The Gay Students Organization (GSO) was officially recognized as a student organization at the University of New Hampshire in May, 1973,
When the GSO requested permission to sponsor a play on December 7 and have a social function afterward, the University permitted the play but denied permission for the social function. The play was given as scheduled, and the GSO held a meeting following it. Sometime during the evening copies of two “extremist” homosexual publications were distributed by individuals over whom the GSO claims it had no control. Governor Thomson wrote an open letter to the trustees after the play, warning that if they did not “take firm, fair and positive action to rid your campuses of socially abhorrent activities” he would “stand solidly against the expenditure of one more cent of taxpayers’ money for your institutions.” Dr. Thomas N. Bonner, President of the University, then issued a public statement condemning the distribution of the homosexual literature and announcing that a repetition of the behavior would cause him to seek suspension of the GSO as a student organization. Bonner also revealed that he had “ordered that the current Trustee ban on GSO social functions be interpreted more strictly by administrative authorities than had been the case before December 7, 1973.”
The lawsuit which is the subject of this appeal was filed in federal district court by the GSO on November 29, 1973. The complaint alleged First and Fourteenth Amendment violations giving rise to a cause of action under 42 U.S.C. § 1983, and sought injunctive and declaratory relief. A hearing was held on December 10 on the GSO’s request for a preliminary injunction, and the parties agreed that the hearing would serve as a final hearing on the merits. Defendants, hereinafter “appellants”, requested that the proceeding be reopened for the submission of additional evidence, and a second hearing was held on December 28. On January 16, 1974, the district court held for the GSO (sometimes hereinafter referred to as “appellees”) on the ground that its members had been denied their First Amendment right of
Before considering the merits of the appeal, we must deal with several procedural issues raised by appellants. Governor Thomson claims, first of all, that the district court was without jurisdiction to hear the case under 42 U.S.C. § 1983 and 28 U.S.C. § 1343 because appellants are not “persons” within the ambit of § 1983. In Monroe v. Pape,
Deferring for the moment the status of Governor Thomson, we note first that there is no challenge to the district court’s finding that the trustees had actual knowledge of the pendency of the lawsuit. See Adams v. School Board,
At the January 29 hearing in the district court, Millimet stated that in the state court action he was representing the University and “the trustees in so far as they are the University”. And it was Millimet’s own understanding, which he admitted he “probably” communicated to counsel for appellees, that he was authorized to act for the trustees in the federal court action raising many of the same issues pending before the state court. See Bethlehem Steel Corp. v. Devers,
In short, the critical facts bearing on jurisdiction over the defendants other than the governor are these: timely service was made on some, not all; all, however, had authorized their common attorney to prosecute concurrent litigation on the same matter in the state court and had knowledge of the suit being brought against them; acting on a motion brought on behalf of all, the
The basic fact which accounts for much of the confusion is that, whatever the technical legal doctrines relating to § 1983 may be, the trustees, insofar as their official roles were concerned, regarded themselves as indistinguishable from the University and its Board of Trustees. To the extent that they were acting for the University, they were content to have Millimet represent them and to have the federal district court decide the legal controversy between the University and the GSO. The trustees, as trustees, must be considered to have waived, by this course of conduct, whatever right they had to personal service. See Alger v. Hayes,
We find that Governor Thomson’s position is somewhat different. Millimet, in conferring with counsel for the GSO on the question of whether he would accept service for the trustees, said that he could not accept service on behalf of the individuals other than Dunlap,. “and particularly in behalf of the governor, who I knew had some different views about the matter and who, so far as I knew, had not participated in the meeting where the Executive Committee voted to proceed with the petition in the State Court.” The governor’s undenied role in precipitating the confrontation between the GSO and the University supports the suggestion that he would have expressed views and made arguments different from those of the administrators and the other trustees had he appeared. Separate counsel appeared for the governor at the January 29 hearing, and the governor filed an answer to the complaint within the prescribed period once he was served. The injunction issued by the district court must be modified to exclude the governor from its reach. He remains bound, of course, to the extent that he is “in active concert or participation” with the other defendants with regard to matters covered by the injunction. Fed.R.Civ.P. 65(d). The other defendants — the three University administrators and all the other members of the Board of Trustees — do remain before the court, so there can be no substantial argument that the court is without the power 'to award effective relief.
