Gary Johnson v. Commission on Presidential DeGary Johnson v. Commission on Presidential De
Lead Opinion
Opinion concurring in Part I and concurring in the judgment filed by Circuit Judge PILLARD.
Every four years, we suffer through the celebration of democracy (and national nightmare) that is a presidential election. And, in the end, one person is selected to occupy our nation’s highest office. But in every hard-fought presidential election there are losers. And, with quadrennial regularity, those losers turn to the courts. See, e.g., Perot v. FEC,
I.
Gary Johnson and James Gray ran as the Libertarian Party’s presidential and vice presidential candidates in the 2012 elections, while Jill Stein and her running mate Cheri Honkala ran on the Green Party ticket. Both slates qualified on a sufficient number of state ballots to have a mathematical chance of an Electoral College victory. Each was nonetheless excluded from the nationally televised general-election debates.
They claim that they were excluded pursuant to an agreement between the Obama for America and Romney for President campaigns. They allege the parties’ agreement, reflected in a memorandum of understanding (“MOU”), stipulated to three presidential debates and one vice presidential debate, and designated dates, locations, moderators, and topics. Those would be the only four debates between the major-party candidates, “except as agreed to by the parties” to the MOU. JA 63. The MOU provided that the Commission on Presidential Debates (“Commission”), a nonprofit organization, would host the debates subject to its willingness to “employ the provisions” of the MOU, JA 64.
Any candidate, other than the signatories, would be invited to participate in the debates only if he or she satisfied certain selection criteria set forth in the MOU. First, the candidate had to be constitutionally eligible to be president. Second, he or she must have qualified to appear on “enough state ballots to. have at least a mathematical chance of securing an Electoral College majority in the 2012 general election.” Compl. ¶74,. JA 45-46, And, third, the candidate had to have achieved a “level of support of at least 15% (fifteen percent) of the national electorate as determined by” averaging the most recent results of “five selected national public opinion polling organizations.” Id. ¶ 74, JA 46. Johnson and Stein met the first two criteria, but they fell short of the 15 per cent polled-support threshold.
The third-party candidates, their running mates, their campaigns, and the parties they represented in.the 2012 election (collectively, “Plaintiffs” for purposes of this opinion) brought suit, challenging the MOU as an unlawful agreement to monopolize and restrain competition in violation
entrench[ ] market power in the presidential debates market, the presidential campaign market, and the electoral politics market of the two major political parties by exercising duopoly control over presidential and vice presidential debates in general election campaigns for the presidency.
Compl. ¶ 1, JA 15. The Complaint also alleges exclusion of Plaintiffs from the debates “because of hostility towards their political viewpoints” in violation of their First Amendment rights to free speech and association. Id. On appeal, Plaintiffs have abandoned their further claim of intentional interference with prospective economic advantage and relations.
Plaintiffs allege they were injured “in their businesses of debating in presidential elections, participating in presidential election campaigns, and engaging in electoral politics.” Id. ¶ 90, JA 49. They claim to have lost millions of dollars’ worth of publicity, campaign contributions, and matching funds that ordinarily would follow participation in the debates, as well as the salaries they would have earned as President and Vice President if they had won. Id. ¶ 90, JA 49-50. They sought invalidation of the 15 per cent polled-support requirement, injunctive relief dissolving the Commission and enjoining further collusion between the two major parties, and treble damages under section 4 of the Clayton Act, 15 U.S.C. § 15. They named as defendants the Commission and one of its founders, Frank J. Fahrenkopf, Jr.; Michael D. McCurry, a Commission co-chair; the Republican and Democratic National Committees; and 2012 presidential candidates Barack Obama and Willard Mitt Romney. Compl. ¶ 24-30, JA 23-26. Defendants’ interests on appeal are represented primarily by counsel for the Commission.
The district court dismissed the case under Federal Rules of Civil Procedure 12(b)(1) and (6). It held that Plaintiffs lacked Article III standing to litigate their Sherman Act claims because they were based on “wholly speculative” injuries “dependent entirely on media coverage decisions” by nonparties. Johnson,
II.
