By virtue of 1996 amendments to the Gun Control Act of 1968 which prohibit persons convicted of domestic violence offenses from possessing firearms in or affecting commerce, Jerald Gillespie can no longer carry a firearm. See 18 U.S.C. § 922(g)(9). As a result, he has lost his job as a police officer. Gillespie filed suit against the City of Indianapolis
I.
Gillespie has worked as an Indianapolis police officer for more than twenty-five years. Not surprisingly, the responsibilities of that job have required him to carry and on occasion use a firearm issued to him by the Indianapolis Police Department, although never outside the state of Indiana. As a local police officer, Gillespie is subject under certain circumstances to the Indiana governor’s call to serve in the state’s militia (more commonly referred to as the Indiana National Guard). See Ind. Const. art. 5, § 12, art. 12, § 1; Ind. Code §§ 10-2-3-1, 10-2-3-2, 36-8-3-15.
In 1996, Congress approved, and the President signed into law, a number of amendments to the Gun Control Act of 1968. Among them was an amendment sponsored by New Jersey Senator Frank Lautenberg, which as codified provides that “[i]t shall be unlawful for any person ... who has been convicted in any court of a misdemeanor crime of domestic violence, to ship or transport in interstate commerce, or possess in or affecting commerce, any firearm or ammunition; or to receive any firearm or ammunition which has been shipped or transported in interstate or foreign commerce.” 18 U.S.C.
In October 1995, Gillespie pleaded guilty to a misdemeanor charge of battery involving his former wife. It is undisputed that this offense constitutes a “misdemeanor crime of domestic violence” for purposes of section 922(g)(9). See n. 2, supra. Consequently, federal law renders it a felony for Gillespie to possess a firearm in or affecting commerce. Although the complaint does not allege that the gun issued to Gillespie by the Indianapolis Police Department ever moved in interstate commerce, it appears to concede that point (R. 1 ¶ 91), and Gillespie makes no argument that his service weapon might never have moved across state lines. We shall therefore assume, as Gillespie himself does, that Gillespie’s possession of a service weapon would be “in or affecting commerce” and therefore within the proscription of the federal statute. See, e.g., United States v. Wilson,
The Indianapolis Police Department itself has concluded that Gillespie can no longer carry a firearm. Because department policy requires that every police officer be trained and equipped to possess and use a firearm, the department has further concluded that Gillespie is no longer eligible to serve as a police officer. It has accordingly notified him that he will be terminated from the department’s employ.
Gillespie’s complaint challenged the new federal firearms ban on several constitutional grounds, each of which the district court rejected in its thorough opinion. We
Judge Barker found that the enactment of section 922(g)(9) did not exceed the authority of Congress to regulate interstate commerce. She reasoned that because the government must in every prosecution establish that the firearm in question either was shipped or transported “in interstate or foreign commerce” or was possessed “in or affecting commerce,” the firearms ban has the requisite jurisdictional nexus to interstate commerce.
She also did not believe that the legislation intruded upon state sovereignty in violation of the Tenth Amendment. In her view, the statute did not supplant state domestic violence law, as Gillespie suggested. “[SJtates remain free to define and punish domestic violence crimes as they wish; however, the federal government imposes a federal firearms disability in addition to any action taken or not taken by the states.” Id. at 819. Neither was Congress effectively dictating the qualifications of state and local officials by imposing the firearms ban. Although, as a result of the new ban, state and local law enforcement agencies might well decline to employ persons with domestic violence convictions, the federal government was not compelling that decision: “Such agencies may reassign officers to different divisions or ‘desk jobs,’ create special non-firearm units that use other weapons like nightsticks or remain unarmed, or even change the firearms requirement for on-duty officers.” Id. at 820. Nor, finally, was Congress forcing the states to administer or enforce a federal regulatory program. “[Section] 922(g)(9) regulates the behavior of private individuals, not states, for individuals will be [federally] prosecuted for violation of the statute and there is no federal mandate for states to assist in regulation and enforcement.” Id. at 821.
After determining that the statute implicated no fundamental right (id. at 823), Judge Barker next concluded that the firearms ban did not deprive those convicted of domestic violence crimes of equal protection. “preventing domestic violence misdemeanants from possessing a firearm is reasonably related to the legitimate government purposes of keeping firearms out of the hands of potentially dangerous or irresponsible persons and protecting victims of domestic violence from being murdered by their attackers.” Id. at 824. She rejected Gillespie’s contention that the statute has an impermissibly disproportionate impact on law enforcement officials, noting that the statute is facially neutral and that the legislative history evinces no discriminatory intent. Id.
