Charles Gilbert GIBBS; Richard Lee Mann, III; Hyde County, North Carolina; Washington County, North Carolina, Plaintiffs-Appellants, v. Bruce BABBITT, Secretary of the Interior, in his official capacity; United States Fish and Wildlife Service; United States Department of the Interior; Jamie Clark, Director of the U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service, Defendants-Appellees, Defenders of Wildlife, Intervenor-Appellee.
No. 99-1218
United States Court of Appeals, Fourth Circuit
Argued Oct. 28, 1999 Decided June 6, 2000
214 F.3d 483
Pacific Legal Foundation; National Wilderness Institute; Washington Legal Foundation; The Allied Education Foundation; National Wildlife Federation; North Carolina Wildlife Federation; Environmental Defense Fund; World Wildlife Fund; Center for Marine Conservation, Amici Curiae.
Before WILKINSON, Chief Judge, and LUTTIG and MICHAEL, Circuit Judges.
Affirmed by published opinion. Chief Judge WILKINSON wrote the majority opinion, in which Judge MICHAEL joined. Judge LUTTIG wrote a dissenting opinion.
OPINION
WILKINSON, Chief Judge:
In this case we ask whether the national government can act to conserve scarce natural resources of value to our entire country. Appellants challenge the constitutionality of a Fish and Wildlife Service regulation that limits the taking of red wolves on private land. The district court
I.
A.
In response to growing concern over the extinction of many animal and plant species, Congress enacted the
The cornerstone of the statute is section 9(a)(1), which prohibits the taking of any endangered species without a permit or other authorization.
In order to increase the Service‘s flexibility in reintroducing endangered species into portions of their historic range, Congress extensively amended the ESA in 1982,
A population may be designated as “experimental” only after the Service determines that it is not “essential” to the continuation of the species.
B.
The red wolf, Canis rufus, is an endangered species whose protection is at issue in this case. The red wolf was originally found throughout the southeastern United States. It was once abundant in the “riverine habitats of the southeast,” and was especially numerous near the “canebrakes” that harbored large populations of swamp and marsh rabbits, the primary prey of the red wolf. 51 Fed.Reg. 41,790, 41,791 (1986). The FWS found that “the demise of the red wolf was directly related to man‘s activities, especially land changes, such as the drainage of vast wetland areas for agricultural purposes . . . and predator control efforts at the private, State, and Federal levels.”
Activities such as wetlands drainage, dam construction, and hunting reduced the red wolf to such meager numbers that it was listed as endangered in 1976. See 32 Fed.Reg. 4001 (1976). Because of the paucity of animals left in the wild, their poor physical condition, and the threats posed by inbreeding, the FWS decided to trap the remaining red wolves in the mid-1970s and place them in a captive breeding program. See 51 Fed.Reg. at 41,791. The breeding program anticipated the eventual reintroduction of some red wolves into the wild.
In 1986, the FWS issued a final rule outlining a reintroduction plan for red wolves in the 120,000-acre Alligator River National Wildlife Refuge in eastern North Carolina. See 51 Fed.Reg. 41,790. This area was judged the ideal habitat within the red wolf‘s historic range.
This case raises a challenge to
Section 17.84(c) allows a person to take red wolves on private land “[p]rovided that such taking is not intentional or willful, or is in defense of that person‘s own life or the lives of others.”
C.
In October 1990, plaintiff Richard Lee Mann shot a red wolf that he feared might threaten his cattle. The federal government prosecuted Mann under
In response to discontent with the reintroduction program, the North Carolina General Assembly passed a bill entitled “An Act to Allow the Trapping and Killing of Red Wolves by Owners of Private Land.” The Act makes it lawful to kill a red wolf on private property if the landowner has previously requested the FWS to remove the red wolves from the property. See 1994 N.C. Sess. Laws Ch. 635, amended by 1995 N.C. Sess. Laws Ch. 83 (adding Beaufort and Craven Counties to the Act, which initially covered only Hyde and Washington Counties). This law facially conflicts with the federal regulation. For instance,
Appellants Charles Gibbs, Richard Mann, Hyde County, and Washington County filed the instant action challenging the federal government‘s authority to protect red wolves on private land. They seek a declaration that the anti-taking regulation,
On cross-motions for summary judgment, the United States District Court for the Eastern District of North Carolina held that Congress‘s power to regulate interstate commerce includes the power to
II.
