ORDER
This case comes before the Court on Defendant Brian Kemp’s Motion for Summary Judgment [75], Plaintiffs’' Motion for Summary Judgment [76], and Plaintiffs’ Motion to Strike Defendant’s Reply Brief [84], After reviewing the record, the Court enters the following Order.
Background
Plaintiffs the Green Party of Georgia (“Green Party”) and the Constitution Party of Georgia (“Constitution Party”) brought this case in advance of the 2012 Presidential Election, challenging Georgia’s ballot access laws.
Plaintiffs challenge O.C.G.A. § 21-2-170, which requires a candidate from a political body seeking inclusion on an election ballot for an office that is voted upon statewide to obtain signatures in a nominating petition from at least one percent of the registered voters eligible to vote in the last election. Plaintiffs seek injunctive relief and a declaration that this provision unconstitutionally burdens Plaintiffs’ rights under the First and Fourteenth Amendments.
Under Georgia law, a “political party” is any political organization whose candidate received 20 percent of the votes cast in the preceding gubernatorial or presidential election. O.C.G.A. § 21-2-2(25). A candidate may appear on Georgia’s election ballot if he or she is nominated in a primary conducted by a political party. O.C.G.A. § 21-2-130(1).
But independent candidates and candidates representing “political bodies” may appear on the election ballot as well. Georgia law provides that such a candidate may access the ballot if he or she submits a nomination petition signed by a specified percentage of voters (one percent for a presidential election). O.C.G.A. § 21-2-170(b).
Plaintiffs filed the present action asserting that each is a political organization or “body” registered under O.C.G.A. § 21-2-110 and § 21-2-113 “desiring to be a qualified party for 'the purposes of having its candidate put on the 2012 Presidential Ballot in Georgia.” (Compl., Dkt. [1] ¶3.) Each of the Plaintiffs alleges that it “meets all the statutory requirements to place its presidential candidate on the ballot except
This case has had a long history in this Court and in the Eleventh Circuit Court of Appeals. In the interim, the 2012 Presidential Election has come and gone.
I. Procedural Background
The Court dismissed Plaintiffs’ Complaint on July 17, 2012, concluding that because higher courts have held that the requirement under O.C.G.A. § 21-2-170 for a petition containing at least five percent of the registered voters for certain elections was not unconstitutional, the requirement that a presidential candidate’s petition contain one percent of the registered voters would not be unconstitutional. (Dkt. [4].) Plaintiffs moved for reconsideration, which the Court similarly denied, relying on Supreme Court and Eleventh Circuit precedent in Jenness v. Fortson,
Plaintiffs appealed to the United States Court of Appeals for the Eleventh Circuit. On January 6, 2014, the Court of Appeals reversed and remanded, holding that this Court employed the type of “litmus-paper test” that the Supreme Court rejected in Anderson v. Celebrezze,
On May 19, 2015, applying the Anderson standard as instructed, the Court issued an Order denying Plaintiffs’ (First) Motion for Summary Judgment. Green Party of Ga. v. Kemp,
II. Factual Background
Each Plaintiff is a political organization or “body” registered under O.C.G.A. § 21-2-110 and § 21-2-113 and “meets all the statutory requirements to place its presidential candidate on the ballot except for the petition requirements of O.C1G.A. § 21-2-170.” (Pis.’ Statement of Material Facts on Mot. for Summ. J. or Alternatively Mot. for a Prelim. Inj. (“Pis.’ 1st SOMF”), Dkt. [8] ¶ 1-2; 2012 Esco Aff., Dkt. [7-1]; 2012 Haag Aff., Dkt. [7-2].)
Defendant Brian Kemp is Georgia’s Secretary of State. (Pis.’ 1st SOMF, Dkt. [8] ¶ 3.) Under O.C.G.A. § 21-2-50, the Secretary of State is charged with significant duties related to the regulation and supervision of the elections process in Georgia.
A. History of Georgia’s Ballot Access Restrictions
In 1922, Georgia passed a law that authorized government-printed ballots. (Pl.’s Statement of Material Facts to Which There is No Genuine Issue to be Tried (“Pis.’ SOMF”), Dkt. [76-2] ¶ 9.) Prior to that, Georgia had no ballot access law. (Id. ¶ 8.) From 1922 until 1943, independent and political party candidates could access the November ballot “with no petition and no fee.” (Id. ¶ 9.) In 1943, Georgia adopted a 5% petition requirement for access to the general election ballot.
In 1944, 27,500 signatures were required to access the presidential ballot in Georgia; no candidates qualified. (App’x to 2015 Winger Aff., Dkt. [76-3] at 8.) In 1960, candidates needed 65,530 signatures and in 1964, candidates needed 65,107 signatures; no candidates qualified either year. (Id. at 9.) In 1968, one party cleared the 83,339 signature threshold. (Id.) In 1972 and 1976, candidates needed to collect 98,022 and 108,395 signatures, respectively; no third-party or independent candidates were on Georgia’s ballot either year. (Id.) In 1980, two candidates qualified with over 57,540 signatures. (Id.)
Georgia’s election code was amended to include the current one percent petition requirement in 1986.
In addition to the number of signatures required by O.C.G.A. § 21-2-170, Georgia law imposes other requirements on candidates seeking to access a ballot through petition. Each sheet of a political body or independent candidate’s nomination petition must bear the circulator’s affidavit, which must be subscribed and sworn before a notary public. O.C.G.A. § 21-2-170(d). The affiant must, inter alia, swear that each signature was signed within 180 days of the last day on which the petition may be filed. Id. Additionally, different sheets must be used by signers residing in different counties or municipalities. Id.
As an alternative to the petition procedure for candidates set forth in O.C.G.A. § 21-2-170, Georgia law provides that a registered political body may place a candidate on the ballot by nomination at its convention through one of two avenues.
Second, a political body may place a candidate on the ballot by nomination at its convention if the political body received votes equal to one percent of the total number of registered voters eligible to vote in the preceding election. O.C.G.A. § 21-2-180(2). The Libertarian Party has accessed the ballot in this way on various occasions. (2012 Ford Aff., Dkt. [29-1] ¶¶ 6, 9; Harvey Aff., Dkt. [75-3] at 5 n.l.) Plaintiffs, however, claim that this provision makes it “impossible” for political bodies such as themselves to alternatively qualify and therefore leaves nomination by petition under O.C.G.A. § 21-2-170 or O.C.G.A. § 21-2-180(1) as Plaintiffs’ only viable avenues to access the ballot. (Pis.’ 1st SOMF, Dkt. [8] ¶ 7.) In support of their contention that nomination petitions are their only workable means of ballot
B. Other States’ Ballot Access Restrictions
In support of their Motion for Summary Judgment, Plaintiffs submit an affidavit by Richard Winger that discusses Georgia’s ballot access requirements in the context of other states’ restrictions.