Finally, Judge Barker concluded that section 922(g)(9) did not violate any rights that the Second Amendment might bestow upon Gillespie, either as an individual or in his capacity as a police officer. She found it unnecessary to decide whether the Constitution preserved a collective or individual right to bear arms or what level of scrutiny a court must apply to a restriction on that right, for she was confident that the statute would survive even strict scrutiny. The underlying government interests that she had identified (again, disarming persons that Congress reasonably believed to be dangerous or irresponsible, and protecting the victims of domestic violence from being killed) were compelling. The law was also narrowly tailored to serve those interests in the sense that the firearms ban applied only to those already convicted of domestic violence offenses. Id. at 827.
II.
A.
The system of government established by our Constitution is one of dual sovereignty in which the States, having ceded considerable authority to the federal government, nonetheless retain “a residuary and inviolable sovereignty.” Printz v. United States,
Gillespie asserts that section 922(g)(9) violates the Tenth Amendment’s guarantee of state sovereignty by rendering individuals with convictions for misdemeanor domestic violence unable to carry firearms and, as a result, ineligible to participate in state militias. (Recall that as an Indianapolis police officer, Gillespie is subject to the Governor’s call to serve in the Indiana militia.) Gillespie acknowledges that Congress does have the authority to regulate commerce among the States, and the reach of the statute is expressly limited to firearms which have a link to interstate commerce. But as applied to individuals like himself, Gillespie reasons, the statute has the effect of proscribing the intrastate possession and use of firearms for law enforcement purposes. Section 925(a)(1) avoids that consequence with respect to other provisions of the Gun Control Act by lifting the firearms disabilities for those serving state and local governments, but it leaves undisturbed the ban imposed by section 922(g)(9). In this way, Gillespie argues, the statute strips the States of their right to establish the qualifications for the officers who serve in their militias. Moreover, the statute produces that result by (in Gillespie’s view) compelling state officers to implement a federal statute and by intruding upon areas of traditional state sovereignty in violation of the Tenth Amendment.
1.
Before reaching the merits of the Tenth Amendment arguments, we must first consider whether Gillespie has standing to make them. The United States contends that he does not. It reasons that any aspect of state sovereignty impinged upon by the Gun Control Act is one that the State, rather than an individual, must assert. The government has the apparent support of the Supreme Court’s opinion in Tennessee Elec. Power Co. v. T.V.A.,
The standing argument that the United States advances can in part be understood as one focused on the nexus between the injury of which Gillespie complains and the constitutional right he is asserting. Practically speaking, the Gun Control Act as amended deprives Gillespie of the ability to carry a gun, and any constitutional defect that he can identify in the statute, including a violation of the Tenth Amendment, paves the way to relief, because it will render the firearms disability imposed upon him void. In pragmatic terms, his standing is therefore easy to appreciate. The theoretical nexus between his injury and any violation of the Tenth Amendment, however, is less clear. Yes, Gillespie is constrained by the statute, but is he really injured by any Tenth Amendment violation reflected in that statute? The Tenth Amendment protects the sovereignty of the States, and Gillespie’s individual ability to carry a gun has nothing to do with Indiana’s status as a sovereign. True enough, before Congress stepped in, Indiana had not chosen to bar those convicted of domestic violence offenses from possessing guns, and indeed it might never have elected to do so. But it could have done so, and in that event, Gillespie would be in the very same situation he finds himself today. Any injury to him by virtue of a Tenth Amendment violation is in this way incidental; it is really the State’s ox being gored.