We consider this case under the framework articulated by the Supreme Court in United States v. Lopez, 514 U.S. 549, 115 S.Ct. 1624, 131 L.Ed.2d 626 (1995), and United States v. Morrison, 529 U.S. 598, 120 S.Ct. 1740, 146 L.Ed.2d 658 (2000), aff‘g Brzonkala v. Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University, 169 F.3d 820 (4th Cir.1999). While Congress‘s power to pass laws under the Commerce Clause has been interpreted broadly, both Lopez and Morrison reestablish that the commerce power contains “judicially enforceable outer limits.” See Lopez, 514 U.S. at 566; Morrison, 120 S.Ct. at 1748-49. It is essential to our system of government that the commerce power not extend to effects on interstate commerce that are so remote that we “would effectually obliterate the distinction between what is national and what is local.” National Labor Relations Board v. Jones & Laughlin Steel Corp., 301 U.S. 1, 37, 57 S.Ct. 615, 81 L.Ed. 893 (1937). Indeed, the judiciary has the duty to ensure that federal statutes and regulations are promulgated under one of the enumerated grants of constitutional authority. It is our further duty to independently evaluate whether “a rational basis exist[s] for concluding that a regulated activity sufficiently affect[s] interstate commerce.” Lopez, 514 U.S. at 557.
While this is rational basis review with teeth, the courts may not simply tear through the considered judgments of Congress. Judicial restraint is a long and honored tradition and this restraint applies to Commerce Clause adjudications. “Due respect for the decisions of a coordinate branch of Government demands that we invalidate a congressional enactment only upon a plain showing that Congress has exceeded its constitutional bounds.” Morrison, 120 S.Ct. at 1748. In fact, “[t]he substantial element of political judgment in Commerce Clause matters leaves our institutional capacity more in doubt than when we decide cases, for instance, under the Bill of Rights.” Lopez, 514 U.S. at 579 (Kennedy, J., concurring). We must enforce the structural limits of Our Federalism, but we must also defer to the political judgments of Congress, recognizing that the “Commerce Clause represents a broad grant of federal authority.” Brzonkala v. Virginia Polytechnic Instit. and State Univ., 169 F.3d 820, 830 (4th Cir.1999), aff‘d sub nom. Morrison, 120 S.Ct. 1740.
The Lopez Court recognized three broad categories of activity that Congress may regulate under its commerce power. 514 U.S. at 558. “First, Congress may regulate the use of the channels of interstate commerce. Second, Congress is empowered to regulate and protect the instrumentalities of interstate commerce, or persons or things in interstate commerce, even though the threat may come only from intrastate activities. Finally, Congress’ commerce authority includes the power to regulate those activities having a substantial relation to interstate commerce, i.e., those activities that substantially affect interstate commerce.” Id. at 558-59 (citations omitted).
Section 17.84(c) is “not a regulation of the use of the channels of interstate commerce, nor is it an attempt to prohibit the interstate transportation of a commodity through the channels of commerce.” Lopez, 514 U.S. at 559. The term “channel of interstate commerce” refers to, inter alia, “navigable rivers, lakes, and canals of the United States; the inter-
This case also does not implicate Lopez‘s second prong, which protects things in interstate commerce. Although the Service has transported the red wolves interstate for the purposes of study and the reintroduction programs, this is not sufficient to make the red wolf a “thing” in interstate commerce. See, e.g., Lopez, 514 U.S. at 559 (rejecting application of prong two to Gun-Free School Zones Act, despite the fact that the regulated guns likely traveled through interstate commerce); National Assoc. of Home Builders v. Babbitt, 130 F.3d 1041, 1046 (D.C.Cir.1997) (“NAHB“) (rejecting notion that Delhi Sands Flower-Loving Fly was a “thing” in interstate commerce). Therefore, if
Under the third Lopez test, regulations have been upheld when the regulated activities “arise out of or are connected with a commercial transaction, which viewed in the aggregate, substantially affects interstate commerce.” Lopez, 514 U.S. at 561. In Morrison, the Supreme Court noted, “In every case where we have sustained federal regulation under Wickard‘s aggregation principle, the regulated activity was of an apparent commercial character.” Morrison, 120 S.Ct. at 1750 n. 4. The Court in Lopez likewise placed great emphasis on the “commercial concerns that are central to the Commerce Clause.” Lopez, 514 U.S. at 583 (Kennedy, J., concurring); see also Hoffman v. Hunt, 126 F.3d 575, 586-87 (4th Cir.1997) (noting the importance of the distinction between “the regulation of, on the one hand, those activities that are commercial or economic in nature . . . and, on the other hand, those activities that are not“).