C. Third-Party or Political Body Candidates in Georgia
Since the passage of Georgia’s current code section in 1986, Ross Perot qualified as an independent presidential candidate in 1992 and 1996, as did Pat Buchanan in 2000. (Pl.’s 1st SOMF, Dkt. [8] ¶ 8; Def.’s Resp. to Pis.’ 1st SOMF, Dkt. [30] ¶8.) Plaintiffs have sought to be included on the State of Georgia’s presidential ballot in the 2012 and prior elections. Neither Plaintiff nor any other “minor party,” however, has qualified a presidential candidate for ballot access by petition since Mr. Buchanan in 2000. (Pis.’ SOMF, Dkt. [76-2] ¶ 13.)
1. Green Party Efforts to Access the Ballot
The Georgia Green Party attempted to place its candidates on Georgia Presidential ballots through petition drives in 2000, 2004, 2008, and 2012.
For the 2000 election, Georgia Green Party activists began circulating nominating petitions in the summer or fall of 1999. (Id. ¶ 27.) The Atlanta Police Department issued criminal trespass warnings to Green Party petitioners collecting signatures at the Atlanta Pride Festival in June of 2000. (Id. ¶ 28.) Following this incident, the
In 2004, the Georgia Green Party collected about 3,000 signatures for the Party’s presidential ticket. (Id. ¶ 39.) That year, Georgia required 37,153 signatures to access the ballot. (App’x to 2015 Winger Aff., Dkt. [76-3] at 4.) The Green Party’s presidential ticket was included on 28 other state ballots and garnered -write-in votes in 15 additional states, including Georgia. (Pis.’ SOMF, Dkt. [76-2] ¶41.)
In 2008, a “handful of volunteers collected a few hundred signatures” for the Green Party’s presidential candidate, Cynthia McKinney. (Id. ¶ 42.) The Green Party, however, ultimately chose not to “expend their energies on a petition drive.” (Id.)
In 2008, Georgia required 42,489 signatures to access the presidential ballot. (App’x to 2015 Winger Aff., Dkt. [76-3] at 4.) Ralph Nader again ran for President, this time as an Independent candidate. (Pis.’ SOMF, Dkt. [76-2] ¶ 44.) In light of Georgia’s signature requirement, the Nader campaign “made a strategic decision,” and “did not even consider attempting to qualify for the ballot in Georgia” because of the “excessive hurdle” the petition requirement put on his “volunteer, grassroots efforts.” (Kafoury Deck, Dkt. [76-9] ¶¶ 3-4.) Mr. Nader qualified to be on the 2008 Presidential ballot in 45 other states. (Pis.’ SOMF, Dkt. [76-2] ¶ 45.) Georgia is one of only four states in which Mr. Nader did not appear on the ballot in any of his Presidential runs. (Id. ¶ 46.)
In 2012, the Green Party focused their petition efforts on Kwabena Nkromo accessing the ballot for House District 57 rather than on presidential petitions. (2015 Esco Aff., Dkt.) The Party’s candidate for President, Jill Stein, ran as a write-in candidate. (Pis.’ SOMF, Dkt. [76-2] ¶ 47.)
2. Constitution Party Efforts to Access the Ballot
The Constitution Party of Georgia is the successor party to the U.S. Taxpayers of Georgia (“U.S. Taxpayers Party”). (Def. Brian Kemp’s Statement of Material Facts Not in Dispute (“Def.’s SOMF”), Dkt. 75-1 ¶2.) The U.S. Taxpayers Party, like the Green'Party, has sought to place its candidates on the presidential ballot in Georgia through petition. (PL’s MSJ Br., Dkt. [76-1] at 22.)
In 1996, the U.S. Taxpayers Party circulated petitions to submit its candidate, Howard Phillips, to the presidential ballot in Georgia. (Pis.’ SOMF, ¶ 50.) The Party collected approximately 40,000 signatures in three weeks. (Def.’s SOMF, Dkt. [75-1] ¶ 79.) That year, 30,036 signatures were required to gain access to the ballot. (App’x to 2015 Winger Aff., Dkt. [76-3] at 4; Pis.’ SOMF, Dkt. [76-2] ¶ 51.) The Secretary of State ultimately rejected the U.S. Taxpayers Party’s petition, however, on grounds that many of the signatures were invalidated because they had been collected by a notary. (Pis.’ SOMF, Dkt. [76-2] ¶ 51.) The Party challenged the rejection in federal court, but the complaint was dismissed on grounds that the signatures collected by the notaries were, in fact, invalid under Georgia law.
In 2004, the Constitution Party was unable to collect the signatures required to get its candidate, Michael Peroutka, on the general election ballot. (Id. ¶ 58.) Mr. Per-outka appeared on the ballot in 34 other states and ran as a write-in candidate in Georgia. (Id. ¶ 59.) Similarly, in 2008, the Constitution Party’s candidate, Chuck Baldwin, appeared on the ballot in 37 other states, but ran as a write-in candidate in Georgia. (Id. ¶¶ 67-69.) In 2012, Virgil Goode, the Constitution Party’s candidate, appeared on the ballot in 26 other states but ran as a write-in candidate in Georgia. (Id. ¶¶ 74-75.) Georgia is one of only five states in which the Constitution Party’s Presidential candidate has never appeared on the ballot. The others are Arizona, Indiana, North Carolina, and Oklahoma.
D. Practicalities of Circulating Petitions
Plaintiffs provide evidence of the costs of collecting petition signatures. Political bodies may employ paid petitioners to collect signatures. Tom Yager, co-chair of the national Green Party’s access committee, states that in his experience, a paid petitioner charges about $2 per signature, in addition to lodging and travel expenses. (Pis.’ SOMF, Dkt. [76-2] ¶ 15.) Because signatures may be invalidated for a variety of reasons, Mr. Yager attempts to collect more signatures than the required number. For the approximately 50,000 signatures required to access the 2016 ballot in Georgia, the Green Party finds it would be “prudent to collect about 78,000 raw signatures to ensure a sufficient number of valid signatures.” (Id. ¶ 17.) Mr. Yager estimates that a statewide petition drive in Georgia would cost about $140,00 to $150,000. (Id.)
Other political body officials estimate the costs differently: Hugh Esco, former Green Party candidate, estimates that the cost of securing over 50,000 valid signatures would be approximately $175,203 plus qualifying fees. (Id. ¶ 21.) Ricardo Davis, state chairman of the Constitution Party of Georgia, estimates that the cost of achieving the Constitution Party’s minimum petitioning goal of 70,000 signatures would run from $70,000 to $350,000. (Id. ¶ 20.)
Once a party successfully accesses a ballot once, it is easier for the party to qualify for the next election cycle. For example,
The Georgia Libertarian Party successfully submitted a petition for ballot access in 1988, when the requirement was 25,759 signatures. (Id. ¶ 86.) The Libertarian Party has since been relieved of the need to petition because it has qualified for access pursuant to O.C.G.A. § 21-2-180(2), which allows “automatic” ballot access (through nomination by convention) to a political body that garnered one percent of the vote in the preceding election. (Id.)
