Lead Opinion
delivered the opinion of the Court.
For more than a century, this Court consistently and repeatedly has reaffirmed that racial discrimination by the State in jury selection offends the Equal Protection Clause. See, e. g., Strauder v. West Virginia,
b-i
On August 10, 1990, a grand jury sitting in Dougherty County, Ga., returned a six-count indictment charging respondents with aggravated assault and simple battery. See App. 2. The indictment alleged that respondents beat and assaulted Jerry and Myra Collins. Respondents are white; the alleged victims are African-Americans. Shortly after the events, a leaflet was widely distributed in the local African-American community reporting the assault and urging community residents not to patronize respondents’ business.
Before jury selection began, the prosecution moved to prohibit respondents from exercising peremptory challenges in
The trial judge denied the State’s motion, holding that “[njeither Georgia nor federal law prohibits criminal defendants from exercising peremptory strikes in a racially discriminatory manner.” App. 14. The issue was certified for immediate appeal. Id., at 15 and 18.
The Supreme Court of Georgia, by a 4-to-3 vote, affirmed the trial court’s ruling.
We granted certiorari to resolve a question left open by our prior cases — whether the Constitution prohibits a criminal defendant from engaging in purposeful racial discrimination in the exercise of peremptory challenges.
II
Over the last century, in an almost unbroken chain of decisions, this Court gradually has abolished race as a consideration for jury service. In Strauder v. West Virginia,
In Swain v. Alabama,
In Batson v. Kentucky,
Last Term this Court applied the Batson framework in two other contexts. In Powers v. Ohio,
In deciding whether the Constitution prohibits criminal defendants from exercising racially discriminatory peremptory challenges, we must answer four questions. First, whether a criminal defendant’s exercise of peremptory challenges in a racially discriminatory manner inflicts the harms addressed by Batson. Second, whether the exercise of peremptory challenges by a criminal defendant constitutes state action. Third, whether prosecutors have standing to raise this constitutional challenge. And fourth, whether the constitutional rights of a criminal defendant nonetheless preclude the extension of our precedents to this case.
Ill
A
The majority in Powers recognized that “Batson ‘was designed “to serve multiple ends,” ’ only one of which was to protect individual defendants from discrimination in the selection of jurors.”
As long ago as Strauder, this Court recognized that denying a person participation in jury service on account of his race unconstitutionally discriminates against the excluded juror.
But “[t]he harm from discriminatory jury selection extends beyond that inflicted on the defendant and the excluded juror to touch the entire community.” Batson,
The need for public confidence is especially high in cases involving race-related crimes. In such cases, emotions in the affected community will inevitably be heated and volatile. Public confidence in the integrity of the criminal justice system is essential for preserving community peace in trials involving race-related crimes. See Alschuler, The Supreme Court and the Jury: Voir Dire, Peremptory Challenges, and the Review of Jury Verdicts, 56 U. Chi. L. Rev. 153, 195-196 (1989) (describing two trials in Miami, Fla., in which all African-American jurors were peremptorily struck by white defendants accused of racial beating, and the public outrage and riots that followed the defendants’ acquittal).