Although the connection to economic or commercial activity plays a central role in whether a regulation will be upheld under the Commerce Clause, economic activity must be understood in broad terms. Indeed, a cramped view of commerce would cripple a foremost federal power and in so doing would eviscerate national authority. The Lopez Court‘s characterization of the regulation of home-grown wheat in Wickard v. Filburn, 317 U.S. 111, 63 S.Ct. 82, 87 L.Ed. 122 (1942), as a case involving economic activity makes clear the breadth of this concept. The Court explained that “[e]ven Wickard, which is perhaps the most far reaching example of Commerce Clause authority over intrastate activity, involved economic activity in a way that the possession of a gun in a school zone does not.” Lopez, 514 U.S. at 560; accord Morrison, 120 S.Ct. at 1749-50. See also Brzonkala, 169 F.3d at 835 (explaining that the Court has a “relatively broad understanding of such [economic] activity“). In fact, our understanding of commerce may not be limited to its “18th-century” forms. See Lopez, 514 U.S. at 574 (Kennedy, J., concurring). While we must enforce meaningful limits on the commerce power, we must also be mindful of the “Court‘s relatively generous conception of economic activity.” Brzonkala, 169 F.3d at 835.
Lopez and Morrison rest on the principle that where a federal statute has only a tenuous connection to commerce and infringes on areas of traditional state concern, the courts should not hesitate to exercise their constitutional obligation to hold that the statute exceeds an enumerated federal power. Respect for our federal system of government was integral to those decisions. See Lopez, 514 U.S. at 561 n. 3; Morrison, 120 S.Ct. at 1754-55. Yet Lopez also counsels that “[w]here economic activity substan-
With these basic principles in mind, we consider appellants’ challenge to
III.
Appellants argue that the federal government cannot limit the taking of red wolves on private land because this activity cannot be squared with any of the three categories that Congress may regulate under its commerce power. Appellants assert that
We disagree. It was reasonable for Congress and the Fish and Wildlife Service to conclude that
A.
To fall within Congress‘s commerce power, this regulation must have a “substantial relation to interstate commerce” - it must “substantially affect in-
Unlike the Violence Against Women Act (VAWA) in Morrison and the Gun-Free School Zones Act (GFSZA) in Lopez,
The relationship between red wolf takings and interstate commerce is quite direct - with no red wolves, there will be no red wolf related tourism, no scientific research, and no commercial trade in pelts. We need not “pile inference upon inference,” Lopez, 514 U.S. at 567, to reach this conclusion. While a beleaguered species may not presently have the economic impact of a large commercial enterprise, its eradication nonetheless would have a substantial effect on interstate commerce. And through preservation the impact of an endangered species on commerce will only increase.2
Because the taking of red wolves can be seen as economic activity in the sense considered by Lopez and Morrison, the individual takings may be aggregated for the purpose of Commerce Clause analysis. See Morrison, 120 S.Ct. at 1750 n. 4. While the taking of one red wolf on private land may not be “substantial,” the takings of red wolves in the aggregate have a sufficient impact on interstate commerce to uphold this regulation. This is especially so where, as here, the regulation is but one part of the broader scheme of endangered species legislation.