E. Third-Party or Political Body Candidates in Other States
While Plaintiffs’ candidates have been unable to access the ballot in Georgia, both the Green Party and the Constitution Party’s candidates have been included on other states’ ballots. For example, in 1996, the Constitution Party’s presidential candidates appeared on the ballot in 41 states. (2012 Favorito Aff., Dkt. [7-3] ¶ 2.) Additionally, the Green Party’s ranks have included “roughly 150 publicly elected officials” at any one time. (2012 Eseo Aff., Dkt. [7-1] ¶ 7 (stating that in 2012, the Green Party had 133 elected officials from 22 states and the District of Columbia).) The Green Party has also achieved some success with its presidential candidate, Mr. Nader, who was listed on 46 state ballots and won nearly three percent of the popular vote nationally in 2000. (Id. ¶ 11.)
Discussion
As an initial matter, Plaintiffs’ Motion to Strike Defendant’s Reply Brief [84] is DENIED. Now, on this procedural and factual background, the Court proceeds to discuss the relevant law before beginning its analysis of the parties’ cross-motions for summary judgment.
III. Public Support Requirements for Ballot Access
In its May 19 Order, the Court reviewed public support requirements for ballot access. See Green Party II,
First and foremost, candidate eligibility requirements implicate basic constitutional rights under the First and Fourteenth Amendments. Anderson v. Celebrezze,
In the present situation the state laws place burdens on two different, althoughoverlapping, kinds of rights — the right of individuals to associate for the advancement of political beliefs, and the right of qualified voters, regardless of their political persuasion, to cast their votes effectively. Both of these rights, of course, rank among our most precious freedoms. We have repeatedly held that freedom of association is protected by the First Amendment. And of course this freedom protected against federal encroachment by the First Amendment is entitled under the Fourteenth Amendment to the same protection from infringement by the States.
Williams v. Rhodes,
As this Court and higher courts have recognized, the candidates who appear on the ballot are crucial to the voters’ exercise of those First and Fourteenth Amendment rights. “[V]oters can assert their preferences only through candidates or parties or both.” Anderson,
Third-party and independent candidates in particular play an important role in the voter’s exercise of his or her rights. “The right to vote is ‘heavily burdened’ if that vote may be cast only for major-party candidates at a time when other parties or other candidates are ‘clamoring for a place on the ballot.’” Anderson,
Moreover, the Supreme Court has recognized the special place occupied by alternative candidates in our political system. In Illinois State Board of Elections v. Socialist Workers Party,
In emphasizing the important rights implicated by restrictions on access to the ballot and the role that third parties play in the exercise of those rights, Justice Marshall wrote for the majority:
The States’ interest in screening out frivolous candidates must be considered in light of the significant role that third parties have played in the political development of the Nation. Abolitionists, Progressives, and Populists have undeniably had influence, if not always electoralsuccess. As the records of such parties demonstrate, an election campaign is a means of disseminating ideas as well as attaining political office.
Id. at 185,
But of course the important role played by candidates representing parties or political bodies outside the two major parties does not grant those candidates unfettered access to ballots. Anderson,
Many states, including Georgia, require prospective third-party or independent candidates to demonstrate that they enjoy some public support. These requirements further the state’s interest in creating an efficient and transparent election process. See Jenness v. Fortson,
The controlling case law, however, does not provide a clear guide for determining how much support a candidate seeking ballot access must show. In 1971, the Supreme Court in Jenness v. Fortson held that a candidate must show a “significant modicum of support” to access the ballot. Id. Three years later, the Court echoed that language in American Party of Texas v. White,
For the past thirty years, then, the law has been clearly established that states may require candidates seeking ballot access to show some level of support. But, lower courts have grappled with precisely how much support is required. As the Ninth Circuit Court of Appeals recently recognized,
Election cases are difficult. The historical background for such litigation changes rapidly.... [Bjallot-access requirements ... have proved difficult forcourts to evaluate, given both the state’s compelling interests in preventing fraud and providing orderly election administration, and the Constitution’s mandate for free political expression and participation that require such ballot-access restrictions to survive strict scrutiny.
Nader v. Brewer,
With this background in mind, the Court turns to the parties’ motions for summary judgment.
IV. Legal Standard — Motions for Summary Judgment
Federal Rule of Civil Procedure 56 requires that summary judgment be granted “if the movant shows that there is no genuine dispute as to any material fact and the movant is entitled to judgment as a matter of law.” “The moving party bears ‘the initial responsibility of informing the ... court of the basis for its motion, and identifying those portions of the pleadings, depositions, answers to interrogatories, and admissions on file, together with the affidavits, if any, which it believes demonstrate the absence of a genuine issue of material fact.’ ” Hickson Corp. v. N. Crossarm Co.,
The applicable substantive law identifies which facts are material. Id. at 248,
Finally, in resolving a motion for summary judgment, the court must view all evidence and draw all reasonable inferences in the light most favorable to the non-moving party. Patton v. Triad Guar. Ins. Corp.,
Finally, the filing of cross-motions for summary judgment does not give rise to any presumption that no genuine issues of material fact exist. Rather, “[c]ross-motions must be considered separately, as each movant bears the burden of establishing that no genuine issue of material fact exists and that it is entitled to judgment as a matter of law.” Shaw Constructors v. ICF Kaiser Eng’rs, Inc.,
In its opinion reversing and remanding the Court’s ruling on Defendants’ Motion to Dismiss, the Eleventh Circuit instructed the Court to evaluate Plaintiffs’ claim under the balancing approach in Anderson v. Celebrezze,
In Anderson, the Supreme Court recognized that the direct impact of Ohio’s filing deadline fell on candidates for office, but also noted that the law burdened voters’ constitutional rights to associate for the advancement of their political beliefs and to cast their votes effectively.
However, the Anderson court cautioned: “Although these rights of voters are fundamental, not all restrictions imposed by the States on candidates’ eligibility for the ballot impose eonstitutionally-suspect burdens on voters’ rights to associate or to choose among candidates.” Id. at 788,
Given the competing, legitimate interests at stake, the Supreme Court in Anderson rejected a “litmus-paper test” for separating valid and invalid election restrictions. Id. at 789,
First, a court must “consider the character and magnitude of the asserted injury to the rights protected by the First and Fourteenth Amendments that the plaintiff seeks to vindicate.” Anderson,
Following the Eleventh Circuit’s remand of this case to this Court, the Court considered Plaintiffs’ Motion for Summary Judgment. As discussed in Part I, supra, the Court denied Plaintiffs’ Motion, holding that the character of the asserted injury to the right to vote is significant, but that on that record, Plaintiffs had failed to carry their burden to show the Court that the alleged injury is of an appreciable magnitude. Green Party II,
The Court further held, based on the record at the time, that the State in this case had an “undeniably legitimate” interest. Id. at 1323. The Court could not-and did not-conclude that the State had a real need to decrease voter confusion in Georgia. Id. The Court did not apply strict scrutiny at that time, because Plaintiffs had not provided evidence that the burden on their rights was “severe.” But, contrary to the State’s contention in its present briefs, nor did the Court conclude that strict scrutiny could not apply in this case. Rather, the Court wrote: “The Court cannot conclude on the record before it that the regulation in question here so severely restricts the right to vote as to compel strict scrutiny.” Id. at 1324 n. 5 (emphasis added).