Coming to the merits, we are conscious of the tension between deeply felt, conflicting values or moral judgments, and the traditional legal method of extracting and applying principles from decided cases. First, this case deals with a university attempting to regulate student activity — in the in loco parentis tradition which most judges, being over thirty, acknowledged without much question during their years of matriculation.
The underlying question, usually not articulated, is whether, whatever may be Supreme Court precedent in the First Amendment area, group activity promoting values so far beyond the pale of the wider community’s values is also beyond the boundaries of the First Amendment, at least to the extent that university facilities may not be used by the group to flaunt its credo. If visceral reactions suggest an affirmative answer, the next task for judges is to devise a standard which, while damping down the First Amendment on a university campus, is generally applicable and free from the dangers of arbitrariness. At this point troubles arise. How are the deeply felt values of the community to be identified? On an issue such as permissive abortion, the wider community may well be divided among those believing in “the right to life”, those believing in “the right to control over one’s body”, and those who do not feel deeply either way. Assuming that “community-wide values” could be confidently identified, and that a university could limit the associational activity of groups challenging those values, such an approach would apply also to socialists, conscientious objectors, vivisectionists, those favoring more oil refineries. As to each group, there are sectors of the community to whom its values are anathema. Or, if values be limited to morals, the barrier would reach those attracted to pre-marital sex, atheism, the consumption of alcoholic beverages, esoteric heterosexual activity, violence on television, or dirty books. This is not to suggest that a university is powerless to proscribe either harmful activity or incitement of illegal activity, but it is to say that we are unable to devise a tolerable standard exempting this case at the threshold from general First Amendment precedents.
We address first one of the questions we have alluded to: is there something different about a university that makes it an enclave sheltered from the full play of the First Amendment? The Supreme Court’s recent decisions in Healy v. James,
Given this standard by which a university regulation should be judged, we now must ask whether, even though GSO was recognized as a campus organization, its members’ right of association was abridged. Here again, Healy v. James is controlling. It is true that there the university had refused to recognize the campus organization altogether rather than denying it the use of campus facilities for certain activities. But the Court’s analysis in Healy focused not on the technical point of recognition or nonrecognition, but on the practicalities of human interaction. While the Court concluded that the SDS members’ right to further their personal beliefs had been impermissibly burdened by nonrecognition, this conclusion stemmed from a
Despite the language of Healy cited above, appellants argue that “social events”
There are, however, many other ways in which an organization might wish to go about attracting members and promoting-its point of view. Healy has been interpreted to extend to the use of campus facilities for social events in the one case of which we are aware which has considered the issue. Wood v. Davison,
What we have been considering is appellants’ contention that, so long as an association is allowed to meet, restrictions on some of its activities are permissible — i. e., that it is enough that the glass is half full. We now address appellants’ contention that when we examine the other half of the glass, the activities barred by the campus regulation, we must conclude that the First Amendment offers no protection because the activities barred are not speech related. Putting aside for a moment the question of whether GSO social events constitute “speech” in their own right, we note the district court’s conclusion, not disputed by appellants, that the GSO is a political action organization,
While we accept the district court’s conclusion that the associational rights of GSO members- have been impermissibly regulated, we cannot agree that their “more traditional First Amendment rights”,
There can be no doubt that expression, assembly and petition constitute significant aspects of the GSO’s conduct in
Perhaps these claims, .being self serving, fall short of establishing the speech-relatedness of GSO social events. But they receive the strongest corroboration from the interpretation placed on these events by the outside community, as related by appellants. Appellants have relied heavily on their obligation and right to prevent activities which the people of New Hampshire find shocking and offensive. In the brief for President Bonner and the University administrators we are told that the “activity of the GSO was variously labelled a spectacle, an abomination and similar terms of disapprobation” after the GSO dance on November 8, 1973; that the University has an obligation to prevent activity which affronts the citizens of the University and the town and which violates breach of the peace statutes; that the GSO dance constituted “grandstanding”; that recognition of the GSO inflamed a large segment of the people of the state; that the organization cannot be permitted to use its unpopularity without restriction to undermine the University within the state; and that “the ban on social functions reflects the distaste with which homosexual organizations are regarded in the State”.
