GUISEPPI еt al. v. WALLING, Administrator of the Wage and Hour Division, United States Department of Labor. MARETZO et al. v. SAME. GEMSCO, Inc., et al. v. SAME.
Nos. 361-363
Circuit Court of Appeals, Second Circuit
June 27, 1944
144 F.2d 608
It may be argued that
Order affirmed.
Landau & Friedman, of New York City (Solomon S. Friedman, of New York City, of counsel), for petitioners, Josephine Guiseppi et al.
Brower, Brill & Tompkins, of New York City (Ilo Orleans and Coleman Gangel, both of New York City, of counsel), for petitioners Mildred Maretzo et al.
Weisman, Quinn, Allan & Spett, of New York City (Samuel S. Allan and Seymour D. Altmark, both of New York City, of counsel), for petitioners Gemsco, Inc., et al.
Kraushaar & Kraushaar, of New York City (Meyer Kraushaar, of New York City, of counsel), for Lidz Brothers, Inc., amicus curiae.
Erwin Feldman, of New York City, for Harlem-Adler Co., Inc., and Schner-Block Company, amicus curiae.
Before L. HAND, SWAN, and FRANK, Circuit Judges.
FRANK, Circuit Judge.
1. Our starting point is this: Without the prohibition of home-work contained in the order of the Administrator the Act, in its application to this industry, will be unenforcible and will become virtually a dead letter. For so it was found as a fact by the Administrator, to whom the Act assigns its enforcement.2 And the truth of his findings petitioners cannot here dispute, since they do not assert that those findings are not supported by substantial evidence heard at the Administrator‘s hearing. At most, some of the petitioners cite a part of the evidence which is at variance with the findings but make no effort to show that there was not other contrary evidence of a substantial character. Moreover, as the printed supplements to their briefs, filed under our Rule 22, do not contain all the evidence, we must assume that, if we were to read all of it, the findings would be amply justified.3 Wе must, too, take those findings “at their face value,” although the Act did not require the Administrator to make them.4 Indeed, assuming for the moment that, if necessary to make the statute effective, the Act conferred on him the power to issue such a regulation, there is a “presumption of the existence of facts justifying its exercise.”5
2. Notwithstanding that, on this record, petitioners are obliged to confess that the wage order will fail without the home work prohibition, they assert that the Administrator had no power to issue it. Faced with the provisions of
Addison v. Holly Hill Fruit Products Co., Inc., 64 S.Ct. 1215, 1221, is not cоntrary to our conclusion. There the Court, interpreting one of the several specific exemptions from the Act, noted that those exemptions were “catalogued with particularity,” and said: “Exemptions made in such detail preclude their enlargement by implication.”
3. Petitioners, however, maintain that the amendment to the Act, in 1940, which added
4. Petitioners further contend that the legislative history of
Cudahy Packing Company v. Holland, 315 U.S. 357, 62 S.Ct. 651, 86 L.Ed. 895, is not in point. True, there, the Court referred to the fact that authority to delegate the subpoena power, expressly granted in the Senate bill, had been rejected by the Conference Committee; but, as the Court pointed out, the significance of that fact was that the Conference Committee substituted a provision giving the Administrator the subpoena power conferred upon the
5. But petitioners assert that, even granting that
That argument proves too much. It cannot stop with eliminating from
Were it necessary for us here to pass on the matter, we would be obliged to consider whether consistency and reasonableness require that
6. We cannot agree with the suggestion that Congress, if it had intended the Administrator to regulate home work, would have required him first to consult the industry committees or to hold hearings. For
We also consider untenable the suggestion that the home work regulation is invalid because the statute did not expressly require a hearing as a condition precedent to its issuance. Aside from the fact that here such a hearing was in fact held, the short answer is that the Constitution does not require a hearing before the promulgation of such a regulation. Bowles v. Willingham, 321 U.S. 503, 64 S.Ct. 641; Phillips v. Commissioner, 283 U.S. 589, 596, 597, 51 S.Ct. 608, 75 L.Ed. 1289; Bi-Metallic Investment Co. v. State Board, 239 U. S. 441, 36 S.Ct. 141, 60 L.Ed. 372.10
7. We reject the argument that stricter enforcement or some other measure would meet the problem without the need for prohibiting home work, for the Administrator has made express findings to the contrary.11
8. Nor is there, we think, anything to the point that the Administrator has made an unreasonable discriminatory classification by his exemptions from the prohibition. The Fifth Amendment contains no “equal protection” clause.12 Moreover, it is by no means clear that the exemption would be an invalid classification even under the Fourteenth Amendment.13
9. Equally unsound is the argument that the prohibition of home work violates due process. It is perhaps sufficient to note that, to support this argument, petitioners rely heavily on the remarks of Field, J., concerning liberty of contract in his concurring opinion in Butchers Union Co. v. Crescent City Co., 111 U.S. 746, 757, 4 S.Ct. 652, 28 L.Ed. 585. Surely the extreme views there expressed are no longer authoritative.14
10. Finally we come to the contention that, if the statute confers the asserted authority on the Administrator, then it unconstitutionally delegates legislative power. The question raised by that contention is not new. More than two thousand years ago, a profound student of government, from whom we derive the concept of a “government of laws, and not of men,”15 explained the inescapability of some delegation by legislators. The “rule of law,” he said, “is preferable to that of any indi-
Without mentioning that author, our Supreme Court has often echoed his words. In 1904, it said,16 “Congress legislated on the subject as far as was reasonably practicable, and from the necessities of the case was compelled to leave to executive officials the duty of bringing about the result pointed out by the statute. To deny the power of Congress to delegate such a duty would, in effect, amount but to declaring that the plenary power vested in Congress to regulate foreign commerce could not be efficaciously exerted.” In 1934, it said, “Undoubtedly legislation must often be adapted to complex conditions involving a host of details with which the national Legislаture cannot deal directly.