We begin with Plaintiffs’ antitrust claims, asking first whether Plaintiffs may properly proceed before this Court on these allegations. “Federal courts are not courts of general jurisdiction; they have only the power that is authorized by Article III of the Constitution and the statutes enacted by Congress pursuant thereto.” Bender v. Williamsport Area Sch. Dist.,
A.
Plaintiffs’ injuries are clearly pleaded in the Complaint; they allege their exclusion from the debates caused them to lose access to television audiences and resulting campaign contributions worth hundreds of millions of dollars. This injury— though shared with many individuals who may have wished to campaign for the presidency but did not join Mitt Romney and Barack Obama on the debate stage — is nonetheless particularized. See FEC v. Akins,
Things become far more complicated, however, when we consider whether “a favorable decision” of this Court may “redress[ ]” Plaintiffs’ injury. Lujan,
Acknowledging this shortcoming hardly determines the merits of Plaintiffs’ claims, Concurring Op. 985; it assumes them and reflects on the permissibility of the resulting remedy. The district court’s opinion put all parties on notice of the redressabili
B.
i.
In such circumstances, and where a statutory jurisdiction could determine the result, the doctrine of constitutional avoidance permits us to resolve this case on alternative grounds, namely antitrust standing. See 13B Charles A. Wright, Arthur R. Miller & Edward H. Cooper, Federal Practice and Procedure § 3531.15, p.338 (3d ed. 2014) (“If both constitutional and prudential objections are raised to standing . 1 ." it is entirely appropriate to dény standing on prudential grounds if that course is easier, or more clearly right, than to rule on constitutional grounds first.”); see also Kowalski v. Tesmer,
This Court has acknowledged its “jurisdiction does not turn on antitrust standing.” In re Lorazepam & Clorazepate Antitrust Litig.,
ii.
As relevant here, antitrust standing requires a plaintiff to show an actual or threatened injury “of the type the antitrust laws were intended to prevent” that was caused by the defendant’s' alleged wrongdoing. Andrx Pharm., Inc.,
To understand the scope of antitrust standing, we focus on the bedrock principle of this field: antitrust laws protect market (i.e. economic) competition. Brunswick Corp. v. Pueblo Bowl-O-Mat, Inc.,
As an initial matter, this Court has clearly held injury to a single competitor does not suffice to constitute an injury to competition. See Dial A Car, Inc. v. Transp., Inc.,
The injuries Plaintiffs claim are simply not those contemplated by the antitrust laws. Consequently, Plaintiffs’ antitrust claims' fail to meet the requirements of antitrust standing.
III.
Finally, we turn to Plaintiffs’ First ■Amendment claim. Perhaps in an effort to tack around unfavorable case law, the Complaint states the Commission’s debates “exert a de facto influence on the outcome of presidential elections”- such that exclusion from the debate, “in light' of proven political realities, guaranteed [Plaintiffs] to lose.” Compl. ¶¶ 110-11, JA 54. Plaintiffs therefore allege the fifteen percent polling criterion, “selected by Defendants with the specific intent of suppressing the viewpoints of third party or independent presidential candidates and to boost the political speech of the two major party nominees,” constitutes an “unreasonable burden on free speech or political association in violation of the First Amendment.” Compl. ¶¶ 119-20, JA 56; see also id. ¶ 130, JA 57 (alleging the fifteen percent requirement “imposes a burden on voting and associational rights in violation of the First Amendment”); see generally Ark. Educ. Television Comm’n v. Forbes,
None of these allegations articulate a clear legal claim, let alone identify a cognizable injury. To make matters worse, the Complaint omits entirely any allegation of government action, focusing entirely on the .actions of the nonprofit Defendants. See, e.g., Rendell-Baker v. Kohn,
In Steel Co. v. Citizens for a Better Environment, the Supreme Court observed that, in some “extraordinary” cases,
IV.
For the foregoing reasons, the judgment of the district court is affirmed.
So ordered.