“[B]e it at the hands of the State or the defense,” if a court allows jurors to be excluded because of group bias, “[it] is [a] willing participant in a scheme that could only undermine the very foundation of our system of justice — our citizens’
B
The fact that a defendant’s use of discriminatory peremptory challenges harms the jurors and the community does not end our equal protection inquiry. Racial discrimination, although repugnant in all contexts, violates the Constitution only when it is attributable to state action. See Moose Lodge No. 107 v. Irvis,
Until Edmonson, the cases decided by this Court that presented the problem of racially discriminatory peremptory challenges involved assertions of discrimination by a prosecutor, a quintessential state actor. In Edmonson, by contrast, the contested peremptory challenges were exercised by a private defendant in a civil action. In order to determine whether state action was present in that setting, the
The first inquiry is “whether the claimed [constitutional] deprivation has resulted from the exercise of a right or privilege having its source in state authority.” Id., at 939. “There can be no question” that peremptory challenges satisfy this first requirement, as they “are permitted only when the government, by statute or decisional law, deems it appropriate to allow parties to exclude a given number of persons who otherwise would satisfy the requirements for service on the petit jury.” Edmonson,
The second inquiry is whether the private party charged with the deprivation can be described as a state actor. See Lugar,
As to the first principle, the Edmonson Court found that the peremptory challenge system, as well as the jury system as a whole, “simply could not exist” without the “overt, significant participation of the government.” Id., at 622. Georgia provides for the compilation of jury lists by the board of jury commissioners in each county and establishes the general criteria for service and the sources for creating a pool of qualified jurors representing a fair cross section of the community. Ga. Code Ann. § 15-12-40. State law fur
In light of these procedures, the defendant in a Georgia criminal case relies on “governmental assistance and benefits” that are equivalent to those found in the civil context in Edmonson. “By enforcing a discriminatory peremptory challenge, the Court ‘has . . . elected to' place its power, property and prestige behind the [alleged] discrimination/” Edmonson,
In regard to the second principle, the Court in Edmonson found that peremptory challenges, perform a traditional function of the government: “Their sole purpose is to permit litigants to assist the government in the selection of an impartial trier of fact.” Id., at 620. And, as the Edmonson Court recognized, the jury system in turn “performs the critical governmental functions of guarding the rights of litigants and ‘ensur[ing] continued acceptance of the laws by all of the people’” id, at 624 (citation omitted). These same conclusions apply with even greater force in the criminal context because the selection of a jury in a criminal case fulfills a unique and constitutionally compelled governmental function. Compare Duncan v. Louisiana,
Finally, the Edmonson Court indicated that the courtroom setting in which the peremptory challenge is exercised intensifies the harmful effects of the private litigant’s discriminatory act and contributes to its characterization as state action. These concerns are equally present in the context of a criminal trial. Regardless of who precipitated the jurors’ removal, the perception and the reality in a criminal trial will be that the court has excused jurors based on race, an outcome that will be attributed to the State.
Respondents nonetheless contend that the adversarial relationship between the defendant and the prosecution negates the governmental character of the peremptory challenge. Respondents rely on Polk County v. Dodson,
The exercise of a peremptory challenge differs significantly from other actions taken in support of a defendant’s defense. In exercising a peremptory challenge, a criminal defendant is wielding the power to choose a quintessential governmental body — indeed, the institution of government on which our judicial system depends. Thus, as we held in Edmonson, when “a government confers on a private body the power to choose the government’s employees or officials, the private body will be bound by the constitutional mandate of race neutrality.”
Lastly, the fact that a defendant exercises a peremptory challenge to further his interest in acquittal does not conflict with a finding of state action. Whenever a private actor’s conduct is deemed “fairly attributable” to the government, it is likely that private motives will have animated the actor’s decision. Indeed, in Edmonson, the Court recognized that the private party’s exercise of peremptory challenges consti
C
Having held that a defendant’s discriminatory exercise of a peremptory challenge is a violation of equal protection, we move to the question whether the State has standing to challenge a defendant’s discriminatory use of peremptory challenges. In Powers,
In applying the first prong of its standing analysis, the Powers Court found that a criminal defendant suffered cog
In applying the second prong of its standing analysis, the Powers Court held that voir dire permits a defendant to “establish a relation, if not a bond of trust, with the jurors,” a relation that “continues throughout the entire trial.”
The State’s relation to potential jurors in this case is closer than the relationships approved in Powers and Edmonson. As the representative of all its citizens, the State is the logical and proper party to assert the invasion of the constitutional rights of the excluded jurors in a criminal trial. Indeed, the Fourteenth Amendment forbids the State to deny persons within its jurisdiction the equal protection of the laws.
In applying the final prong of its standing analysis, the Powers Court recognized that, although individuals excluded from jury service on the basis of race have a right to bring suit on their own behalf, the “barriers to a suit by an excluded juror are daunting.”