Duke Power rejects any categorical requirement that there be a logical nexus between the plaintiffs injury and the na
Notwithstanding this pragmatic connection between the plaintiffs’ injuries and the statute they were challenging, the power company opposing their suit contended that they lacked standing because there was no nexus between these injuries and the particular constitutional rights being asserted. The plaintiffs were principally asserting that the statute violated the Fifth Amendment’s due process clause because the limited recovery permitted by the statute was not rationally related to the losses that might occur, because the statute purportedly encouraged laxity vis á vis safety and environmental protection, and because the statute supplied no quid pro quo to the prospective victims of a nuclear accident in exchange for the abrogation of their common-law right to recover for their injuries. The bulk of the environment and health injuries claimed by the plaintiffs did not stem from the asserted due process violations, however. In fact, as the Court noted, the only category of injuries that would possess a subject-matter nexus to their due process claim would be injuries resulting from a nuclear accident causing damages in excess of the liability limits imposed by the statute. Id. at 78 n. 23,
However, the Court was unwilling to extend such a requirement beyond the confines of taxpayer litigation.
We ... cannot accept the contention that, outside the context of taxpayers’ suits, a litigant must demonstrate some,thing more than injury in fact and a substantial likelihood that the judicial relief requested will prevent or redress the claimed injury to satisfy the “case or controversy” requirement of Art. III.
Duke Power did aver to a prudential limitation on standing that returns us to the standing argument as the United
However, New York v. United States,
The Constitution does not protect the sovereignty of the States for the benefit of the States or state governments as abstract political entities, or even for the benefit of the public officials governing the States. To the contrary, the Constitution divides authority between federal and state governments for the protection of individuals. State sovereignty is not just an end in itself: “Rather, federalism secures to citizens the liberties that derive from the diffusion of sovereign power.” Coleman v. Thompson,501 U.S. 722 , 759,111 S.Ct. 2546 , 2570,115 L.Ed.2d 640 (1991) (BLACKMUN, J., dissenting). “Just as the separation and independence of the coordinate branches of the Federal Government serves to prevent the accumulation of excessive power in any one branch, a healthy balance of power between the States and the Federal Government will reduce the risk of tyranny and abuse from either front.” Gregory v. Ashcroft, 501 U.S. [452], at 458, 111 S.Ct. [2395], at 2400,115 L.Ed.2d 410 (1991). See The Federalist No. 51, p. 323 (C. Rossiter ed.1961).
We are therefore satisfied that Gillespie has standing to pursue a Tenth Amendment challenge to section 922(g)(9). He has suffered a concrete injury — the loss of the ability to carry a firearm, and the consequent loss of his job as a police officer. That injury can also fairly be traced to the constitutional violation that he attributes to Congress in enacting the amendments to the statute, for if we declared the statute unconstitutional, the firearms disability would be nullified and Gillespie would regain his right to carry a firearm. See Duke Power,
2.
The Tenth Amendment does not itself demarcate the boundary dividing state from federal authority; its text “is essentially a tautology,” New York,
As Judge Barker recognized, however, section 922(g)(9) includes the jurisdictional element that originally was omitted from section 922(q).
Gillespie concedes that the jurisdictional language “may obviate a ‘facial’ constitutional challenge” to section 922(g)(9), but in his view that language does not alone suffice to validate the statute “as applied” to him. Gillespie Br. 20.
[T]he defendants must [also] show a rational basis or substantial evidence for finding a substantial impact on interstate commerce exists, arising from the intrastate possession of a firearm in the public interest by a previously convicted misdemeanant who has carried a firearm in the public interest without incident for over 25 years.
Id.
We have expressly rejected such an additional showing as unnecessary, however. Like Gillespie, the defendant in Lewis suggested that the Supreme Court’s decision in Lopez required the government to establish that his possession of a firearm had a demonstrable impact on interstate commerce. We noted that in Scarborough v. United States,
A single journey across state lines, however remote from the defendant’s possession, is enough to establish the constitutionally minimal tie of a given weapon to interstate commerce, and to bring the defendant’s possession of the gun within a framework of regulation whose connection to interstate commerce is more apparent.
Id. at 52. See also Wilson,
Gillespie makes no claim that the weapon issued to him by the Indianapolis Police Department might never have moved across state lines, and in acknowledging that the gun at the least has this minimal tie to interstate commerce, he has conceded away the only basis he might have for a Commerce Clause challenge to the
3.
If, as we have concluded, section 922(g)(9) reflects a valid exercise of the federal power to regulate interstate commerce, then it follows that Congress has not violated the Tenth Amendment by intruding upon an area of authority reserved to the States. See New York v. United States, supra,
Constitutionally speaking, there is nothing remarkable about the extension of federal firearms disabilities to persons convicted of misdemeanors, as opposed to felonies. The particular act criminalized by each subsection of 922(g) is the possession of a firearm (or ammunition) in or affecting commerce, an activity firmly within the scope of the commerce power.