Further,
Appellants argue that the tourism rationale relates only to howling events on national park land or wildlife refuges because people do not travel to private land. They reason that without tourism on private land the regulated activity does not substantially affect interstate commerce. Yet this argument misses the mark. Since reintroduction, red wolves have strayed from federal lands onto private lands. Indeed, wolves are known to be “great wanderers.” See 60 Fed.Reg. 18,940, 18,943 (1995). In 1998, it was estimated that 41 of the 75 wolves in the wild now live on private land. Because so many members of this threatened species wander on private land, the regulation of takings on private land is essential to the entire program of reintroduction and eventual restoration of the species. Such regulation is necessary to conserve enough red wolves to sustain tourism. Appellants in fact seem unmindful of the history of endangered species regulation. The Endangered Species Acts of 1966 and 1969 initially targeted conservation efforts only on federal lands, but they met with limited success. See Note, Evolution of Wildlife Legislation in the United States: An Analysis of the Legal Efforts to Protect Endangered Species and the Prospects for the Future, 5 Geo. Int‘l Envtl. L. Rev. 441, 449-53 (1993). The
Tourism, however, is not the only interstate commercial activity affected by the taking of red wolves. The regulation of red wolf takings is also closely connected to a second interstate market - scientific research. Scientific research generates jobs. It also deepens our knowledge of the world in which we live. The red wolf reintroduction program has already generated numerous scientific studies. For example, the red wolf is used as a model for other carnivore reintroductions. See Donald E. Moore III & Roland Smith, The Red Wolf as a Model for Carnivore Reintroductions, 62 Symp. Zool. Soc. Lond. 263 (1990). Scientists have also studied how the red wolf affects small mammal populations and how the wolves interact with the ecosystem as a whole. See, e.g., Bryan T. Kelly, Alligator River National Wildlife Refuge Red Wolf (Canis Rufus) Scat Analysis: Preliminary Analyses of Mammalian Prey Consumed by Year, Season, Pack, Sex, and Age (April 1994) (unpublished, Joint Appendix at 942). By studying the effects of red wolves on the ecosystem, scientists learn about the interdependence of plants and animals, as well as how other threatened species may be reintroduced in the future. Scientific research can also reveal other uses for animals - for instance, approximately 50 percent of all modern medicines are derived from wild plants or animals. See Norman Myers, A Wealth of Wild Species: Storehouse for Human Welfare 4 (1983). Protection of the red wolves on private land thus encourages further research that may have inestimable future value, both for scientific knowledge as well as for commercial development of the red wolf.
Finally, the taking of red wolves is connected to interstate markets for agricultural products and livestock. For instance, appellant landowners find red wolves a menace because they threaten livestock and other animals of economic and commercial value. By restricting the taking of red wolves,
It is anything but clear, for example, that red wolves harm farming enterprises. They may in fact help them, and in so doing confer additional benefits on commerce. For instance, red wolves prey on animals like raccoons, deer, and rabbits - helping farmers by killing the animals that destroy their crops. See Robert J. Esher & Theodore R. Simons, Red Wolf Propagation on Horn Island, Miss.: Red Wolf Ecological Studies 13-16 (Sept.1993) (unpublished, Joint Appendix at 890). On Horn Island, for instance, researchers found evidence of increased shore bird nesting, likely due to the reduction in raccoon predation. See
Section 17.84(c) aims to reverse threatened extinction and conserve the red wolf for both current and future use in interstate commerce. Congress is entitled to make the judgment that conservation is potentially valuable, even if that value cannot be presently ascertained. The Supreme Court has held that the congressional decision to maintain abandoned railroad track is reasonable “even if no future rail use for it is currently foreseeable.” Preseault v. ICC, 494 U.S. 1, 19, 110 S.Ct. 914, 108 L.Ed.2d 1 (1990). The Court reasoned that “[g]iven the long tradition of congressional regulation of railroad abandonments, that is a judgment that Congress is entitled to make.”
When enacting the ESA, various legislators expressed these exact concerns, namely that species be conserved for future scientific development:
The value of this genetic heritage is, quite literally, incalculable.... From the most narrow possible point of view, it is in the best interests of mankind to minimize the losses of genetic variations. The reason is simple: they are potential resources.... Who knows, or can say, what potential cures for cancer or other scourges, present or future, may lie locked up in the structures of plants which may yet be undiscovered, much less analyzed? . . . Sheer self-interest impels us to be cautious.