Finally, the Court found that a genuine issue of material fact existed as to whether Plaintiffs had been reasonably diligent in seeking signatures. The Court held that “Plaintiffs must show that the challenges they face in accessing the ballot are attributable to the particular burdens imposed ■ by Georgia’s petition requirements and are not simply a result of the generic difficulty inherent in gaining access to a ballot” and that Plaintiffs faded to carry that burden based on the record then before the Court. Id. at 1327. Therefore, the Court held, it could not conclude as a matter of law that Plaintiffs had been unconstitutionally barred from accessing the ballot by the operation of Georgia’s laws. The Court denied Plaintiffs Motion for Summary Judgment.
Ultimately, the Court concluded that the record did not support a holding for Plaintiffs.. The parties have since engaged in additional discovery and have developed the record. The record before the Court now is significantly more robust than it was at the time of the Court’s May 19, 2015 Order. As such, the Court essentially must start with a clean slate in its analysis of the parties’ cross motions for summary judgment. The Seventh Circuit Court of Appeals has recognized that “the Supreme Court has consistently taken an intensely practical and fact-oriented approach to deciding these election cases.” Bowe v. Bd. of Election Comm’rs of City of Chicago,
The Court now lays out Plaintiffs’ and Defendant’s arguments that they are entitled to judgment as a matter of law.
A. Plaintiffs’ Motion for Summary Judgment
Plaintiffs allege that O.C.G.A. § 21-2-170’s signature requirements “are in ex
A nomination petition of a candidate seeking an office which is voted upon state wide shall be signed by a number of voters equal to 1 percent of the total number of registered voters eligible to vote in the last election for the filling of the office the candidate is seeking and the signers of such petition shall be registered and eligible to vote in the election at which such candidate seeks to be elected.
Plaintiffs further allege that the “State of Georgia makes it impossible for political bodies to alternatively qualify under O.C.G.A. [§ ] 21-2-180(2)... because the State does not tally the write-in votes accurately, leaving it up to the counties who usually do not tally the write-in votes.” (Compl., Dkt. [1] ¶ 19.) Under O.C.G.A. § 21-2-180:
Any political body which is duly registered [under § ] 21-2-110 is qualified to nominate candidates for state-wide public office by convention if:
(1) The political body files vwith the Secretary of State a petition signed by voters equal in number to 1 percent of the registered voters who were registered and eligible to vote in the preceding general election; or
(2) At the preceding general election, the political body nominated a candidate for state-wide office and such candidate received a number of votes equal to 1 percent of the total number of registered voters who were registered and eligible to vote in such general election.
Plaintiffs seek judgment as a matter of law that this scheme violates the First and Fourteenth Amendments to the United States Constitution.
Plaintiffs argue that the test set forth in Anderson requires a finding that Georgia’s scheme is unconstitutional. The Court now briefly sets out Plaintiffs’ arguments for each step of the Anderson analysis before analyzing them in detail infra at Part VI.
1. Character and Magnitude of the Asserted Injury
Plaintiffs charge that Georgia’s petition signature requirement burdens three distinct and fundamental rights: (1) Plaintiffs’ right to select their own candidates, (2) “the right of individuals to associate for the advancement of political beliefs,” and (3)“the right of qualified voters, regardless of their political persuasion, to cast their votes effectively.” (Pis.’ Br. in Supp. of Mot. for Summ. J. (“Pis.’ MSJ Br.”), Dkt. [76-1] at 8.)
Plaintiffs rely on the developed record to argue that the injury to these significant rights is severe. For the 2016 Presidential Election, the “number of voters equal to 1 percent -of the total number of registered voters eligible to vote in the last election for the filling of the office the candidate is seeking” is 50,334.
But Plaintiffs submit that a petition would have to contain' more than the minimum number of signatures because some signatures may be deemed invalid for a variety of reasons. (Pis.’ MSJ Br., Dkt. [76-1] at 11.) Some of those reasons stem from other portions of Georgia’s election code scheme. (Id. at 13.) Also, collecting signatures imposes significant costs on a third-party or independent candidate. (Id. at 12.) Finally, third parties or political bodies that constantly face high petition requirements suffer from “petition fatigue.” (Id. at 19-20.)
Ultimately, Plaintiffs argue that the evidence shows they have been “reasonably diligent and undertaken substantial efforts to nominate [their] candidates in Georgia, and that the challenges [they] face[] in accessing the Presidential ballot are attributable to the particular burdens imposed by the state’s petition requirements.” (Id. at 21, 29.)
2. Interests Advanced by the State
Plaintiffs contend that the State’s asserted interest in avoiding voter confusion and a crowded presidential ballot does not warrant the burdens on their rights. In support, Plaintiffs point to historical data showing that Georgia “has never suffered from an overcrowded general election ballot for President or resulting voter confusion.” (Id. at 33-34.) Plaintiffs also provide ■comparisons to other states that allow access to the presidential ballot with lower petition requirements, again asserting that the State’s interest is over-stated and not a valid reason for the restrictions imposed. (Id. at 34-35.)
Further, Plaintiffs emphasize the national nature of a presidential race, arguing that the State’s interest is even less important in this case than it would be in other statewide elections. (Id. at 36-37.)
3. Balancing
Plaintiffs argue that the balance of interests compel a finding that the petition signature requirement is unconstitutional. (Id. at 37-38.) Plaintiffs assert that the character and magnitude of the injuries to Plaintiffs’ constitutional rights require this Court to apply strict scrutiny. Under that standard, Plaintiffs claim, the minimal interests of the State must yield to Plaintiffs’ important constitutional rights. Georgia must instead “choose a signature requirement that has a less drastic impact upon independent or political body Presidential candidates.” (Id. at 38.)
B. Defendant’s Motion for Summary Judgment
Defendant seeks a judgment declaring that Georgia’s statutory scheme regulating access to the general election ballot is constitutional. (Def. Brian Kemp’s Br. in Supp. of Mot. for Summ. J. (“Def.’s MSJ Br.”), Dkt. [75-2] at 6.) Defendant asserts that the appropriate standard of review is “less exacting” than strict scrutiny, because the regulations impose “lesser burdens” on Plaintiffs’ rights. (Id. at 7 (quoting Burdick v. Takushi,
First, Defendant argues that Plaintiffs’ facial challenge to O.C.G.A. § 21-2-170 must fail because the statute has previously been held constitutional. (Id. at 9.) Mov
The State argues that the reason Plaintiffs cannot access the ballot is because they do not in fact enjoy a modicum of support in Georgia. (Id. at 14.) Defendant suggests that “the Georgia Green Party is having an internal struggle on how to grow its party and ... lacks sufficient membership willing to do the work.” (Id. at 15.) It claims that the Green Party’s past petition efforts have not “demonstrated support by more than a handful of volunteers.” (Id. at 16.) The State makes similar arguments with respect to the Constitution Party of Georgia. (Id.)
