GREATER NEW ORLEANS BROADCASTING ASSOCIATION, INC., ET AL. v. UNITED STATES ET AL.
No. 98-387
Supreme Court of the United States
Argued April 27, 1999—Decided June 14, 1999
527 U.S. 173
Deputy Solicitor General Underwood argued the cause for respondents. With her on the brief were Solicitor General Waxman, Acting Assistant Attorney General Ogden, Deputy Solicitor General Wallace, Matthew D. Roberts, Anthony J. Steinmeyer, and Christopher J. Wright.*
*Briefs of amici curiae urging reversal were filed for the American Advertising Federation by Richard E. Wiley and Daniel E. Troy; for the American Gaming Association by John G. Roberts, Jr., David G. Leitch, and Frank J. Fahrenkopf, Jr.; for the Association of National Advertisers, Inc., by John J. Walsh, Steven G. Brody, and Gilbert H. Weil; for the Institute for Justice by William H. Mellor, Clint Bolick, and Scott G. Bullock; for the National Association of Broadcasters et al. by P. Cameron DeVore, Gregory J. Kopta, and Jack N. Goodman; and for the Washington Legal Foundation by David H. Remes, Patricia A. Barald, Daniel J. Popeo, and Richard A. Samp.
Gerald S. Rourke filed a brief for Valley Broadcasting Co. et al. as amici curiae.
Federal law prohibits some, but by no means all, broadcast advertising of lotteries and casino gambling. In United States v. Edge Broadcasting Co., 509 U.S. 418 (1993), we upheld the constitutionality of
I
Through most of the 19th аnd the first half of the 20th centuries, Congress adhered to a policy that not only discouraged the operation of lotteries and similar schemes, but forbade the dissemination of information concerning such enterprises by use of the mails, even when the lottery in question was chartered by a state legislature.1 Consistent with this Court‘s earlier view that commercial advertising was unprotected by the First Amendment, see Valentine v. Chrestensen, 316 U.S. 52, 54 (1942), we found that the notion that “lotteries . . . are supposed to have a demoralizing influence upon the people” provided sufficient justification for excluding circulars concerning such enterprises from the federal postal system, Ex parte Jackson, 96 U.S. 727, 736-737 (1878).
Congress extended its restrictions on lottery-related information to broadcasting as communications technology made that practice both possible and profitable. It enacted the statute at issue in this case as § 316 of the Communications Act of 1934, 48 Stat. 1088. Now codified at
“any advertisement of or information concerning any lottery, gift enterprise, or similar scheme, offering prizes dependent in whole or in part upon lot or chance, or any list of the prizes drawn or awarded by means of any such lottery, gift enterprise, or schеme, whether said list contains any part or all of such prizes.”
The statute provides that each day‘s prohibited broadcasting constitutes a separate offense punishable by a fine, imprisonment for not more than one year, or both. Ibid. Although
During the second half of this century, Congress dramatically narrowed the scope of the broadcast prohibition in
Subsequent exemptions were more substantial. Responding to the growing popularity of state-run lotteries, in 1975 Congress enacted the provision that gave rise to our decision in Edge, 509 U. S., at 422-423; Act of Jan. 2, 1975, 88 Stat. 1916,
In 1988, Congress enacted two additional statutes that significantly curtailed the coverage of
A separate statute, the 1992 Professional and Amateur Sports Protection Act,
Thus, unlike the uniform federal antigambling policy that prevailed in 1934 when
II
Petitioners are an association of Louisiana broadcasters and its members who operate FCC-licensed radio and television stations in the New Orleans metropolitan area. But for the threat of sanctions pursuant to
Petitioners brought this action against the United States and the FCC in the District Court for the Eastern District of Louisiana, praying for a declaration that
A divided panel of the Court of Appeals for the Fifth Circuit agreed with the District Court‘s application of Central Hudson, and affirmed the grant of summary judgment to the Government. 69 F. 3d 1296, 1298 (1995). The panel majority‘s description of the asserted governmental interests, although more specific, was essentially the same as the District Court‘s:
“First, section 1304 serves the interest of assisting states that restrict gambling by regulating interstate activities such as broadcasting that are beyond the powers of the individual states to regulate. The sec-
ond asserted governmental interest lies in discouraging public participation in commercial gambling, thereby minimizing the wide variety of social ills that have historically been associated with such activities.” Id., at 1299.