True, in the case last quoted and in another decided about the same time,18 it was held that the delegations there involved were so lacking in adequate standards, so unrestrained, as to be unconstitutional. But, in the light of many subsequent decisions, those two cases must now be considered exceptional, restricted to their particular or very similar facts. The standard in
Petitioners scarcely try to distinguish those cases. They fall back on a rigid conception of the “separation of powers” doctrine. Such an inflexible conception finds no justification in English or American history,20 and cannot be realized in practice.21 As Holmes, J., said in his dissenting opinion in Springer v. Philippine Islands, 277 U.S. 189, 211, 48 S.Ct. 480, 485, 72 L.Ed. 404: “It does not seem to need argument to show that however we may disguise it by veiling words we do not and cannot carry out the distinction between legislative and executive action with mathematical precision and divide the branches intо watertight compartments, were it ever so desirable to do so, which I am far from believing that it is, or that the Constitution requires.” 22
As, in spite of Supreme Court decisions which should put the matter at rest, we still frequently hear arguments which assume an inherent infirmity in delegation of rule-making to administrative officers, it seems worthwhile to analyze the problem somewhat more in detail.
In the history of this country, subordinate legislative powers were delegated at an early day, both by our state legislatures and Congress.23 What is new for us is the name “administrative law.”24 The writings of Goodnow and Freund intro-
Indeed, those who today criticize the transfer of “subsidiary legislation” to administrative officers forget that, inspired by somewhat similar motives, there has been and still is much criticism of the power exercised by judges in construing statutes, that Bentham, Livingston, and their disciples (some even in our time 33) have insisted that all “law” must emanate solely from the legislature, and have tried, through codification, to destroy all “judicial legislation.”34 Repeated attempts on the European continent to exploit that notion have invariably proved disappointing.35 Legal certainty to be attained by eliminating, via codification, all judicial law making is a fatuous dream.36 Courts in their interpretation of statutes often
There are those who, while they grudgingly concede the necessity of delegation of subordinate legislative powers to administrative officers, are disturbed because currently it is accompanied by what they consider an unwise breadth of authority in fact-finding given to such officers when deciding particular cases arising under administrative regulations.40a Such persons urge the courts to set narrow limits to the extent to which legislative powers may validly be assigned to administrators. But authority to find the facts is inseparable from the decision of specific cases.40b Judges trying nonjury cases have at least an equal breadth of authority in fact-finding. And extensive indeed it is, since, in the process of decision-making, the “minor” (fact) premise often plays a part as important as (if not more important than) the “major” (rule) premise.41 (Recognizing that, where the testimony is in conflict, the determination of the facts by а trial judge involves a guess as to the accuracy and honesty of the witnesses, some commentators have, indeed, referred to the “discretion of the judge” in the “estimation of the testimony.”42) Appellate courts sometimes make greater demands of administrators as to precision and detail in fact-finding than they ordinarily do of trial
Their selection, however, is not a judicial function. And it is surely not our function in this case to thwart the legislative purpose (whether we like it or not) by so interprеting this statute as to leave it, as to the industry here concerned, a mere bit of worthless printing.
Petitions denied.
L. HAND, Circuit Judge (concurring).
The only question which, as I view it, requires discussion is the meaning of
Even so, I should have had the utmost
I have not mentioned the parenthesis, which was interpolated into what has now become
Finally, I cannot see that the Puerto Rico and Virgin Island amendment to
SWAN, Circuit Judge (dissenting).