Further, Defendant says that the petition requirements are not unduly burdensome because other portions of Georgia’s election code ease the burden on a political body seeking access to the ballot. (Id at 17-19.) For example, for nomination by convention, a political body has 15 months to collect signatures from voters across the state. (Id. (citing O.C.G.A. §§ 21-2-182 and-183).) Those voters may be members of any political party and are not limited to signing a single petition. (Id. (citing Libertarian Party of Florida v. Florida,
Next, Defendant argues that the State has a legitimate interest in limiting the general election ballot to political bodies and parties that have demonstrated a modicum of support. (Def.’s MSJ Br., Dkt. [75-2] at 19-20.) The State further argues that it was “not required, prior to enacting the regulation, to make a showing ‘of the existence of voter confusion, ballot overcrowding, or the presence of frivolous candidacies prior to the imposition of reasonable restrictions on ballot access.’ ” (Id. at 20 (citing Munro,
Finally, the State urges this Court to apply a “less exacting review.” (Id. at 22.) The State argues that in Green Party II, this Court held “that Georgia’s ballot access measures did not impose a severe burden on Plaintiffs’ rights.” (Def.’s Resp. to Pis.’ MSJ, Dkt. [80] at 7 (citing Green Party II,
The Court now evaluates these arguments.
VI. Analysis
First, the Court asks what level of scrutiny should apply. The Court then moves to consider the Motions based on evidence in the developed record.
For the reasons that follow, the Court concludes that the burden on Plaintiffs’ rights is so .severe that strict scrutiny applies. But even if strict scrutiny does not apply, the State’s interest in regulating
As an initial matter, the State’s argument that Plaintiffs’ facial'challenge to O.C.G.A. § 21-2-170 must fail because the statute has been previously held constitutional is inapposite. Relying on Washington State Grange v. Washington State Republican Party, the State argues that “a facial challenge can succeed only when a plaintiff shows that ‘no set of circumstances exists under which the [statute] would be valid, i.e., that the law is unconstitutional in all of its applications.’ ” (Def.’s MSJ Br., Dkt. [75-2] at 9 (quoting Washington State Grange v. Washington State Republican Party,
A. Standard of Review
In reviewing challenges to restrictions on candidacy and ballot access under the First and Fourteenth Amendments, a court “must first consider ‘the character and magnitude of the asserted injury that the candidate seeks to vindicate.’ ” Swanson v. Worley,
Thus, in order to assess whether, on the current record, strict scrutiny applies to the Plaintiffs’ claims under the First and Fourteenth Amendments, the Court must determine whether the burdens imposed by O.C.G.A. § 21-2-170 are “severe” based on the “character and magnitude” of Plaintiffs’ asserted harm. See Grizzle,
1. Character of Rights
Candidacy in and of itself is “an important, if not constitutionally ‘fundamental’ right.” Grizzle,
As discussed above at Part V(A)(1), Plaintiffs charge that Georgia’s petition signature requirement burdens three distinct and fundamental rights: (1) Plaintiffs’ right to select their own candidates, (2) “the right of individuals to associate for the advancement of political beliefs,” and (3) “the right of qualified voters, regardless of their political persuasion, to cast their votes effectively.” (Pis.’ MSJ Br., Dkt. [76-1] at 8.)
While the Court finds that the first right advanced by Plaintiffs is not implicated in this case, it agrees that the latter two are “among our most precious freedoms.” Williams v. Rhodes,
The First Amendment right of association is central to the operation of our system of government: “Representative democracy in any populous unit of governance is unimaginable without the ability of citizens to band together in promoting among the electorate candidates who espouse their political views.” California Democratic Party v. Jones,
This case does not involve a challenge to laws that limit or dictate how a party chooses its candidate. Cf., e.g., California Democratic Party,
What is more, the candidates’ and parties’ rights are not the only rights at stake here. Again, the Court emphasizes that ballot access restrictions have a substantial impact on both candidates and voters. And “the rights of voters and the rights of candidates do not lend themselves to neat separation; laws that affect candidates always have at least some theoretical, correlative effect on voters.” Bullock v. Carter,
Above all, “[n]o right is more precious in a free country than that of having a voice in the election of those who make the laws under which, as good citizens, we must live. Other rights, even the most basic, are illusory if the right to vote is undermined.” Wesberry v. Sanders,
2. Magnitude of Injury
The Georgia election code burdens the exercise of the right to vote effectively by the voters writ large. Simply put, “voters can assert their preferences only through candidates or parties or both.” Anderson,
Moreover, burdens that fall on new or smaller parties fall disproportionately on “those voters whose political preferences lie outside the existing political parties.” Anderson,
At bottom, Georgia voters’ political choice is limited in a way that voters’ choice in other states is not.
But the rights of voters outside of Georgia are also limited. The burdens imposed by the State of Georgia indirectly impact voters outside the state’s boundaries as well. For example, 46 states included Mr. Nader on their ballots in 2008. Mr. Nader earned nearly three percent of the popular vote nationally. (2012 Esco Aff., Dkt. [7-1] ¶ 11.) The voters in those states who cast their vote for Mr. Nader cast their vote in hopes that he would win the right to govern. Mr. Nader ran for a national office
Plaintiffs’ ability to appear on the general election ballot therefore affects not only the party’s rights, but also the First Amendment rights of voters in Georgia and nationwide. See Tashjian v. Republican Party of Conn.,
Importantly, while a voter is not guaranteed that one of the political parties will reflect his or her values, “the right to vote is heavily burdened if that vote may be cast for only one of two parties at a time when other parties are clamoring for a place on the ballot.” Williams v. Rhodes,
Here, the Court finds that the burden O.C.G.A. § 21-2-170 places on the right to vote is severe. Plaintiffs have put forth evidence showing that Georgia’s ballot access signature requirements are substantially higher than those in most other states. Georgia has had fewer presidential candidates access its ballot as a result, with the last candidate successfully petitioning for access over fifteen years ago. Additionally, Georgia’s laws operated to prohibit ballot access to a candidate that enjoyed widespread national support. This political landscape is a product of not only the challenged one percent signature requirement in O.C.G.A. § 21-2-170, but also of the other provisions providing for alternative access by petition that impose the same one percent requirement.
In other words, the restrictions at issue in this case serve to prevent minor parties from engaging in the fundamental political activity of placing their candidate on the general election ballot in hopes of winning votes and, ultimately, the right to govern. See Libertarian Party of Ohio,
In so ruling, the Court looks to the decisions of the Sixth and Ninth Circuit Courts of Appeals, which have also applied strict scrutiny in ballot access cases. In Libertarian Party of Ohio v. Blackwell, the Sixth Circuit Court of Appeals held that a “combination of two Ohio election regula
In Nader v. Brewer, the Ninth Circuit applied strict scrutiny to invalidate two provisions of Arizona’s election code regulating ballot access by persons who are not members of a recognized political party.
Other provisions of Arizona’s election code also imposed an early filing deadline of June 9. The Nader court also applied strict scrutiny to strike down that early filing deadline. The court compared Arizona’s petition regulations to those in Libertarian Party of Washington v. Munro,
Both Libertarian Party of Ohio v. Blackwell and Nader v. Brewer bolster this Court’s determination that strict scrutiny should apply in this case. The burdens to Plaintiffs’ constitutional rights are severe. The requirements of Georgia’s election code constitute serious impediments to the exercise of Plaintiffs’ and the voters’ constitutional rights. Accordingly, the Court now moves to consider whether the regulation is narrowly tailored to further a compelling state interest.
