HANNEGAN, POSTMASTER GENERAL, v. ESQUIRE, INC.
No. 399
Supreme Court of the United States
Argued January 11, 1946. - Decided February 4, 1946.
327 U.S. 146
We do not find in the record of either case sufficient basis for reversal thereof on the grounds suggested in Part II of MR. JUSTICE FRANKFURTER‘S opinion.
HANNEGAN, POSTMASTER GENERAL, v. ESQUIRE, INC.
No. 399. Argued January 11, 1946. - Decided February 4, 1946.
Bruce Bromley argued the cause for respondent. With him on the brief were Morris L. Ernst and Harriet F. Pilpel.
Briefs were filed by the following as amici curiae, in support of respondent: James W. Stites, George Roberts and Whitney North Seymour; Elisha Hanson for the American Newspaper Publishers Association; Francis H. Scheetz and Arthur H. Clephane for the Curtis Publishing Company; Robert E. Coulson and William R. Sherwood for the Reader‘s Digest Association, Inc.; Sidney R. Fleisher for the Authors’ League of America, Inc.; and Charles Horsky, Arthur Dehon Hill, Luther Ely Smith and Arthur Garfield Hays for the American Civil Liberties Union.
MR. JUSTICE DOUGLAS delivered the opinion of the Court.
Congress has made obscene material nonmailable (
“Except as otherwise provided by law, the conditions upon which a publication shall be admitted to the second class are as follows . . . Fourth. It must be originated and published for the dissemination of information of a public character, or devoted to literature, the sciences, arts, or some special industry, and having a legitimate list of subscribers. Nothing herein contained shall be so construed as to admit to the second-class rate regular publications designed primarily for advertising purposes, or for free circulation, or for circulation at nominal rates.”
Respondent is the publisher of Esquire Magazine, a monthly periodical which was granted a second-class permit in 1933. In 1943, pursuant to the
“The plain language of this statute does not assume that a publication must in fact be ‘obscene’ within the intendment of the postal obscenity statutes before it can be found not to be ‘originated and published for the dissemination of information of a public character, or devoted to literature, the sciences, arts, or some special industry.’
“Writings and pictures may be indecent, vulgar, and risque and still not be obscene in a technical sense. Such writings and pictures may be in that obscure and treacherous borderland zone where the average person hesitates to find them technically obscene, but still may see ample proof that they are morally improper and not for the public welfare and the public good. When such writings or pictures occur in isolated instances their dangerous tendencies and malignant qualities may be considered of lesser importance.
“When, however, they become a dominant and systematic feature they most certainly cannot be said to be for the public good, and a publication which uses them in that manner is not making the ‘special con-
tribution to the public welfare’ which Congress intended by the Fourth condition. “A publication to enjoy these unique mail privileges and special preferences is bound to do more than refrain from disseminating material which is obscene or bordering on the obscene. It is under a positive duty to contribute to the public good and the public welfare.”
Respondent thereupon sued in the District Court for the District of Columbia to enjoin the revocation order. The parties stipulated at a pre-trial conference that the suit would not be defended on the ground that Esquire Magazine was obscene or was for any other reason nonmailable.5 The district court denied the injunction and dismissed the complaint. 55 F. Supp. 1015. The court of appeals reversed. 151 F. 2d 49. The case is here on a petition for a writ of certiorari which we granted because of the importance of the problem in the administration of the postal laws.
The issues of Esquire Magazine under attack are those for January to November, inclusive, of 1943. The material complained of embraces in bulk only a small percentage of those issues.6 Regular features of the magazine (called “The Magazine for Men“) include articles on topics of current interest, short stories, sports articles or stories, short articles by men prominent in various fields of activities, articles about men prominent in the news, a book review department headed by the late William Lyon Phelps, a theatrical department headed by George Jean Nathan, a department on the lively arts by Gilbert Seldes, a department devoted to men‘s clothing, and pictorial features, including war action paintings, color photographs of dogs and water colors or etchings of game
An examination of the items makes plain, we think, that the controversy is not whether the magazine publishes “information of a public character” or is devoted to “literature” or to the “arts.” It is whether the contents are “good” or “bad.” To uphold the order of revocation would, therefore, grant the Postmaster General a power of censorship. Such a power is so abhorrent to our traditions that a purpose to grant it should not be easily inferred.
