis. That case postdates and distinguishes itself from Skoien , and if the Court ignores it, then the Court would be in breach of its duty to follow Seventh Circuit precedent. Accordingly, the Government here must show (1) an extremely strong public-interest justification for banning non-violent felons who received no prison time from possessing firearms for self-defense purposes; and (2) a close fit between that purpose and § 922(g)(1). Ezell ,
i. Purpose: an "extremely strong" public interest justification
The Government's argument here is simple: they have an "obviously important" interest in curbing crime by keeping firearms from criminals. See Barrett v. United States ,
Both parties have erred. As an initial matter, the Government is correct that they do not have to focus on Hatfield's specific circumstances: when combating as-applied challenges, the Court focuses "on the relation [the statute] bears to the overall problem the government seeks to correct, not on the extent to which it furthers the government's interests in an individual case." Ward v. Rock Against Racism ,
With that principle in mind, the Government has failed to show an "extremely strong public-interest justification" for banning non-violent felons who received no prison time from owning a gun for self-defense purposes. Rather, Hatfield is correct that the Government has engaged in an "abdication of their obligations" here: the Government-instead of focusing on a narrow class of as-applied challengers-rests their position on the broad idea that since felons have shown a "manifest disregard for the rights of others," the Government may immediately strip them of their Second Amendment rights. The Government seems to think this is the case even if they cut a plea deal with the felon that recommended zero days in prison, like they did with Hatfield. It is absolutely impossible to reconcile the Government's positions here that (1) a specific felon is so harmless that the felon does not need to go to prison for their felony conviction, but also (2) the felon is so dangerous that they should be stripped of their right to own a gun and defend their home. This type of logical inconsistency shows that the Government is not taking the Second Amendment seriously. The Second Amendment has to mean something as a matter of law, policy debates aside. Overbroad policies ignoring a constitutional amendment are inexcusable.
ii. The fit between the Government's purpose and § 922(g)(1)
Even if the Government demonstrated an extremely strong public interest justification, they nevertheless fail at the next requirement: a close fit between their purpose and § 922(g)(1). The Government's arguments on purpose and fit blend together: they rely on the same cases that explain § 922(g)(1) keeps guns away from those Congress has labeled as irresponsible and dangerous. See , e.g. , Barrett,
The history of § 922(g)(1) highlights the irrationality of the Government's position. The Federal Firearms Act of 1938-the first major piece of federal legislation on this matter-only banned those "convicted of a crime of violence" from owning guns. PL 75-785, June 30, 1938,
The caveat: six years later, Congress passed the Omnibus Crime Control and Safe Streets Act of 1968. That Act cemented § 922(g)(1) into its current form. But the Act also crafted something else:
If the Government argued here that § 925(c) is a relief valve that saves § 922(g)(1)'s poor fit, then they could have won this case. But the Government was foreclosed from bringing that argument because Congress stopped funding § 925(c) in 1992-transforming what should have been a simple administrative proceeding into constitutional litigation. See PL 102-393, October 6, 1992,
The Government indicated at oral argument that Bean has resolved the § 925(c) issue. The Government is wrong. Bean was a pre- Heller decision that analyzed when judicial review of an agency decision was appropriate under the Administrative Procedure Act. This case is post- Heller , and instead centers on an as-applied constitutional challenge to § 922(g)(1). Hatfield
CONCLUSION
In the end, the Government's position in this case was peculiar. In the early 1990s, they recommended to the sentencing court that Larry Hatfield should receive zero months in prison for his crime: making a false statement to the Railroad Retirement Board, a statutory felony arising over 150 years after the Founders penned the Second Amendment. Hatfield has maintained a spotless record since his felony conviction. But now, the Government argues that Mr. Hatfield-and nonviolent felons in similar shoes-are so dangerous to society that they simply should not be able to enjoy their constitutional right to keep a gun in their homes for self-defense. Those two positions are irreconcilable. And not only that, the Government insists that this is not a matter for the federal courts to touch, but rather should be left to the other branches of government via a mechanism like
So for the foregoing reasons, the Court DENIES the motion for summary judgment by Jefferson B. Sessions, III, in his Official Capacity as the Attorney General of the United States (Doc. 41), GRANTS Larry Edward Hatfield's motion for summary judgment (See Docs. 47, 48); and DECLARES that
IT IS SO ORDERED.
Notes
Judge Sykes, dissenting, stated that the Skoien majority "declines to be explicit about its decision method, sends doctrinal signals that confuse rather than clarify, and develops its own record to support the government's application of § 922(g)(9)...."
Judge Sykes wrote the majority opinion in Ezell -one year after her dissent in Skoien .
"The essential elements of the common law crime of forgery are (1) a false making of some instrument in writing; (2) a fraudulent intent; [and] (3) an instrument apparently capable of effecting a fraud." Vizcarra-Ayala v. Mukasey ,