B. Strict Scrutiny
The State advances its interests in limiting voter confusion and avoiding ballot overcrowding in the general election. To be sure, these interests are undeniably legitimate in the abstract, but here, the Court cannot conclude that the restriction in O.C.G.A. § 21-2-170 is narrowly tailored to actually further those interests.
The Supreme Court and the Eleventh Circuit have consistently recognized that limiting voter confusion is an important state interest. Lubin v. Panish,
But here, the petition requirement is not narrowly tailored to advance the State’s interests. In 2016, Georgia requires in excess of 50,000 signatures in order to access the general election ballot. But requiring a lower number would ease the burden on voters’ and political bodies’ rights while still serving the State’s interest in avoiding voter confusion and a crowded ballot.
As an initial matter, Georgia offers no
Common sense dictates the same result. Georgia’s Presidential Preference Primary ballots often contain many more candidates than the general election ballot. The 2016 Republican Presidential Preference Primary ballot listed thirteen candidates. (Pis.’ Repl. to Def.’s Resp. Br. in Opp’n to' Pis.’ MSJ, Dkt. [82] at 8 n.8.) In 2012, the Republican Presidential Preference Primary ballot listed nine candidates. (2015 Winger Aff., Dkt. [76-3] ¶ 7.) A majority of those candidates did not receive one percent of the vote. (Id.) But there is no evidence or indication that having that many candidates on the ballot caused voter confusion. There is similarly no evidence or indication that permitting voters to cast a ballot for a candidate who did not have the support of one percent of voters caused voter confusion.
Additionally, other states have lower signature requirements but do not approach the “confusing” nine candidacies threshold. Data comparing signature requirements from other states show that no state requiring more than 5,000 signatures has ever had more than six candidates qualify by petition. (2015 Winger Aff., Dkt. [76-3] ¶4.) Additionally, the only independent candidates who satisfied a petition requirement greater than 5,000 signatures were Ross Perot, John Anderson, Ralph Nader, Eugene McCarthy, and Lyndon LaRouche. (Id. ¶ 8.) None were frivolous candidates; all had historical and social significance. (Id.) And only two of those five appeared on the Georgia ballot. (See App’x to 2015 Winger Aff., Dkt. [76-3].)
All in all, nothing in the record allows the Court to conclude that Georgia actually faces a danger of voter confusion or ballot over-crowding. Accordingly, Defendant has failed to demonstrate that the restriction is narrowly tailored to advance a compelling state interest. The petition requirement in O.C.G.A. § 21-2-170 is therefore unconstitutional under a strict scrutiny standard of review.
But, because “neither the Supreme Court nor [the Eleventh Circuit] has articulated a clear standard of review for challenges to ballot-access restrictions in a presidential election,” this Court will proceed to analyze the rights and interests in this case under a more deferential standard. Stein v. Ala. Secretary of State,
C. Deferential Standard
Even under a more deferential standard of review, the petition requirement cannot stand. The State’s interests in this case are not sufficiently important. If a court finds that plaintiffs’ rights are not subject to “severe” restrictions, and therefore that strict scrutiny should not apply, a
But the Court emphasizes the balancing nature of this inquiry. Again, neither the Supreme Court nor the Eleventh Circuit have articulated a clear standard of review for ballot access cases. Stein,
Accordingly, Anderson and its progeny dictate that the Court apply more of a sliding scale than the tiered levels of review. Proceeding now under a standard more deferential than strict scrutiny, the Court again finds that the one percent signature requirement cannot stand.
In this case, the State’s regulatory interest is not sufficiently important to justify the restrictions on the First and Fourteenth Amendment rights of Plaintiffs, the voters in Georgia, and the voters in other states. Defendant’s interest is outweighed by a national interest. As the Eleventh Circuit stated in its decision remanding this case to this Court, “a state’s interest in regulating a presidential election is less important than its interest in regulating other elections because the outcome of a presidential election ‘will be largely determined by voters beyond the State’s boundaries’ and ‘the pervasive national interest in the selection of candidates for national office ... is greater than any interest of an individual state.’ ” Green Party I,
The Sixth Circuit Court of Appeals has also recognized the national nature of a presidential election and the corresponding effect on the Anderson balancing analysis. The Sixth Circuit’s reasoning in Libertarian Party of Ohio v. Blackwell reinforces this Court’s finding that the State’s interest here is not sufficiently strong.
[I]t is important to note that the state’s interests in regulating an election cannot trump the national interest in having presidential candidates appear on the ballot in each state. In the context of the presidential election, “state-imposed restrictions implicate a uniquely important national interest.” Anderson,460 U.S. at 794-95 ,103 S.Ct. 1564 (footnote omitted). Strict ballot access requirements imposed by states have an impact beyond their own borders, placing some limits on a state’s prerogative to regulate its elections. Moreover, as opposed to state or local elections, the outcome of a presidential election largely will be determined by voters outside a state’s borders, reducing the importance of the state’s administrative concerns.
Id. In this case as in Libertarian Party of Ohio, the operation of the challenged election code “does more than burden the associational rights of ... voters and candidates. It places a significant state-imposed restriction on a nationwide electoral process.” Id. (quoting Anderson,
Of course, the State has a theoretical interest in avoiding voter confusion. But Plaintiffs provided evidence that the danger of voter confusion in this case is no more than theoretical. For example, Plaintiff provided historical evidence that Georgia had no more than five candidates on the presidential ballot at a time when Georgia law did not require petitioning to access the ballot. Prior to 1943, Georgia imposed no petition requirements for candidates seeking to be included on the presidential ballot. In 1924, 1932, and 1936, Georgia’s Presidential ballot had five presidential candidates. (Pis.’ SOMF, Dkt. [76-2] ¶ 90.) In 1928 and 1940, the ballot had four candidates. (Id. ¶ 91.) Additionally, the Presidential Preference Primary ballots in Georgia contain far more candidates than the general election ballots, and Defendant offered no evidence to show that the number of candidates had caused voter confusion. Ultimately, the State has not provided sufficient evidence to create a genuine issue of material fact as to whether it has an important regulatory interest in avoiding voter confusion. See Matsushita Elec. Indus. Co. v. Zenith Radio Corp.,
In sum, the State of Georgia does not have a sufficiently important regulatory
Thirty-eight states plus the District of Columbia allow presidential ballot access with 10,000 or fewer signatures. (Pis.’ SOMF, Dkt. [76-2] ¶ 92.) Twenty-one states imposed petition requirements of between 2,500 and 10,000 signatures during the four presidential elections between 2000 and 2012. (Id. ¶ 93.) In only one instance during that period did any of those 21 states have more than seven presidential candidates on the general election ballot. (Id.) The overall average for these states during that period was 5.3 candidates. (Id.)