Notes
. Plaintiffs have adopted a litigation strategy attributing their exclusion to the fifteen percent requirement — presumably reducing the number of similarly-situated persons to those who had obtained a mathematical possibility of victory in the electoral college. But see Philip Bump, So You Want an Independent Candidate for President? You’re Running Out of Time., Wash. Post (May 5, 2016), https:// tinyurl.com/Bump-Article ("To collect [the requisite] signatures [to achieve a mathematical possibility of winning the electoral college], you need one of two things: a lot of organization or a lot of money.... [The cost] varies by state, but if we look at the upper end of that [price] range, we’re talking about a $5.5 million investment to get on the ballot in all 50 states.”), Of course, counsel’s particular litigation strategy — the way they choose to characterize the effect of the alleged injury— hardly controls our analysis on this point.
Concurrence Opinion
concurring in Part I and concurring in the judgment:
I join Part I of the majority opinion. I write separately as to Parts II and III because, although I entirely agree that both the antitrust and First Amendment claims fail, we are a court of limited jurisdiction obligated to decide the Article III standing question before assessing the merits of the claims. DaimlerChrysler Corp. v. Cuno,
The majority’s exertions to avoid addressing Article III standing in the ordinary course are puzzling, given that plaintiffs’ standing appears to be straightforward under the classic injury-causation-redressability formulation. See Lujan v. Defs. of Wildlife,
Plaintiffs’ allegations satisfy the latter two standing inquiries as readily as they do the first. Johnson and Stein allege that the challenged 15 per cent polled-support requirement was the direct cause of their injury. Had the MOU not imposed that 15 per cent threshold, they would have qualified to participate. See Compl. ¶83, J.A. 48. Those allegations suffice at the pleading stage to state causation. See Attias v. CareFirst, Inc.,
It is that last element of standing— redressability — that the majority cannot swallow, as it anticipates that any court-ordered relief would violate the Commission’s First Amendment rights. Maj. Op. at 981-82. I assume the court is correct on that point. See Hurley v. Irish-American Gay, Lesbian and Bisexual Group of Boston, Inc.,
A standing inquiry, especially at the motion-to-dismiss stage, should not anticipate the merits — neither of the claim nor, especially, of a potential defense. A conclusion that appellants’ claims cannot be redressed because of a potential First Amendment obstacle would be impermissibly “deciding the merits under the guise of determining the plaintiffs’] standing.” Information Handling Servs., Inc. v. Defense Automated Printing Servs.,
The majority dismisses the complaint on antitrust standing grounds because plaintiffs do not allege injury to competition, but rather identify harms to themselves that are “simply not those contemplated by the antitrust laws.” Maj. Op. at 983. I agree that the antitrust claim fatally fails to tie the major party candidates’ alleged collusion to any anticompetitive ham to an identified commercial market or market participant. The complaint does not articulate a theory under which trade or commerce has been restrained by the MOU. It therefore falls outside the ambit of antitrust regulation, the aim of which is to promote economic competition. See I Phillip E. Areeda et al., Antitrust Law ¶ 100a at 3-4 (4th ed, 2014); cf. United States v. Topco Assocs., Inc.,
The complaint refers to various “markets,” but the defining competitive dynamic of the activities it so labels is political. It alleges, for instance, collusion in the “presidential debates market,” the “presidential campaign market,” the “electoral politics market,” and the “presidential candidates market.” Compl. ¶¶ 1, 11, J.A. 15, 18. That flaw is not .repaired ;by the complaint’s allegations of various ways in which U.S. presidential campaigns involve a lot of money. The televised debates are expensive to stage, generate revenues for venues and their host localities, and can boost the fundraising of successful participants. See id. ¶¶ 35-41, J.A. 29-33. But “the antitrust laws should hot regulate political activities ‘simply because those activities have a commercial impact.’” Allied Tube & Conduit Corp. v. Indian Head, Inc.,
The majority and I agree that the complaint fails for want of any connection between the major party candidates’ alleged collusion in planning and restricting their joint debates and anticompetitive harm to an identified commercial market. But I disagree that the deficiency is only one of antitrust standing. Because the claim would equally be-deficient if the.plaintiff were the- government, which need not prove statutory standing, I would affirm the dismissal as a failure to state a cognizable violation rather than as a statutory standing shortfall. See Areeda, Antitrust Law ¶ 335f at 91.
Both of plaintiffs’ claims lack merit. Before so deciding, however, we must determine whether plaintiffs have standing. To do so, we must take the allegations of the complaint as true and assume the validity of the plaintiffs’ legal theory. Mendoza v. Perez,