Nor is it constitutionally significant that the firearms ban now happens to include individuals employed in state and local law enforcement or who would otherwise be qualified to serve in state militias. The Tenth Amendment does reserve to the States and their citizens the power “to determine the qualifications of their most important government officials.” Gregory v. Ashcroft,
4.
Even in the exercise of one of its enumerated powers, Congress can run afoul of the Tenth Amendment by commandeering state officials to carry out federal mandates. Printz v. United States, supra,
We discern no respect in which the statute commandeers state governments or their officers, however. Section 922(g)(9) is not directed at States or state officials. It is, as we have already pointed out, a criminal law of general application; as such, it regulates the behavior of individuals as individuals. See Wilson,
B.
The Due Process Clause of the Fifth Amendment obligates the federal government to afford citizens the equal protection of the laws. See Bolling v. Sharpe,
The premise of Gillespie’s claim is foreclosed by this circuit’s precedents. We shall have more to say about the nature of the right conferred by the Second Amendment in a moment. Insofar as Gillespie’s equal protection claim is concerned, we need only note that we have twice rejected the contention that the right to possess a firearm is a fundamental one. See United States v. Jester,
Like Gillespie, the defendant in United States v. Lewitzke suggested that it was irrational to impose a firearms disability solely upon those convicted of domestic violence misdemeanors, when other misdemeanor convictions might reflect just as much of a propensity to harm others.
Congress is free to “take one step at a time, addressing itself to the phase of the problem which seems most acute to the legislative mind.” Williamson v. Lee Optical of Oklahoma, Inc.,348 U.S. 483 , 489,75 S.Ct. 461 , 465,99 L.Ed. 563 (1955); see also F.C.C. v. Beach Communications, Inc., supra, 508 U.S. [307,] at 316, 113 S.Ct. [2096,] at 2102,124 L.Ed.2d 211 [ (1993) ]. For a legislature concerned about the harm that may befall victims of domestic violence from firearms, persons already convicted of domestic violence are a logical starting, if not ending point.... [B]y definition, those convicted of domestic violence offenses have already harmed their domestic partners in some fashion. It certainly would not be irrational for Congress to conclude that these individuals pose the most acute danger of turning a gun on a family member.
Lewitzke,
We likewise reject the notion that the firearms ban may be irrational to the extent it reaches individuals like Gillespie, who carry firearms in the public interest. That someone previously convicted of engaging in domestic violence may possess a firearm for public rather than private purposes does not negate the possibility that he might use that gun against someone in his household. Congress could, therefore, reasonably conclude that the reasons for an individual carrying a gun are irrelevant and that it is the individual’s criminal history which should determine his right to do so.
The Second Amendment provides that “[a] well regulated Militia, being necessary to the security of a free State, the right of the people to keep and bear Arms, shall not be infringed.” U.S. Const. amend. II. The link that the amendment draws between the ability “to keep and bear Arms” and “[a] well regulated Militia” suggests that the right protected is limited, one that inures not to the individual but to the people collectively, its reach extending so far as is necessary to protect their common interest in protection by a militia. The Supreme Court’s jurisprudence on the scope of this amendment is quite limited itself, and not entirely illuminating. Sixty years ago, however, it did reject a Second Amendment challenge to an indictment charging the defendants with the unlawful transport in interstate commerce of an unregistered, double-barrel, twelve-gauge Stevens shotgun with a barrel length of less than eighteen inches. United States v. Miller,
We believe that Gillespie may invoke the Second Amendment in his challenge to section 922(g)(9) for the same reasons that we concluded he has standing to invoke the Tenth Amendment. Simply put, the statute deprives him of the ability to possess a firearm and, consequently, has cost him his job as an Indianapolis police officer. If we were to conclude that the statute runs afoul of the Second Amendment, as Gillespie urges us to do, then the disability imposed by the statute would be
Although the limited nature of the right guaranteed by the Second Amendment may not deprive Gillespie of standing, it does foretell the outcome of his challenge. For Gillespie has not convinced us that he can demonstrate a “reasonable relationship” between his own inability to carry a firearm and “the preservation or efficiency of a well regulated militia.” Miller,
Finding no constitutional defect in section 922(g)(9), we affirm the dismissal of Gillespie’s complaint.