While the time periods do not provide for a perfect comparison, the Court notes that from 1992 to 2012, the average number of candidates on the presidential ballot in Georgia-excluding the Democratic and Republican Party nominees-was 1.5. (Pis.’ SOMF, Dkt. [76-2] ¶ 95.) No state had fewer candidates on its ballot from 1968 to 1988. (Id.) Only Oklahoma had fewer candidates from 1992 to 2012. (Id.)
Georgia’s scheme is unnecessarily burdensome. The petition requirement has im-permissibly “maintain[ed] the ‘status quo’ by making it virtually impossible for any but the two major parties to achieve ballot positions for their candidates.” Clements v. Fashing,
In Stein v. Alabama Secretary of State, the Court of Appeals affirmed the district court’s opinion, which it adopted and attached to its own opinion.
Alabama law provides that, “[f]or a candidate who wishes to appear on the ballot without party identification as an independent, all that is required is filing a petition with 5,000 signatures by September before the election.” Id. at 692 (citing Ala. Code § 17 — 14—31(a)). In contrast, “[t]he requirements for a candidate °to appear with printed party identification on the General Election ballot (essentially, for the party label to appear alongside the name of a candidate on the ballot) are significantly heightened.” Id. In effect, Alabama laws place heightened qualification requirements on the parties, not on the candidates.
As Georgia law allows a political body to qualify a slate of candidates through the voting percentage or petition procedures outlined in O.C.G.A. § 21-2-180, so does Alabama law permit a party- to qualify through either “performance” or “petition”:
In the case of performance, a party may qualify if it achieved at least 20% of the entire vote actually cast for a state officer in the prior General Election. Ala. Code § 17-13^10. This qualification is only good for the next election, so a party must continually get 20% of the vote for at least one state officer on the ballot in order to qualify under § 17-13-40 for the next cycle.
If a party does not secure 20% of the vote for a state official in the previous election, it must file a petition by the date of the first primary election for the next election, with the signatures of at least 3% of the qualified voters who cast a ballot for governor in the last general election. Ala. Code § 17-6-22(a)(l).
Id. at 693. The parties challenging these provisions in Stein could only obtain access to the 2012 presidential ballot through the “petition” avenue, which required submission of 44,828 signatures from registered voters by March 13, 2012. Id. The parties did not think they could gather these signatures and “so they did not try.” Id. Instead, the parties’ candidates-Jill Stein and Gary Johnson-each gathered 5,000 signatures prior to September in order to access the Alabama presidential ballot as independent candidates via Alabama Code § 17-14-31(a). Id. The Stein plaintiffs challenged the Alabama Code on grounds that the laws discriminate against presidential candidates of “unrecognized parties” by imposing an early March deadline to appear on the ballot with a party label, as compared to the “less onerous” September deadline to appear on the ballot as an independent. Id. at 693-94. The court did
First, the constitutional rights at stake in this case are undeniably important. This case implicates not only the association rights of parties and candidates, but also the rights of voters to cast their votes effectively. In contrast, the analysis in Stein relies only on the burden placed on the parties’ associational rights. Id. at 694. The Stein plaintiffs claimed injury to those rights in that the parties “lost the advantage of building their ranks by associating with a popular candidate” and the candidates “lost the advantage of the party label.” Id. at 694. The district court acknowledged that the Alabama laws placed a burden on plaintiffs’ associational rights, but relied on Timmons v. Twin Cities Area New Party,
“[M]ore importantly,” as the Stein court recognized, “no one argues that Alabama’s law keeps third-party candidates off the ballot, only that it makes it harder for them to communicate their party affiliation to voters.” Stein,
To be sure, Stein upheld a petition signature requirement of over 40,000. But Alabama’s scheme is overall more permissive than Georgia’s. Again, the 40,000-plus signatures are required only where the candidate wishes to run affiliated with a party. The alternative means of accessing the Alabama ballot by petition-as an independent candidate-requires only 5,000 signatures. In Georgia, both code provisions providing for access by petition require signatures of one percent of voters: over 50,000 for the 2016 election. Additionally, Alabama allows “unlimited time for the petitioning effort. While there is a deadline for filing the petition, there is no limitation on the start date.” Swanson v. Worley,
Accordingly, this case presents a very different balance of rights and interests than those in Stein. The Stein court’s analysis of the Alabama scheme reinforces for this Court that Georgia’s laws unduly burden the parties, the candidates, and-most importantly-the voters.
In holding that Georgia’s scheme is im-permissibly burdensome, the Court again emphasizes the important position third parties and independent candidates have occupied in this country’s political history. See Illinois State Bd. of Elections v. Socialist Workers Party,
Accordingly, the Court DENIES Defendant’s Motion for Summary Judgment. The Court GRANTS Plaintiffs’ Motion for Summary Judgment and DECLARES that the one percent signature requirement in O.C.G.A. § 21-2-170 violates the First and Fourteenth Amendments as applied to presidential candidates.
VIL Remedy
Having declared above that the one percent signature provision of O.C.G.A. § 21-2-170 is unconstitutional, Defendant Secretary of State Brian Kemp is hereby PERMANENTLY ENJOINED from enforcing that provision against presidential candidates.
Because this is a presidential election year, the Court feels compelled to assure that a procedure is in place to protect the very rights that this Order seeks to secure: specifically, the rights of Georgia voters to fully participate in presidential elections by having a meaningful opportunity to vote for candidates other than those nominated by the two major political parties. The rights of the voters are significant and accordingly a remedy must be imposed immediately. Hall v. Holder,
This Court is a court of equity. U.S. Const, art. Ill, § 2 cl. 1. “Traditionally, equity has been characterized by a practical flexibility in shaping its remedies.” Brown v. Bd. of Educ. of Topeka, Kan.,
The focus of the.challenge in this case is the number of petition signatures required
In crafting this remedy, the Court attempts to balance several concerns. First, the Court must ensure that Georgia’s election code complies with the United States Constitution. Second, the Court attempts to avoid an overcrowded ballot. Third-and as a result of the first and second concerns-the Court hopes to impose a requirement that will address the concerns of both sides here.
To that third end, the Court held an in camera status conference with the parties on March 7, 2016. (Dkt. [88].) At that meeting, the Court advised the parties of its intended ruling and asked for the parties’ input in crafting a temporary remedy. At that time, the Georgia General Assembly was still in session. 2016 H.R. 1114 (Jan. 22, 2016). The Court realized that the end of the legislative session was near, but requested that Defendant confer with the legislative leadership to see if the legislature could address the signature requirement before it adjourned for the session. The Court does not know whether Defendant did, in fact, confer with the legislative leadership, but on March 14, the Court received correspondence from Defendant’s counsel that reiterated Defendant’s position that O.C.G.A. § 21-2-170 is indeed constitutional and accordingly did not offer a suggestion for a remedy. (Mar. 14, 2016 Letter from Cristina Correia, Dkt. [90].) Plaintiffs’ counsel submitted Plaintiffs’ suggestion that signatures in excess of 5,000 should not be required. (Mar. 16, 2016 Letter from Laughlin McDonald, Dkt. [91].)