The second-class privilege is a form of subsidy.7 From the beginning Congress has allowed special rates to certain classes of publications. The
The postal laws make a clear-cut division between mailable and nonmailable material. The four classes of mailable matter are generally described by objective standards which refer in part to their contents, but not to the quality of their contents.9 The more particular descriptions of the first,10 third,11 and fourth12 classes follow the same
If the Fourth condition is read in that way, it is plain that Congress made no radical or basic change in the type of regulation which it adopted for second-class mail in 1879. The inauguration of even a limited type of censorship would have been such a startling change as to have left some traces in the legislative history. But we find none. Congressman Money, a member of the Postal Committee who defended the bill on the floor of the House, stated that it was “nothing but a simplification of the postal code. There are no new powers granted to the Department by this bill, none whatever.” 8 Cong. Rec. 2134. The bill contained registration provisions which were opposed on the ground that they might be the inception of a censorship of the press. Id., p. 2137. These were deleted. Id., pp. 2137, 2138. It is difficult to imagine that the Congress, having deleted them for fear of censorship, gave the Postmaster General by the Fourth
“We know the reason for which papers are allowed to go at a low rate of postage, amounting almost to the franking privilege, is because they are the most efficient educators of our people. It is because they go into general circulation and are intended for the dissemination of useful knowledge such as will promote the prosperity and the best interests of the people all over the country. Then all this vast mass of matter is excluded from that low rate of postage. I say, instead of being a censorship upon the press, it is for the protection of the legitimate journals of the country.” Id., p. 2135.
The policy of Congress has been clear. It has been to encourage the distribution of periodicals which disseminated “information of a public character” or which were devoted to “literature, the sciences, arts, or some special industry,” because it was thought that those publications as a class contributed to the public good.14 The standards prescribed in the Fourth condition have been criticized, but not on the ground that they provide for censorship.15 As stated by the Postal Commission of 1911, H. Doc. 559, 62d Cong., 2d Sess., p. 142:
“The original object in placing on second-class matter a rate far below that on any other class of mail was to encourage the dissemination of news and of current literature of educational value. This object has been only in part attained. The low rate has helped to stimulate an enormous mass of periodicals, many of which are of little utility for the cause of popular education. Others are of excellent quality, but the experience of the post office has shown the impossibility of making a satisfactory test based upon literary or educational values. To attempt to do so would be to set up a censorship of the press. Of necessity the words of the statute-‘devoted to literature, the sciences, arts, or some special industry‘-must have a broad interpretation.”
We may assume that Congress has a broad power of classification and need not open second-class mail to publications of all types. The categories of publications entitled to that classification have indeed varied through the years.16 And the Court held in Ex parte Jackson, 96 U. S. 727, that Congress could constitutionally make it a
This is not to say that there is nothing left to the Postmaster General under the Fourth condition. It is his duty to “execute all laws relative to the Postal Service.”
Affirmed.
MR. JUSTICE JACKSON took no part in the consideration or decision of this case.
MR. JUSTICE FRANKFURTER, concurring.
The case lies within very narrow confines. The publication under scrutiny is a periodical. It is therefore entitled to the special rates accorded by Congress provided it is published “for the dissemination of information of a public character, or devoted to literature, the sciences, arts...” If it be devoted to “literature” it becomes unnecessary to consider how small an infusion of “information of a public character” entitles a periodical to the second-class mail rates when the bulk of its contents would not otherwise satisfy the Congressional conditions.