Notes
. Gillespie also named as defendants the Indianapolis Police Department and Michael Zunk, the Chief of Police. The district court dismissed them from the case, noting that the police department is a municipal department that cannot be sued apart from the city and that Zunk was sued in his official capacity alone. Gillespie v. City of Indianapolis,
. A "misdemeanor crime of domestic violence" is defined as a federal or state misdemeanor which "has, as an element, the use or attempted use of physical force, or the threatened use of a deadly weapon, committed by a current or former spouse, parent, or guardian of the victim, by a person with whom the victim shares a child in common, by a person who is cohabiting with or has cohabited with the victim as a spouse, parent, or guardian, or by a person similarly situated to a spouse, parent, or guardian of the victim.” 18 U.S.C. § 921(a)(33)(A)(ii). The Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, and Firearms construes this definition to include "all misdemeanors that involve the use or attempted use of physical force (e.g., simple assault, assault and battery) if the offense is committed by one of the defined parties.” Department of the Treasury, Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco and Firearms, Open Letter to All State and Local Law Enforcement Officials (last modified February 27, 1998) <http://www.atf.treas.gov/core/fire-arms/information/opltrleo.htm>. "This is true whether or not the State statute or local ordinance specifically defines the offense as a domestic violence misdemeanor.” Id. Accord United States v. Meade,
The statute also provides that a person shall not be considered to have been convicted of such an offense unless he was represented by counsel in the misdemeanor proceeding or knowingly and intelligently waived the right to counsel, and, in cases wherein the defendant is entitled to a jury trial, he either was tried by a jury or knowingly and intelligently waived the right to a juiy trial. Id. § 921(a)(33)(B)(i). Nor shall a person be deemed to have committed such a crime if his conviction has been set aside or expunged, or if the offense is one for which the individual has been pardoned or has had his civil rights restored, unless the pardon, expungement, or restoration of rights expressly bars the individual from shipping, transporting, possessing, or receiving firearms. Id. § 921(a)(33)(B)(ii).
. Compare Seniors Civil Liberties Ass'n v. Kemp,
. The court in Flast slated:
The nexus demanded of federal taxpayers has two aspects to it. First, the taxpayer must establish a logical link between that status and the type of legislative enactment attacked.... Secondly, the taxpayer must establish a nexus between that status and the precise nature of the constitutional infringement alleged.
. After the Supreme Court decided Lopez, Congress enacted a new version of section 922(q) containing a jurisdictional element.
. Cf. United States v. Robertson,
. Gillespie also appears to suggest that the statute amounts to an unprecedented intrusion upon state domestic law. Gillespie Br. 10-11. That is an argument made more logically with respect to 18 U.S.C. § 2261, which establishes a federal domestic violence offense. Section 922(g)(9) itself works no change upon state laws concerning domestic violence; it simply attaches a new federal consequence to a state conviction with respect to the possession of firearms in or affecting interstate commerce.
. Of course, the statute also forbids identified persons to ship or transport a firearm or ammunition in interstate or foreign commerce or to receive any firearm or ammunition that has been shipped or transported in interstate commerce. 18 U.S.C. § 922(g). We focus on the possession of a firearm in or affecting commerce, because it is the prohibition of that activity which most directly bears on Gillespie.
. But see E.E.O.C. v. Wyoming,
. Gillespie no longer claims a fundamental property interest in government employment, as he did below. Gillespie Br. 26. See Massachusetts Bd. of Retirementv. Murgia,
. In his statement of the questions presented, Gillespie suggests that the statutory scheme may deny the equal protection rights of domestic violence misdemeanants because convicted felons are authorized to carry firearms in the public interest while misdemean-ants are not. Gillespie Br. xi; see 18 U.S.C. § 925(a)(1). Gillespie’s counsel pursued that same argument, initially with success, before the District of Columbia Circuit. See Fraternal Order of Police v. United States,
. Although our conclusion that Gillespie has standing to pursue a Second Amendment claim conflicts with the Ninth Circuit’s holdings in San Diego County Gun Rights Committee and Hickman, we note that the great majority of precedents in this area have rejected Second Amendment challenges to firearms legislation on their merits and thus have implicitly rejected the notion that individuals lack standing to invoke the Second Amendment. E.g., Miller,