Plaintiffs’ expert presented a statistical analysis to the Court that reflects that states that impose a signature requirement of greater than 5,000 signatures will not have a crowded ballot. (2015 Winger Aff., Dkt. [76-3] ¶ 1.) Taking that representation into consideration, and keeping in mind that the Court would have preferred that the legislature establish an appropriate number in the first instance, the Court sets the number of signatures required at 7,500 for presidential candidates until the legislature imposes a permanent requirement. All other facets of Georgia’s election scheme will remain in place. “In order to preserve a healthy federalism no more findings and decrees should be made in this area of conflict between federal law and state action than are necessary.” United States v. Raines,
When addressing a permanent revision of O.C.G.A. § 21-2-170, the Court urges the legislature to consider all aspects of Georgia’s election scheme for presidential candidates, including the notary requirement and the time limits on collecting sig
The Court imposes a requirement of more than 5,000 signatures because it is confident that this requirement will prevent a crowded ballot. This does not imply that a signature requirement of 5,000 or less would lead to a crowded ballot; the Court simply cannot make this conclusion based on the record presently before it. Libertarian Party of Fla. v. State of Fla.,
The Court is sensitive to the State’s interests here. Comparing the requirements of other states, 7,500 signatures places Georgia in the most restrictive third of states. That is, 66% of states require fewer than 7,500 signatures, while 33% require more. Again, the Court would have preferred for the legislature to address this issue rather than the Court having to impose an interim measure. But the Court has done its best to create a workable interim provision without treading too far into matters best left to the State.
Conclusion
In accordance with the foregoing, Plaintiffs’ Motion to Strike Defendant’s Reply Brief [84] is DENIED. Defendant Brian Kemp’s Motion for Summary Judgment [75] is DENIED. Plaintiffs’ Motion for Summary Judgment [76] is GRANTED.
Defendant Brian Kemp is PERMANENTLY ENJOINED from enforcing the one percent signature requirement in O.C.G.A. § 21-2-170 against presidential candidates. Until the Georgia General Assembly enacts a permanent measure, a candidate for President may access the ballot by submitting 7,500 signatures on a petition that otherwise complies with Georgia law.
SO ORDERED, this 17th day of March, 2016.
Notes
. Even though the 2012 election is over, this case is not moot. This is, as evidenced by the impending 2016 election, “a case where the controversy is 'capable of repetition, yet evading review' " See Storer v. Brown,
. The Court of Appeals also directed this Court to dismiss the action against the State of Georgia for lack of jurisdiction, on grounds of Eleventh Amendment immunity. The Court did so in its Order dated May 6, 2014. (Dkt. [24].)
. For the purposes of this Order, the Court will cite to the published version of its May 19, 2015 Order. That earlier Order is also available at Docket Entry [35],
. The following facts are taken from the affidavits submitted in support and opposition of Plaintiffs' [First] Motion for Summary Judgment or Alternatively for a Preliminary Injunction [7], Defendant Brian Kemp's Motion for Summary Judgment [75] and Plaintiffs’ Motion for Summary Judgment [76], Because the case is before the Court on cross-motions for summary judgment, the Court construes the facts in favor of the non-movant for each respective motion.
. Plaintiffs assert that this requirement was adopted “as a means of prohibiting Republicans, Communists, and Black people from accessing the Georgia ballot.” (Pis.' SOMF, Dkt. [76-2] ¶ 11.) Defendant contests this assertion.
.In Jenness v. Fortson, the Supreme Court upheld the 5% petition requirement found in the predecessor statute to O.C.G.A. § 21-2-170.
. Plaintiffs’ request for relief from this Court focuses primarily on the petition requirements found in O.C.G.A. § 21-2-170. But to the extent relevant, the Court considers the operation of the entire statutory scheme.
. Defendant challenges Mr. Winger’s expert opinion as based on "an incorrect legal standard” and incomplete data. (Def.’s Resp. in Opp'n to Pis.' MSJ, Dkt. [80] at 10 (citing Daubert v. Merrell Dow Pharms.,
. Plaintiffs also circulated petitions in these and other years in attempts to place other, non-presidential candidates on the ballot. As discussed in Part VI, the ballot access analysis in this case hinges on the particularities of a presidential election. The Court, therefore, does not discuss Plaintiffs' attempts to access ' a non-presidential ballot.
. "[E]ach person circulating a page of the petition must verify by affidavit that the peti
. Similarly, Ralph Nader was never listed on the Presidential ballot of Georgia, Indiana, North Carolina, or Oklahoma. See the discussion of these states’ election provisions at Part VI(C).
. Plaintiffs calculate this number based on the number of registered voters as of November 2012 as the "last election for the filling of the office” of U.S. President. (Pis.’ MSJ Br., Dkt. [76-1] at 10 n.l.) For non-presidential office, Plaintiffs submit that a candidate would need to gather 51,687 signatures, calculated based on the number of registered voters as of November 2014.
. In Bonner v. City of Prichard,
. The Court's ruling is explicitly limited to striking down the one percent signature requirement in O.C.G.A. § 21-2-170. But the operation of the Georgia election code as a whole contributes to that specific provision being so severely burdensome.
. This number is 3% of the registered voters in the political subdivision for which the candidate is nominated, who are not members of recognized political parties. Ariz. Rev. Stat. § 16-341(E), (F).
. The State contends that states are not required to make a showing "of the existence of voter confusion, ballot overcrowding, or the presence of frivolous candidacies prior to the imposition of reasonable restrictions on ballot access.” (Def.’s MSJ Br., Dkt. [75-2] at 20 (quoting Munro v. Socialist Workers Party,
. The Court discussed Libertarian Party of Ohio v. Blackwell supra at Part VI(A)(2) in the context of the "character and magnitude” of Plaintiffs' rights, in support of its decision to apply strict scrutiny. Here, where the Court proceeds in the alternative under a more deferential standard, the Sixth Circuit’s analysis of the State's interests also informs this Court’s discussion of the burdens on those rights.
. Indiana law provides: "A petition of nomination must be signed by the number of voters equal to two percent (2%) of the total vote cast at the last election for secretary of state in the election district that the candidate seeks to represent.” Ind. Code § 3-8-Ó-3. North Carolina law requires that an "unaffiliated candidate” must
file written petitions with the State Board of Elections supporting his candidacy for a specified office. These petitions ... must be signed by qualified voters of the State equal in number to two percent (2%) of the total number of voters who voted in the most recent general election for Governor. Also, the petition must be signed by at least 200 registered voters from each of four congressional districts in North Carolina.
N.C. Gen. Stat. § 163 — 122(a)(1). An independent candidate seeking access to the ballot in Oklahoma must file “petitions signed by a number of registered voters supporting the candidacy of said candidate for President of the United States equal to at least three percent (3%) of the total votes cast in the last General Election for President.” Okla. Stat. tit. 26, § 10-101.1.
. For example, Georgia’s neighbor Alabama allows independent candidates to access the ballot with 5,000 signatures and places no time limit on circulating petitions. See discussion of Stein v. Ala. Sec'y of State,