The majority relied heavily on our decision in Posadas de Puerto Rico Associates v. Tourism Co. of P. R., 478 U.S. 328 (1986), see 69 F. 3d, at 1300-1302, and endorsed the theory that, because gambling is in a category of “vice activity” that can bе banned altogether, “advertising of gambling can lay no greater claim on constitutional protection than the underlying activity,” id., at 1302. In dissent, Chief Judge Politz contended that the many exceptions to the original prohibition in
While the broadcasters’ petition for certiorari was pending in this Court, we decided 44 Liquormart, Inc. v. Rhode Island, 517 U.S. 484 (1996). Because the opinions in that case concluded that our precedent both preceding and following Posadas had applied the Central Hudson test more strictly, 517 U. S., at 509-510 (opinion of STEVENS, J.); id., at 531-532 (O‘CONNOR, J., concurring in judgment)—and because we had rejected the argumеnt that the power to restrict speech about certain socially harmful activities was as broad as the power to prohibit such conduct, see id., at 513-514 (opinion of STEVENS, J.); see also Rubin v. Coors Brewing Co., 514 U.S. 476, 482-483, n. 2 (1995)—we granted the broadcasters’ petition, vacated the judgment of the Court of Appeals, and remanded the case for further consideration. 519 U.S. 801 (1996).
On remand, the Fifth Circuit majority adhered to its prior conclusion. 149 F. 3d 334 (1998). The majority recognized
III
In a number of cases involving restrictions on speech that is “commercial” in nature, we have employed Central Hudson‘s four-part test to resolve First Amendment challenges:
“At the outset, we must determine whether the expression is protected by the First Amendment. For commercial speech to come within that provision, it at least must concern lawful activity and not be misleading. Next, we ask whether the asserted governmental interest is substantial. If both inquiries yield positive answers, we must determine whether the regulation directly advances the governmental interest asserted, and whether it is not more extensive than is necessary to serve that interest.” 447 U. S., at 566.
In this analysis, the Government bears the burden of identifying a substantial interest and justifying the challenged restriction. Edenfield v. Fane, 507 U.S. 761, 770 (1993); Board of Trustees of State Univ. of N. Y. v. Fox, 492 U.S. 469, 480 (1989); Bolger v. Youngs Drug Products Corp., 463 U.S. 60, 71, and n. 20 (1983).
The four parts of the Central Hudson test are not entirely discrete. All are important and, to a certain extent, inter-
IV
All parties to this case agree that the messages petitioners wish to broadcast constitute commercial speech, and that these broadcasts would satisfy the first part of the Central Hudson test: Their content is not misleading and concerns lawful activities, i. e., private casino gambling in Louisiana and Mississippi. As well, the proposed commercial messages would convey information—whether taken favorably or unfavorably by the audience—about an activity that is the subject of intense public debate in many communities. In addition, petitioners’ broadcasts presumably would dissemi-
The second part of the Central Hudson test asks whether the asserted governmental interest served by the speech restriction is substantial. The Solicitor General identifies two such interests: (1) reducing the social costs associated with “gambling” or “casino gambling,” and (2) assisting States that “restrict gambling” or “prohibit casino gambling” within their own borders.4 Underlying Congress’ statutory scheme, the Solicitor General contends, is the judgment that gambling contributes to corruption and organized crime; underwrites bribery, narcotics trafficking, and othеr illegal conduct; imposes a regressive tax on the poor; and “offers a false but sometimes irresistible hope of financial advancement.” Brief for Respondents 15-16. With respect to casino gambling, the Solicitor General states that many of the associated social costs stem from “pathological” or “compulsive” gambling by approximately 3 million Americans, whose behavior is primarily associated with “continuous play” games, such as slot machines. He also observes that compulsive gambling has grown along with the expansion of legalized gambling nationwide, leading to billions of dollars in economic costs; injury and loss to these
We can accеpt the characterization of these two interests as “substantial,” but that conclusion is by no means self-evident. No one seriously doubts that the Federal Government may assert a legitimate and substantial interest in alleviating the societal ills recited above, or in assisting likeminded States to do the same. Cf. Edge, 509 U. S., at 428. But in the judgment of both the Congress and many state legislatures, the social costs that support the suppression of gambling are offset, and sometimes outweighed, by countervailing policy considerations, primarily in the form of economic benefits.5 Despite its awareness of the potential
Of course, it is not our function to weigh the policy arguments on either side of the nationwide debate over whether and to what extent casino and other forms of gambling should be legalized. Moreover, enacted congressional policy and “governmental interests” are not necessarily equivalents for purposes of commercial speech analysis. See Bolger, 463 U. S., at 70-71. But we cannot ignore Congress’ unwillingness to adopt a single national policy that consistently endorses either interest asserted by the Solicitor General. See Edenfield, 507 U. S., at 768; 44 Liquormart, 517 U. S., at 531 (O‘CONNOR, J., concurring in judgment). Even though the Government has identified substantial interests, when we consider both their quality and the information sought to be suppressed, the crosscurrents in the scope and application of
of all casino gaming revenue, matching the total for the casinos in Atlantic City, New Jersey, and reaching about half the figure for Nevada‘s casinos. See Native American Gaming 2; Government Lodging 407, 423-429.