The final question is whether the interests served by Bat-son must give way to the rights of a criminal defendant. As a preliminary matter, it is important to recall that peremptory challenges are not constitutionally protected fundamental rights; rather, they are but one state-created means to the constitutional end of an impartial jury and a fair trial. This Court repeatedly has stated that the right to a peremptory challenge may be withheld altogether without impairing the constitutional guarantee of an impartial jury and a fair trial. See Frazier v. United States,
Yet in Swain, the Court reviewed the “very old credentials,” id., at 212, of the peremptory challenge and noted the “long and widely held belief that the peremptory challenge is a necessary part of trial by jury,” id., at 219; see id., at 212-219. This Court likewise has recognized that “the role of litigants in determining the jury’s composition provides one reason for wide acceptance of the jury system and of its verdicts.” Edmonson,
We do not believe that this decision will undermine the contribution of the peremptory challenge to the administration of justice. Nonetheless, “if race stereotypes are the price for acceptance of a jury panel as fair,” we reaffirm today that such a “price is too high to meet the standard of the Constitution.” Id., at 630. Defense counsel is limited to “legitimate, lawful conduct.” Nix v. Whiteside,
Lastly, a prohibition of the discriminatory exercise of peremptory challenges does not violate a defendant’s Sixth Amendment right to a trial by an impartial jury. The goal of the Sixth Amendment is “jury impartiality with respect to both contestants.” Holland v. Illinois,
We recognize, of course, that a defendant has the right to an impartial jury that can view him without racial animus, which so long has distorted our system of criminal justice. We have, accordingly, held that there should be a mechanism for removing those on the venire whom the defendant has specific reason to believe would be incapable of confronting and suppressing their racism. See Ham v. South Carolina,
IV
We hold that the Constitution prohibits a criminal defendant from engaging in purposeful discrimination on the ground of race in the exercise of peremptory challenges. Accordingly, if the State demonstrates a prima facie case of racial discrimination by the defendants, the defendants must articulate a racially neutral explanation for peremptory challenges. The judgment of the Supreme Court of Georgia is reversed, and the ease is remanded for further proceedings not inconsistent with this opinion.
It is so ordered.
Notes
Under Georgia law, the petit jury in a felony trial is selected from a panel of 42 persons. Ga. Code Ann. § 15-12-160 (1990).
When a defendant is indicted for an offense carrying a penalty of four or more years, Georgia law provides that he may “peremptorily challenge 20 of the jurors impaneled to try him.” § 15-12-165.
The Ninth Circuit recently has prohibited criminal defendants from exercising peremptory challenges on the basis of gender. United States v. De Gross,
The Batson majority specifically reserved the issue before us today.
In his dissent in Edmonson, Justice Scalia stated that the effect of that decision logically must apply to defendants in criminal prosecutions.
The experience of many state jurisdictions has led to the recognition that a race-based peremptory challenge, regardless of who exercises it, harms not only the challenged juror, but the entire community. Acting pursuant to their state constitutions, state courts have ruled that criminal defendants have no greater license to violate the equal protection rights of prospective jurors than have prosecutors. See, e. g., State v. Levinson,
The Court in Lugar held that a private litigant is appropriately characterized as a state actor when he “jointly participates” with state officials in securing the seizure of property in which the private party claims to have rights.
Indeed, it is common practice not to reveal the identity of the challenging party to the jurors and potential jurors, thus enhancing the perception that it is the court that has rejected them. See Underwood, Ending Race Discrimination in Jury Selection: Whose Right Is It, Anyway?, 92 Colum. L. Rev. 725, 751, n. 117 (1992).
Although Polk County determined whether or not the public defender’s actions were under color of state law, as .opposed to whether or not they constituted state action, this Court subsequently has held that the
Numerous commentators similarly have concluded that a defendant’s exercise of peremptory challenges constitutes state action. See generally Alschuler, The Supreme Court and the Jury: Voir Dire, Peremptory Challenges, and the Review of Jury Verdicts, 56 U. Chi. L. Rev. 163,197-198 (1989); Note, State Action and the Peremptory Challenge: Evolution of the Court’s Treatment and Implications for Georgia v. McCollum, 67 Notre Dame L. Rev. 1049, 1061-1074 (1992); Note, Discrimination by the Defense: Peremptory Challeges after Batson v. Kentucky, 88 Colum. L. Rev. 355, 358-361 (1988); Comment, The Prosecutor’s Right to Object to a Defendant’s Abuse of Peremptory Challenges, 93 Dick. L. Rev. 143, 158-162 (1988); Tanford, Racism in the Adversary System: The Defendant’s Use of Peremptory Challenges, 63 S. Cal. L. Rev. 1015, 1027-1030 (1990); Underwood,
Concurrence Opinion
concurring.