These are petitions under
The committee which recommended the 40 cent minimum wage for the embroideries industry made no recommendation as to the abolition or restriction of home work. This issue was never presented to the committee. Had the committee known that the wage it recommended was to be accompanied by such a restriction, which, as Judge Hand well says, “will disorganize and make over the industry, break up much family economy, and produce conditions which cannot possibly adjust themselves” for a considerable period of time, the committee might well have withheld its recommendation of a minimum wage rate lest employment in the industry be substantially curtailed. The Administrator, it is true, has made a finding that employment will not be substantially curtailed. But this finding adds no support to the validity of the order in my opinion. The issue of curtailment of employment by reason of the prohibition of home work was interjected without statutory authority into the hearing held under
Notes
And in his remarks elsewhere on “equity,” he said that “all law is couched in general terms, but there are some cases upon which it is impossible to pronounce correctly in general terms. Accordingly, where a general statement is necessary, but such a statement cannot be correct, the law embraces the majority of cases, although it does not ignore the element of error. Nor is it the less correct on this account; for the error lies not in the law, nor in the legislature, but in the nature of the case. For it is plainly impossible to pronounce with complete accuracy upon such a subject matter as human action. Wherever then the terms of the law are general, but the particular case is an exception to the general law, it is right, where the legislator‘s rule is inadequate or erroneous in virtue of its generality, to rectify the defect which the legislator himself, if he were present, and had he known it, would have rectified in legislating * * * This is in fact the nature of the equitable; it is rectification of law where it fails through generality * * * For where the thing to be measured is indefinite the rule must be indefinite * * *” Nicomachean Ethics, Bk. V, Ch. 10, 1137b, 13-31. “The equitable seems to be just and equity is a kind of justice, but goes beyond the written law. This margin is left by legislators, sometimes voluntarily, sometimes involuntary; involuntarily when the point escapes notice, voluntarily when they are unable to lаy down a definition, and yet it is necessary to lay down an absolute rule; also in cases where inexperience makes it hard to define * * *; for life would not be long enough for a person to enumerate the cases.” Rhetoric, Bk. I, Ch. 13.
By a “government of men” Aristotle apparently meant a government in which a specific judgment or decree affecting a specific person is rendered by the legislator or legislative body. Curiously, some of our Congressional “private bill” legislation would come within that criticized category.
Aristotle‘s point of view reappeared in a New York Times’ editorial of December 15, 1943: “It is the proper func-, tion of Congress to frame laws and general policies, to delegate powers wherever detailed control is necessary, and to see that laws are properly administered. But it is not the function of Congress itself to administer the law. It is not its business to meddle in specific decisions. Once it does so * * * it will find itself overwhelmed with administrative details that it is not remotely organized to attend to * * * Such detailed meddling can only * * * lead towards administrative chaos.”
Incorrect also is the notion that Coke, in the 17th century, espoused the “separation” doctrine. His attacks on the High Commission, an ecclesiastical court, and on other governmental agencies, were based on his contention that they were exercising powers not conferred on them by Parliament, never that Parliamеnt could not do so or that there was anything inherently bad in a grant of combined judicial and executive or legislative functions. He sat in both the Privy Council and the Star Chamber which each exercised combined judicial and administrative powers of an extensive character. Not only did he not protest against that fusion of powers in those bodies but late in life described the Star Chamber as “the most honorable court (our Parliament excepted) that exists in the Christian world.” 4 Institutes 65.
In this country, the Articles of Confederation made no provision for separating the three powers. And the discussions of Madison and Hamilton in The Federalist (Nos. 38, 47, 48 and 66) show not only that the constitutions of most American States after Independence by no means adhered rigidly to the tripartite separation but also that the federal Constitution was not intended to do so. See also, Nettels, The Roots of American Civilization (1938) 666; Merriam, American Political Theories (1903) Chapters II and III.
Jefferson came to have a poor opinion of Montesquieu. And in 1816 he said of the Virginia country courts, which performed such nonjudicial functions as supervising schools, levying taxes and appointing sheriffs, “I acknowledge the value of this institution; it is in truth our principal executive and judiciary.” 5 Works (Washington ed., 1853) 539; 7, ibid, 18.
The Supreme Court, as early as 1825, held that Congress may delegate to the Supreme Court a power which the Court regarded as “legislative“, i. e., the power to make or alter rules of procedure. Wayman v. Southard, 10 Wheat. 1, 6 L.Ed. 253.
One recalls Moliere‘s M. Jourdain who learned with pleasure, that, like literary men, he had been talking prose all his life.
As Patterson says (loc. cit. 4-5), “one cannot assume * * * that the same code of procedure which works well in workmen‘s compensation will do for the regulation of insurance enterprises. As well apply the violent methods of military law to the taking of a census!”