V
The third part of the Central Hudson test asks whether the speech restriction directly and materially advances the asserted governmental interest. “This burden is not satisfied by mere speculation or conjecture; rather, a governmental body seeking to sustain a restriction on commercial speech must demonstrate that the harms it recites are real and that its restriction will in fact alleviate them to a material degree.” Edenfield, 507 U. S., at 770-771. Consequently, “the regulation may not be sustained if it provides only ineffective or remote support for the government‘s purpose.” Central Hudson, 447 U. S., at 564. We have observed that “this requirement is critical; otherwise, ‘a State could with ease restrict commercial speech in the service of other objectives that could not themselves justify a burden on commercial expression.‘” Rubin, 514 U. S., at 487, quoting Edenfield, 507 U. S., at 771.
The fourth part of the test complements the direct-advancement inquiry of the third, asking whether the speech restriction is not more extensive than is necessary to serve the interests that support it. The Government is not required to employ the least restrictive means conceivable, but it must demonstrate narrow tailoring of the challenged regulation to the asserted interest—“a fit that is not necessarily perfect, but reasonable; that represents not necessarily the single best disposition but one whose scope is in proportion to the interest served.” Fox, 492 U. S., at 480 (internal quotation marks omitted); see 44 Liquormart, 517 U. S., at 529, 531 (O‘CONNOR, J., concurring in judgment). On the whole, then, the challenged regulation should indicate that its proponent “‘carefully calculated’ the costs and benefits associated with the burden on speech imposed by its prohibition.” Cincinnati v. Discovery Network, Inc., 507 U.S. 410, 417 (1993), quoting Fox, 492 U. S., at 480.
As applied to petitioners’ case,
The FCC‘s interpretation and application of
F. Supp. 497, 502-503, 506-507 (1997), and most of the sources that the Government cited in the New Jersey litigation were also presented to the Fifth Circuit, see Supplemental Brief for Appellees in No. 94-30732 (CA5), pp. iv-v. Indeed, the Government presented sources to the Fifth Circuit not provided to the New Jersey court, and the Fifth Circuit relied on material that the Government had not proffered. In any event, as we shall explain, additional evidence to support the Government‘s factual assertions in this Court cannot justify the scheme of speech restrictions currently in effect.
From what we can gather, the Government is committed to prohibiting accurate product information, not commercial enticements of all kinds, and then only when conveyed over certain fоrms of media and for certain types of gambling—indeed, for only certain brands of casino gambling—and despite the fact that messages about the availability of such gambling are being conveyed over the airwaves by other speakers.