H.R.Rep. No. 93-412, at 4-5 (1973). Extinction, after all, is irreversible. If a species becomes extinct, we are left to speculate forever on what we might have learned or what we may have realized. If we conserve the species, it will be available for the study and benefit of future generations. In any event, it is for Congress to choose between inaction and preservation, not for the courts.
Courts have uniformly upheld endangered species legislation after Lopez based on many of the same current and future connections to interstate commerce articulated here. In fact, no case has been brought to our attention that invalidates any endangered species regulation for exceeding the commerce power. In addressing a post-Lopez challenge to the constitutionality of the Bald Eagle Protection Act,
The protection of the red wolf on both federal and private land substantially affects interstate commerce through tourism, trade, scientific research, and other potential economic activities. To overturn this regulation would start courts down the road to second-guessing all kinds of legislative judgments. There is a “rational basis” as defined by Lopez for sustaining this regulation. We therefore hold that the anti-taking provision at issue here involves regulable economic and commercial activity as understood by current Commerce Clause jurisprudence.4
B.
This regulation is also sustainable as “an essential part of a larger regulation of economic activity, in which the regulatory scheme could be undercut unless the intrastate activity were regulated.” Lopez, 514 U.S. at 561. The Supreme Court in Hodel v. Indiana stated: “A complex regulatory program . . . can survive a Commerce Clause challenge without a showing that every single facet of the program is independently and directly related to a valid congressional goal. It is enough that the challenged provisions are an integral part of the regulatory program and that the regulatory scheme when considered as a whole satisfies this test.” 452 U.S. 314, 329 n. 17, 101 S.Ct. 2376, 69 L.Ed.2d 40 (1981).
The FWS issued this regulation pursuant to the provisions of the Endangered Species Act, a comprehensive and far-reaching piece of legislation that aims to conserve the health of our national environment. Congress undoubtedly has the constitutional authority to pass legislation for the conservation of endangered species. See Babbitt v. Sweet Home Chapter of Communities for a Great Or., 515 U.S. 687, 115 S.Ct. 2407, 132 L.Ed.2d 597 (1995) (presupposing validity of Endangered Species Act in upholding broad definition of “harm” as including significant habitat modification); see also TVA, 437 U.S. at 194 (emphasizing that Congress has struck a balance in “favor of affording endangered species the highest of priorities” and upholding application of the ESA because “[o]nce the meaning of an enactment is discerned and its constitutionality determined, the judicial process comes to an end“).
Appellants repeatedly argue that individual takings of red wolves have only an insubstantial effect on interstate commerce and therefore that the application of the regulation to private landowners is invalid. But we emphasize that the effect on commerce must be viewed not from the taking of one wolf, but from the potential commercial differential between an extinct and a recovered species. A single red
Once a species has been designated as endangered, there are by definition only a few remaining animals. Therefore, the effects on interstate commerce should not be viewed from the arguably small commercial effect of one local taking, but rather from the effect that single takings multiplied would have on advancing the extinction of a species. Each taking impacts the overall red wolf population, which has an effect on many dimensions of commerce between the states. As the Supreme Court has stated, “[i]f it is interstate commerce that feels the pinch, it does not matter how local the operation which applies the squeeze.” Heart of Atlanta Motel, 379 U.S. at 258 (internal quotation marks omitted). Section 17.84(c) must thus be evaluated against the overall congressional goal of restoring red wolves and endangered species generally. It would be perverse indeed if a species nearing extinction were found to be beyond Congress‘s power to protect while abundant species were subject to full federal regulatory power. Yet under appellants’ theory, the more endangered the species, the less authority Congress has to regulate the taking of it. According to this view, endangered species would lie beyond congressional protection because there are too few animals left to make a commercial difference. Such reasoning would eviscerate the comprehensive federal scheme for conserving endangered species and turn congressional judgment on its head.
Appellants protest they do not ask us to overturn the ESA. They simply want us to excise as unconstitutional a disfavored provision that places a strain on their agricultural activities. But given that Congress has the ability to enact a broad scheme for the conservation of endangered species, it is not for the courts to invalidate individual regulations. If appellants think this regulation unwise, they must make their plea to Congress. The judiciary lacks the delegated powers of the FWS or the Environmental Protection Agency. Separation of powers principles mandate that we leave decisions such as these to Congress and to agencies with congressionally sanctioned expertise and authority. The Supreme Court itself has been mindful of the “degree of regulatory expertise necessary to [the ESA‘s] enforcement.” Sweet Home, 515 U.S. at 703. Lacking such expertise, we must decide not whether the regulation meets with judicial favor, but whether it passes constitutional muster.