I was in dissent in Edmonson v. Leesville Concrete Co.,
Concurrence Opinion
concurring in the judgment.
As a matter of first impression, I think that I would have shared the view of the dissenting opinions: A criminal defendant’s use of peremptory strikes cannot violate the Fourteenth Amendment because it does not involve state action. Yet, I agree with the Court and The CHIEF Justice that our decision last Term in Edmonson v. Leesville Concrete Co.,
I write separately to express my general dissatisfaction with our continuing attempts to use the Constitution to regulate peremptory challenges. See, e. g., Batson v. Kentucky,
In Strauder, as the Court notes, we invalidated a state law that prohibited blacks from serving on juries. In the course of the decision, we observed that the racial composition of a jury may affect the outcome of a criminal ease. We explained: “It is well known that prejudices often exist against particular classes in the community, which sway the judgment of jurors, and which, therefore, operate in some cases to deny to persons of those classes the full enjoyment of that protection which others enjoy.” Id., at 309. We thus recog
I do not think that this basic premise of Stmuder has become obsolete. The public, in general, continues to believe that the makeup of juries can matter in certain instances. Consider, for example, how the press reports criminal trials. Major newspapers regularly note the number of whites and blacks that sit on juries in important cases.
In Batson, however, this Court began to depart from Stmuder by holding that, without some actual showing, suppositions about the possibility that jurors may harbor prejudice have no legitimacy. We said, in particular, that a prosecutor could not justify peremptory strikes “by stating merely that he challenged jurors of the defendant’s race on the assumption — or his intuitive judgment — that they would be partial to the defendant because of their shared race.”
Our departure from Stmuder has two negative consequences. First, it produces a serious misordering of our priorities. In Stmuder, we put the rights of defendants foremost. Today’s decision, while protecting jurors, leaves defendants with less means of protecting themselves. Un
Second, our departure from Stmuder has taken us down a slope of inquiry that had no clear stopping point. Today, we decide only that white defendants may not strike black veniremen on the basis of race. Eventually, we will have to decide whether black defendants may strike white veniremen.
A computer search, for instance, reveals that the phrase “all white jury” has appeared over 200 times in the past five years in the New York Times, Chicago Tribune, and Los Angeles Times.
The NAACP Legal Defense and Educational Fund, Inc., has submitted a brief arguing, in all sincerity, that “whether white defendants can use peremptory challenges to purge minority jurors presents quite different issues from whether a minority defendant can strike majority group jurors.” Brief for NAACP Legal Defense and Educational Fund, Inc., as Amicus Curiae 3-4. Although I suppose that this issue technically remains open, it is difficult to see how the result could be different if the defendants here were black.
Dissenting Opinion
dissenting.
The Court reaches the remarkable conclusion that criminal defendants being prosecuted by the State act on behalf of their adversary when they exercise peremptory challenges during jury selection. The Court purports merely to follow
I
It is well and properly settled that the Constitution’s equal protection guarantee forbids prosecutors to exercise peremptory challenges in a racially discriminatory fashion. See Batson v. Kentucky,
In Lugar v. Edmondson Oil Co.,
We discussed that relationship in Polk County v. Dodson,
We went on to stress the inconsistency between our adversarial system of justice and theories that would make defense lawyers state actors. “In our system,” we said, “a defense lawyer characteristically opposes the designated representatives of the State.” Ibid. This adversarial posture rests on the assumption that a defense lawyer best serves the public “not by acting on behalf of the State or in concert with it, but rather by advancing ‘the undivided interests of his client.’ ” Id., at 318-319 (quoting Ferri v. Ackerman,
Because this Court deems the “under color of state law” requirement that was not satisfied in Dodson identical to the Fourteenth Amendment’s state action requirement, see Lugar, supra, at 929, the holding of Dodson simply cannot be squared with today’s decision. In particular, Dodson cannot be explained away as a case concerned exclusively with the employment status of public defenders. See ante, at 54. The Dodson Court reasoned that public defenders performing traditional defense functions are not state actors because they occupy the same position as other defense attorneys in relevant respects.