Congress has neither defined its conception of “literature” nor has it authorized the Postmaster General to do so. But it has placed a limitation upon what is to be deemed “literature” for a privilege which the Court rightly calls a form of subsidy. Matters that are declared nonmailable (Criminal Code § 211; 35 Stat. 1129, 36 Stat. 1339;
It seems to me important strictly to confine discussion in this case because its radiations touch, on the one hand, the very basis of a free society, that of the right of expression beyond the conventions of the day, and, on the other hand, the freedom of society from constitutional compulsion to subsidize enterprise, whether in the world of matter or of mind. While one may entirely agree with Mr. Justice Holmes, in Leach v. Carlile, 258 U. S. 138, 140, as to the extent to which the First Amendment forbids control of the post so far as sealed letters are concerned, one confronts an entirely different set of questions in considering the basis on which the Government may grant or withhold subsidies through low postal rates, and huge subsidies, if one is to judge by the glimpse afforded by the present case. It will be time enough to consider such questions when the Court cannot escape decision upon them.
Notes
“First. It must regularly be issued at stated intervals, as frequently as four times a year, and bear a date of issue, and be numbered consecutively. Second. It must be issued from a known office of publication. Third. It must be formed of printed paper sheets, without board, cloth, leather, or other substantial binding, such as distinguish printed books for preservation from periodical publications: Provided, That publications produced by the stencil, mimeograph, or hectograph process or in imitation of typewriting shall not be regarded as printed within the meaning of this clause.”
“When any publication has been accorded second-class mail privileges, the same shall not be suspended or annulled until a hearing shall have been granted to the parties interested.”
“Mailable matter shall be divided into four classes:
“First, written matter;
“Second, periodical publications;
“Third, miscellaneous printed matter and other mailable matter not in the first, second, or fourth classes;
“Fourth, merchandise and other mailable matter weighing not less than eight ounces and not in any other class.”
“But in what way can it be said that a requirement that a certain printed matter should be ‘devoted to literature’ serves to mark it off from anything else that can be put into print. There is practically no form of expression of the human mind that can not be brought within the scope of ‘public information,’ ‘literature, the sciences, art, or some special industry.’ It would have been just as effective and just as reasonable for the statute to have said, ‘devoted to the interests of humanity,’ or ‘devoted to the development of civilization,’ or ‘devoted to human intellectual activity.’
“The prime defect in the statute is, then, that it defines not by qualities but by purposes, and the purpose described is so broad as to include everything and exclude nothing.
“With the exception of a few instances where the publication has been excluded because the information was deemed not to be public, no periodical has ever been classified by the application of tests of this kind. Any attempt to apply them generally would simply end in a press censorship.”
But that power has been zealously watched and strictly confined. See, for example, S. Doc. 118, 24th Cong., 1st Sess., reporting adversely on the recommendation of President Jackson that a law be passed prohibiting the use of the mails for the transmission of publications intended to instigate the slaves to insurrection. It was said, p. 3:
“But to understand more fully the extent of the control which the right of prohibiting circulation through the mail would give to the Government over the press, it must be borne in mind, that the power of Congress over the Post Office and the mail is an exclusive power. It must also be remembered that Congress, in the exercise of this power, may declare any road or navigable water to be a post road; and that, by the act of 1825, it is pro-vided ‘that no stage, or other vehicle which regularly performs trips on a post road, or on a road parallel to it, shall carry letters.’ The same provision extends to packets, boats, or other vessels, on navigable waters. Like provision may be extended to newspapers and pamphlets; which, if it be admitted that Congress has the right to discriminate in reference to their character, what papers shall or what shall not be transmitted by the mail, would subject the freedom of the press, on all subjects, political, moral, and religious, completely to its will and pleasure. It would, in fact, in some respects, more effectually control the freedom of the press than any sedition law, however severe its penalties. The mandate of the Government alone would be sufficient to close the door against circulation through the mail, and thus, at its sole will and pleasure, might intercept all communication between the press and the people . . .”
“when the polls of public opinion submitted by the publication are examined, it is found that these pictures were characterized as obscene or indecent by 19 to 22% of the persons interviewed, and that 20 to 26% of the persons polled would object to having them in their homes.”