The specific needs of individual species, as well as the balance to be struck with landowners in or near the species’ habitats, present a classic case for legislative balancing. Here
IV.
Upholding this regulation is consistent with the “first principles” of a Constitution that establishes a federal government of enumerated powers. See Lopez, 514 U.S. at 552. Lopez and Morrison properly emphasize that we must carefully evaluate legislation in light of our federal system of government. “The Constitution requires a distinction between what is truly national and what is truly local.” Morrison, 120 S.Ct. at 1754. We must particularly scrutinize regulated activity that “falls within an area of the law where States historically have been sovereign and countenance of the asserted federal power would blur the boundaries between the spheres of federal and state authority.” Brzonkala, 169 F.3d at 837 (internal quotation marks omitted).
A.
It is imperative to set forth at the outset the historic roles of federal and state authority in this area. The regulated activity at issue here does not involve an “area of traditional state concern,” one to which “States lay claim by right of history and expertise.” Lopez, 514 U.S. at 580, 583 (Kennedy, J., concurring).
Appellants argue that the regulation infringes on the traditional state control over wildlife. We are cognizant that states play a most important role in regulating wildlife - many comprehensive state hunting and fishing laws attest to it. State control over wildlife, however, is circumscribed by federal regulatory power. In Minnesota v. Mille Lacs Band of Chippewa Indians, the Supreme Court recently reiterated that “[a]lthough States have important interests in regulating wildlife and natural resources within their borders, this authority is shared with the Federal Government when the Federal Government exercises one of its enumerated constitutional powers.” 526 U.S. 172, 204, 119 S.Ct. 1187, 143 L.Ed.2d 270 (1999). In Mille Lacs, the Court upheld Chippewa Indian rights under an 1837 treaty that allowed the Chippewa to hunt, fish, and gather free of territorial, and later state, regulation. Id. These Indian treaty rights were found to be “reconcilable with state sovereignty over natural resources.” Id. at 205.
It is true that in the nineteenth century courts followed the legal precept that wildlife was the property of the state. See Geer v. Connecticut, 161 U.S. 519, 16 S.Ct. 600, 40 L.Ed. 793 (1896) (upholding a Connecticut statute that prohibited the interstate transportation of game birds that had been killed within the state). But the principles in Geer were modified early in the twentieth century. See Hughes v. Oklahoma, 441 U.S. 322, 329, 99 S.Ct. 1727, 60 L.Ed.2d 250 (1979) (“The erosion of Geer began only 15 years after it was decided.“). Geer was finally overruled in 1979 by Hughes v. Oklahoma, which held that states do not own the wildlife within their borders and that state laws regulating wildlife are circumscribed by Congress‘s commerce power. 441 U.S. at 326, 335. In light of Mille Lacs and Hughes, the activity regulated by
Appellants next argue that the application of this regulation to private land intrudes on the state‘s traditional police power to regulate local land use. Of
Given the history of federal regulation over wildlife and related environmental concerns, it is hard to imagine how this anti-taking regulation trespasses impermissibly upon traditional state functions - either control over wildlife or local land use. Lopez and Morrison properly caution that States should receive judicial protection from unconstitutional federal encroachments on state matters. Yet endangered wildlife regulation has not been an exclusive or primary state function. In this way the anti-taking regulation is distinctly unlike the GFSZA, which forbade the possession of firearms in a school zone. The Supreme Court explained that the regulation of school zones was within the “general police power” retained by the states. See Lopez, 514 U.S. at 567. The regulation of red wolf taking is also unlike the VAWA, which established a “right to be free from crimes of violence motivated by gender,”
In contrast to gender-motivated violence or guns in school yards, the conservation of scarce natural resources is an appropriate and well-recognized area of federal regulation. The federal government has been involved in a variety of conservation efforts since the beginning of this century. In 1900, Congress passed the
The Supreme Court has repeatedly upheld these statutes and the conservation efforts of Congress with regard to a variety of animal species. In Missouri v. Holland, the Court upheld the Migratory Bird Treaty Act as a necessary and proper means of executing Congress‘s treaty power. The conservation of endangered wildlife, Justice Holmes stated, was a “matter[ ] of the sharpest exigency for national well being.” 252 U.S. 416, 432-33, 40 S.Ct. 382, 64 L.Ed. 641 (1920). In 1977, the Supreme Court held that Congress had the power under the Commerce Clause to grant federal fishing licenses for use in state waters, thereby preempting conflicting state laws. See Douglas v. Seacoast Products, Inc., 431 U.S. 265, 97 S.Ct. 1740, 52 L.Ed.2d 304 (1977). Later in Andrus v. Allard, the Court emphasized that the “assumption that the national commerce power does not reach migratory wildlife is clearly flawed.” 444 U.S. 51, 63 n. 19, 100 S.Ct. 318, 62 L.Ed.2d 210 (1979).