Even putting aside the broadcast exemptions for arguably distinguishable sorts of gambling that might also give rise to social costs about which the Federal Government is concerned—such as state lotteries and parimutuel betting on horse and dog races,
Ironically, the most significant difference identified by the Government between tribal and other classes of casino gambling is that the former is “heavily regulated.” Brief for Respondents 38. If such direct regulation provides a basis for believing that the social costs of gambling in tribal casinos are sufficiently mitigated to make their advertising tolerable, one would have thought that Congress might have at least experimented with comparable regulation before abridging the speech rights of federally unregulated casinos. While Congress’ failure to institute such direct regulation of private casino gambling does not necessarily compromise the constitutionality of
We reached a similar conclusion in Rubin. There, we considered the effect of conflicting federal policies on the Government‘s claim that a speech restriction materially advanced its interest in preventing so-called “strength wars” among competing sellers of certain alcoholic beverages. We concluded that the effect of the challenged restriction on сommercial speech had to be evaluated in the context of the entire regulatory scheme, rather than in isolation,
Given the special federal interest in protecting the welfare of Native Americans, see California v. Cabazon Band of Mission Indians, 480 U.S. 202, 216-217 (1987), we recognize that there may be valid reasons for imposing commercial regulations on non-Indian businesses that differ from those imposed on tribal enterprises. It does not follow, however, that those differences also justify abridging non-Indians’ freedom of speech more severely than the freedom of their tribal competitors. For the power to prohibit or to regulate particular conduct does not necessarily include the power to prohibit or regulate speech about that conduct. 44 Liquormart, 517 U. S., at 509-511 (opinion of STEVENS, J.); see id., at 531-532 (O‘CONNOR, J., concurring in judgment); Rubin, 514 U. S., at 483, n. 2. It is well settled that the First Amendment mandates closer scrutiny of government restrictions on speech than of its regulation of commerce alone. Fox, 492 U. S., at 480. And to the extent that the purpose and operation of federal law distinguishes among information about tribal, governmental, and privаte casinos based on the identity of their owners or operators, the Government presents no sound reason why such lines bear any meaningful relationship to the particular interest asserted: minimizing casino gambling and its social costs by way of a (partial) broadcast ban. Discovery Network, 507 U. S., at 424, 428. Even under the degree of scrutiny that we have
The second interest asserted by the Government—the derivative goal of “assisting” States with policies that disfavor private casinos—adds little to its case. We cannot see how this broadcast restraint, ambivalent as it is, might directly and adequately further any state interest in dampening consumer demand for casino gambling if it cannot achieve the same goal with respect to the similar federal interest.
Furthermore, even assuming that the state policies on which the Federal Government seeks to embellish are more coherent and pressing than their federal counterpart,
VI
Accordingly, respondents cannot overcome the presumption that the speaker and the audience, not the Government, should be left to assess the value of accurate and nonmisleading information about lawful conduct. Edenfield, 507 U. S., at 767. Had the Federal Government adopted a more coherent policy, or accommodated the rights of speakers in States that have legalized the underlying conduct, see Edge, 509 U. S., at 428, this might be a different case. But under current federal law, as applied to petitioners and the messages that they wish to convey, the broadcast prohibition in
modating the policies of both lottery and nonlottery States.” 509 U. S., at 429-430. The Government points out that Edge hypothesized that Congress “might have” held fast to a more consistent and broader antigambling policy by continuing to ban all radio or television advertisements for state-run lotteries, even by stations licensed in States with legalized lotteries. Id., at 428. That dictum does not support the validity of the speech restriction in this case. In that passage, we identified the actual federal interest at stake; we did not endorse any and all nationwide bans on nonmisleading broadcast advertising related to lotteries. As the Court explained, “Instead of favoring either the lottery or the nonlottery State, Congress opted to” accommodate the policies of both; and it was “[t]his congressional policy of balancing the interests of lottery and nonlottery States” that was “the substantial governmental interest that sаtisfie[d] Central Hudson.” Ibid.
Reversed.
CHIEF JUSTICE REHNQUIST, concurring.
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“There surely are practical and nonspeech-related forms of regulation—including a prohibition or supervision of gambling on credit; limitations on the use of cash machines on casino premises; controls on admissions; pot or betting limits; location restrictions; and licensing requirements—that could more directly and effectively alleviate some of the social costs of casino gambling.” Ante, at 192.
Were Congress to undertake substantive regulation of the gambling industry, rather than simply the manner in which it may broadcast advertisements, “exemptions and inconsistencies” such as those in
But when Congress regulates commercial speech, the Central Hudson test imposes a more demanding standard
JUSTICE THOMAS, concurring in the judgment.
I continue to adhere to my view that “[i]n cases such as this, in which the government‘s asserted interest is to keep legal users of a product or service ignorant in order to manipulate their choices in the marketplace,” the Central Hudson test should not be applied because “such an ‘interest’ is per se illegitimate and can no more justify regulation of ‘commercial speech’ than it can justify regulation of ‘noncommercial’ speech.” 44 Liquormart, Inc. v. Rhode Island, 517 U.S. 484, 518 (1996) (opinion concurring in part and concurring in judgment). Accordingly, I concur only in the judgment.