The Court also seeks to evade Dodson’s logic by spinning out a theory that defendants and their lawyers transmogrify from government adversaries into state actors when they exercise a peremptory challenge, and then change back to perform other defense functions. See ante, at 54. Dodson, however, established that even though public defenders might act under color of state law when carrying out administrative or investigative functions outside a courtroom, they are not vested with state authority “when performing a lawyer’s traditional functions as counsel to a defendant in a
Even aside from our prior rejection of it, the Court’s functional theory fails. “[A] State normally can be held responsible for a private decision only when it has exercised coercive power or has provided such significant encouragement ... that the choice must in law be deemed to be that of the State.” Blum v. Yaretsky,
Certainly, Edmonson v. Leesville Concrete Co. did not render Dodson and its realistic approach to the state action inquiry dead letters. The Edmonson Court distinguished
From arrest, to trial, to possible sentencing and punishment, the antagonistic relationship between government and the accused is clear for all to see. Rather than squarely facing this fact, the Court, as in Edmonson, rests its finding of governmental action on the points that defendants exercise peremptory challenges in a courtroom and judges alter the composition of the jury in response to defendants’ choices. I found this approach wanting in the context of civil controversies between private litigants, for reasons that need not be repeated here. See id., at 632 (O’Connor, J., dissenting). But even if I thought Edmonson was correctly decided, I could not accept today’s simplistic extension of it. Dodson makes clear that the unique relationship between criminal defendants and the State precludes attributing defendants’ actions to the State, whatever is the case in civil trials. How could it be otherwise when the underlying question is
II
What really seems to bother the Court is the prospect that leaving criminal defendants and their attorneys free to make racially motivated peremptory challenges will undermine the ideal of nondiseriminatory jury selection we espoused in Batson,
Considered in purely pragmatic terms, moreover, the Court’s holding may fail to advance nondiseriminatory criminal justice. It is by now clear that conscious and unconscious racism can affect the way white jurors perceive minority defendants and the facts presented at their trials, perhaps determining the verdict of guilt or innocence. See Developments in the Law — Race and the Criminal Process, 101 Harv. L. Rev. 1472,1559-1560 (1988); Colbert, Challenging the Challenge: Thirteenth Amendment as a Prohibition against the Racial Use of Peremptory Challenges, 76 Cornell L. Rev. 1, 110-112 (1990). Using peremptory challenges to secure minority representation on the jury may help to overcome such racial bias, for there is substantial reason to believe that the distorting influence of race is minimized on a racially mixed jury. See id., at 112-115; Developments in
“The ability to use peremptory challenges to exclude majority race jurors may be crucial to empaneling a fair jury. In many cases an African American, or other minority defendant, may be faced with a jury array in which his racial group is underrepresented to some degree, but not sufficiently to permit challenge under the Fourteenth Amendment. The only possible chance the defendant may have of having any minority jurors on the jury that actually tries him will be if he uses his peremptories to strike members of the majority race.” Brief for NAACP Legal Defense and Educational Fund, Inc., as Amicus Curiae 9-10 (footnote omitted).
See Brief for National Association of Criminal Defense Lawyers as Amicus Curiae 56-57; Edmonson, supra, at 644 (Scalia, J., dissenting). In a world where the outcome of a minority defendant’s trial may turn on the misconceptions or biases of white jurors, there is cause to question the implications of this Court’s good intentions.
That the Constitution does not give federal judges the reach to wipe all marks of racism from every courtroom in the land is frustrating, to be sure. But such limitations are the necessary and intended consequence of the Fourteenth Amendment’s state action requirement. Because I cannot accept the Court’s conclusion that government is responsible for decisions criminal defendants make while fighting state prosecution, I respectfully dissent.
Dissenting Opinion
dissenting.
I agree with the Court that its judgment follows logically from Edmonson v. Leesville Concrete Co.,
Today’s decision gives the lie once again to the belief that an activist, “evolutionary” constitutional jurisprudence always evolves in the direction of greater individual rights. In the interest of promoting the supposedly greater good of race relations in the society as a whole (make no mistake that that is what underlies all of this), we use the Constitution to destroy the ages-old right of criminal defendants to exercise peremptory challenges as they wish, to secure a jury that they consider fair. I dissent.