Post-Lopez cases addressing wildlife conservation statutes do not call these cases into question, but rather uphold the exercise of agency power over private land use in order to conserve endangered species. In Sweet Home, for example, the Court upheld the Service‘s broad definition of “harm” in the ESA as including “significant habitat modification.” 515 U.S. at 708. The lower courts have followed suit, both before and after Lopez. For example, in United States v. Hartsell, this court reaffirmed that Congress retains authority to regulate even non-navigable waters under the Commerce Clause. 127 F.3d 343, 348 & n. 1 (4th Cir.1997). The Ninth Circuit reaffirmed that the
B.
It is important not simply to point to the historic fact of federal efforts in the area of resource conservation. Courts have respected the justifications for these federal efforts as well.
The Supreme Court has recognized that protection of natural resources may require action from Congress. This general point holds true where endangered species are concerned. Species conservation may unfortunately impose additional costs on private concerns. States may decide to forego or limit conservation efforts in order to lower these costs, and other states may be forced to follow suit in order to compete. The Supreme Court has held that Congress may take cognizance of this dynamic and arrest the “race to the bottom” in order to prevent interstate competition whose overall effect would damage the quality of the national environment. In Hodel v. Virginia Surface Mining & Reclamation Ass‘n, the Court upheld provisions of the
A desire for uniform standards also spurred enactment of the ESA: “[P]rotection of endangered species is not a matter that can be handled in the absence of coherent national and international policies: the results of a series of unconnected and disorganized policies and programs by various states might well be confusion compounded.” See H.R.Rep. No. 93-415, at 5. If we struck down this regulation under the commerce power, we would throw into question much federal environmental legislation. This would be a portentous step, leaving many environmental harms to be dealt with through state tort law. Such a movement might well subject interstate companies to a welter of conflicting obligations. If Congress is constitutionally forbidden from even enacting uniform environmental rules, the confusion for interstate commercial enterprises might increase exponentially.
In examining the justifications for federal action in this area it is important to understand the ESA as a culmination of a long legislative process of trial and error. This font of experience is something courts lack. As we noted earlier, preliminary efforts at endangered species regulation were widely viewed as inadequate precisely because they did not control private activities. The
C.
This regulation does not blur the boundaries between federal and state responsibility for the conservation of species. Disturbing the balance of federal and state power was a primary concern in both Lopez and Morrison. In Lopez, Justice Kennedy argued that one of the great dangers of the federal government regulating areas of traditional state concern is that “the boundaries between the spheres of federal and state authority would blur and political responsibility would become illusory.” 514 U.S. at 577 (Kennedy, J., concurring). In Brzonkala this court observed that because the VAWA supplemented and interfered with state remedies, “the citizens of the States[would] not know which sovereign to hold accountable for any failure to address adequately gender-motivated crimes of violence.” 169 F.3d at 842.
Section 17.84(c) is distinguishable from both the GFSZA and the VAWA because the ultimate responsibility for the red wolf lies with the federal government. The regulation outlines the responsibilities and
Congress, however, did not simply sweep away the role of the states by enacting a national solution to the problem of red wolf conservation. The ESA and
This regulation simply does not implicate any “immediate and concrete” federalism concerns by negating state contributions to species protection. Brzonkala, 169 F.3d at 840. Quite to the contrary, invalidating this regulation would deal a damaging blow to the essential place of the enumerated powers in preserving scarce resources of all sorts for the common good.