We do not see how these statements can be interpreted to avoid the conclusion that the regulation imposed was based in large measure, if not exclusively, on the content of the GSO’s expression. It is well established that “above all else, the First Amendment means that government has no power to restrict expression because of its message, its ideas, its subject matter, or its content.” Police Dept. v. Mosley,
With the expressive quality of the GSO activities established, the appellants’ policy regulating the activities must be measured against the detailed standard articulated in United States v. O’Brien. The Supreme Court there upheld a conviction based upon the burning
As is apparent from our discussion above of the extent to which appellants’ policy toward the GSO is content-related, the curtailing of expression which they find abhorrent or offensive cannot provide the important governmental interest upon which impairment of First Amendment freedoms must be predicated. Papish v. Board of Curators,
Another interest asserted by appellants is that in preventing illegal activity, which may include “deviate” sex acts, “lascivious carriage”, and breach of the peace. But there has been no allegation that any such illegal acts took place at the GSO social events held on November 8 and December 7, 1973. Indeed, we emphasize the finding of the district court that “There were no official complaints about the dance, and no evidence was adduced to show that improper or illegal activities had taken place” at the dance.
The University is by no means bereft of power to regulate conduct on campus. Not only may it act to prevent criminal conduct by policies focused on real and established dangers, but it can proscribe advocacy of illegal activities falling short of conduct, or conduct in itself noncriminal, if such advocacy or conduct is directed at producing or is likely to incite imminent lawless action. Brandenburg v. Ohio,
Finally there is a residual power going beyond the prevention of criminal
One final issue must be addressed. Appellees have requested that we enjoin appellants from proceeding with the action they instituted in state court. It is suggested that in this way the federal court judgment disposing of this controversy may be protected or effectuated. 28 U.S.C. § 2283. We do not find such action to be necessary.
The judgment of the District Court is affirmed, except as modified with regard to Governor Thomson.
Notes
. The organization filed the following Statement of Purpose:
“1) The primary purpose of the UNH Gay Students Organization is to promote the recognition of gay people on campus and to form a viable organization through which bisexual and homosexual people'may express themselves.
“2) Through this organization social functions will be organized in which both gay and straight people can learn about the others’ thoughts and feelings concerning sexuality and sexual roles.
“3) In an effort to educate the public about bisexuality and homosexuality, this organization will attempt to affect social changes through public relation measures such as guest lecturers, free literature, films, newspaper articles and radio programs.
“4) Not the least important reason for establishing a gay organization is to give bisexual ahd homosexual members of the college community a place to communicate with each other and form discussion groups so that a healthy gay consciousness can evolve among students.”
. We have examined the authorities to the contrary cited by the governor, and find them unpersuasive. Rochester v. Baganz is the only case cited which stands squarely for the proposition asserted and, as indicated in the text, that holding was reversed on appeal. Veres v. County of Monroe,
. We are content to proceed, as did the district court, on the assumption that the policy announced by appellants reaches only purely social events, such as dances and parties, and not events such as plays. See
. As we have indicated at the outset, we see no sanction in reason or law for saying that, absent a direct threat to safety or the enforcement of law, certain groups lack a right of association. Many of the groups whose associational rights have been recognized by the Supreme Court have stood for propositions which must have seemed as outrageous as the GSO’s positions today must seem to many. See, e. g., Healy v. James,
. Indeed, there is some support for the proposition that dancing, the activity which the appellants are most confident in asserting their right to regulate, is itself a form of expression protected by the First Amendment. See Salem Inn, Inc. v. Frank,
. Since we find the First Amendment issues presented here to be dispositive, it is not necessary to consider fully the equal protection questions with which they are intertwined. The equal protection challenge to the university policy strikes us as substantial in its own right, however, and our First Amendment analysis draws heavily upon the conclusions which must be drawn from the fact that only the GSO among campus groups has been forbidden to hold social events.