Dean Landis in 1938 referred to “the insistence of Mr. Justice Brandeis that differences in treatment should be accorded to findings of fact by different administrative officials, because of differences in the facts and in the qualities of the administrative to be expert in finding the facts.” He also said: “If the extent of judicial review is being shaped, as I believe, by reference to an appreciation of the qualities of expertness for decision that the administrative may possess, important consequences follow. The constitution of the administrative and the procedure employed by it become of great importance. That these factors already in part mold the scope of judicial review is apparent from the decisions. Different agencies receive different treatment from the courts. A reputation for fairness and thoroughness that attaches to a particular agency seeps through to the judges and affects them in their treatment of its decisions.” Landis, The Administrative Process (1938) 143-144, 153.
Previously, Henderson, in The Federal Trade Commission (1924) 337, had said: “The expert judgment of the Interstate Commerce Commissions is, as I have said, respected by the courts, and the only reason I can think of for not giving the same treatment to the findings of the Federal Trade Commission is that it is difficult to tell from the great majority of the findings that the Commission has ever exercised an expert judgment, since the reasons for the decision are never given. Despite the dicta of the Supreme Court, I venture the opinion that the matter is not yet foreclosed, and that if it should appear in some future case that the Commission has based its decision on an expert judgment of a practical nature, the court is still in a position to state that it will not substitute its own judgment for the judgment of the Commission. So long as the Commission adheres to its present formal findings of fact, however, there can be little hope of such an outcome.”
Recently the Supreme Court has shown signs of employing such an empirical, selective, test in its dealings with the several administrative agencies. Thus in Dobson v. Commissioner, 320 U.S. 489, 498, 64 S.Ct. 239, 245, when announcing the extensive authority of the Tax Court in matters of “fact,” the Court said: “It has established a tradition of freedom from bias and pressures.” See, on the other hand, the increased strictness of the Court‘s attitude towards another agency in Eastern-Central Ass‘n v. United States, 321 U.S. 194, 64 S.Ct. 499.
In 1941, in hearings on S.674, S.675 and S.918, Senator O‘Mahoney said to a witness: “Now the question as to whether or not thеre shall be a complete separation of prosecution and adjudication in all of these matters, and your position that they cannot possibly be joined in the same person without great detriment, prompts me to suggest, because of your statement a moment ago, that in the ordinary criminal procedure, day after day, prosecuting attorneys are confronted with the problem of determining whether or not they shall proceed with a particular case, and whether or not a particular type of settlement will be made. Prosecuting attorneys, U. S. attorneys, attorneys in the various districts, county attorneys, State attorneys and the like are constantly making these decisions which come within the border line * * *.”
“In the Illinois Crime Survey of some dozen years ago, it was found that in a given year 13,117 felony prosecutions were begun in Chicago. Only 498—less than one in twenty-six—ever came to trial.” Puttkammer, Criminal Law Enforcement, University of Chicago Law School, Reprint and Pamphlet Series (1941) No. 1, p. 6.
Many learned commentators have said the same; see, e. g., the citations in Commissioner v. Beck‘s Estate, 2 Cir., 129 F.2d 243, 245, note 3; Waite, Judge-Made Law And The Education of Lawyers, 30 Am. Bar. Ass‘n J. (1944) 253.
There has, however, been greater reluctance to admit that, similarly, interpretation of statutes often requires such legislation. Yet it is difficult to justify a differentiation. Several students of continental legal systems have recognized that statutory construction often necessitates judge-made law. See Kiss, Equity and Law, in The Science of Legal Method (transl. 1917) 146; Lambert, Codified and Case Law, in the same volume, 251; Wurzel, Juridical Thinking (in the same volume), 286; Alvarez, Methods For Codes (in the same volume) 429. As Mr. Justice Jackson recently noted, the Swiss Code candidly calls for such law-making by the judges; State Tax Commission v. Aldrich, 316 U.S. 174, 202, note 23, 62 S.Ct. 1008, 86 L.Ed. 1358, 139 A.L.R. 1436.
Paul, Federal Estate and Gift Taxation (1942) I, 43-44, 62, 86-87, has observed that narrow or liberal construction of statutes often involves judicial legislation; cf. Jackson, The Struggle For Judicial Supremacy (1941) 58.
Seagle suggests that legislation actually leads to an increase of legislative activity by the courts. Seagle, The Quest For Law (1941) 298; cf. 196. See also Calhoun, Introduction to Greek Legal Science (1944) Ch. IV.
See Wigmore, The Judicial Function, in The Science of Legal Method (1917) xxvi; Allen, Law in The Making (1927) 283, 286-287; Radin, The Law and Mr. Smith (1938) Chapter XIV.
John Foster Dulles, in the same hearings, said that when he had publicly stated that the administration of any law depended in the last analysis upon the character of the men charged with the duty of administering it, he had been severely criticized “on the ground that that demonstrated I was a Nazi because I believed in a government by men and not a government of laws, and the American system was a government of laws and not of men.”
Cf. Lindsay Rogers, The Independent Regulatory Commissions, 52 Pol. Sc. Q. (1937) 1, 9-10.