D.
Unlike the statutes in Lopez and Brzonkala,
But these concerns are simply not implicated by
The rationale for this regulation thus stops far short of conferring upon Congress a broad police power. It is instead appellants’ arguments for invalidating this regulation that go too far. If the federal government cannot regulate the taking of an endangered or threatened species on private land, its conservation and preservation efforts would be limited to only federal lands. A ruling to this effect would place in peril the entire federal regulatory scheme for wildlife and natural resource conservation.
V.
Finally, we offer a brief response to the views of our dissenting brother. According to the dissent, Lopez and Morrison require us to hold that the regulation at issue exceeds Congress‘s commerce power. We cannot accept this view. To invalidate this regulation would require courts to move abruptly from preserving traditional state roles to dismantling historic federal ones.
The dissenting opinion regrettably offers no legal basis for taking such a leap. Instead, the dissent expresses a bevy of unsupported opinions. It offers its conclusory belief that the taking of a red wolf does not constitute an economic activity.
There should be no doubt about the implications of the dissenting opinion. Our dissenting colleague would rework the relationship between the judiciary and its coordinate branches. It is apparent that the dissent regards
This danger is made more acute by the failure of the dissent to adopt any limiting principle for its approach. The dissent dismisses the regulation at issue as implicating nothing more than “a handful of animals, if even that, in one small region of one state.”
Sapping the national ability to safeguard natural resources is not a course supported by precedent. After Lopez, the Supreme Court upheld a broad interpretation of the Endangered Species Act, see Sweet Home, 515 U.S. 687. And in Morrison the Supreme Court cited Wickard v. Filburn and Heart of Atlanta Motel for the proposition that the authority of the national government to regulate intrastate economic activity in proper circumstances had not been dismembered. 120 S.Ct. at 1749-50. Yet in the truncated legal universe of the dissent, the national interest in the development of natural resources counts for naught, and these cases and propositions have little, if any, role to play.
Finally, the dissenting opinion works a rent in the fabric of Our Federalism. Striking down this regulation will turn federalism on its head. Lopez and Morrison rightly emphasized the fact that the federal involvement with local school zones and the creation of civil causes of action to prevent gender-motivated violence encroached on what are traditional state functions. By contrast, the preservation of endangered species is historically a federal function. Lopez and Morrison recognized the importance of judicial review under the Commerce Clause. But, unlike the dissent, those cases set boundaries to that review and did not transform the reviewing function from a shield protecting state activities into a sword dismembering a long recognized federal one. It is as threatening to federalism for courts to erode the historic national role over scarce resource conservation as it is for Congress to usurp traditional state prerogatives in such areas as education and domestic relations. Courts seeking to enforce the structural constraints of federalism must respect the balance on both sides.5
AFFIRMED.
J. HARVIE WILKINSON III
CHIEF JUDGE
Notes
While there are no formal congressional findings that the ESA affects interstate commerce, such findings are neither necessary nor sufficient to sustain a statute or regulation. In Lopez, the Court said that “Congress normally is not required to make formal findings as to the substantial burdens that an activity has on interstate commerce.” 514 U.S. at 562; see also Perez v. United States, 402 U.S. 146, 156, 91 S.Ct. 1357, 28 L.Ed.2d 686 (1971) (particularized findings are not necessary for Congress to legislate). Further, in Morrison, the Court emphasized in the face of voluminous congressional findings that “the existence of congressional findings is not sufficient, by itself, to sustain the constitutionality of Commerce Clause legislation.” 120 S.Ct. at 1752.
In evaluating whether there is a rational basis for the promulgation of a statute or regulation under the commerce power, we often consider congressional committee findings. See Lopez, 514 U.S. at 562. Here, Congress has provided numerous sources of informal findings. Committee reports and legislative debates have emphasized the importance of endangered species to interstate commerce. We independently evaluate the constitutionality of this regulation, but we also take account of congressional judgment and the judgment of the agency designated to implement the statute.
