Fletcher v. MarinoFletcher v. Marino
Osceola L. FLETCHER, Gloria B. Corley, Joseph Jeffries-El,
Nildа Munoz, Carmen Maldonado, Felix Vasquez, Maurice Gumbs,
Sam Lambert, Lucy Lucas, Carlos Rondon, Catherine Craig,
Wanda Lopez, Anita Vas Garcia, Elba Roman, Beatrice De
Sapio, Jacques Pessah, Joseph Iorio, Sheldon Plotnick, Jay
Goldman, Rhoda Wattman, Sheldon Fine, Irene Barbaro, James
C. Sullivan, Irving Schwartz, Colleen A. Edmondson, Phillip
Scala and all persons similarly situated, Plaintiffs-Appellees,
v.
Ralph MARINO, both individually and as Temporary President
and Majority Leader of the New York State Senate, the State
Senate of the State of New York, Melvin Miller, both
individually and as Speaker of the Assembly of the State of
New York, the Assembly of the State of New York, Mario
Cuomo, both individually and as Governor of the State of New
York, Stanley Lundine, both individually and as Lieutenant
Governor of the State of New York and as Presiding Officer
and President of the Senate of the State of New York,
Bernard Mecklowitz, Acting Chancellor of the Board of
Education of the City of New York,* Board of
Education of the City of New York, the Board of Elections of
the City of New York, and Robert Abrams as the Attorney
General of the State of New York, Defendants-Appellants.
Nos. 1381, 1382.
Dockets 89-7457, 89-7459.
United States Court of Appeals,
Second Circuit.
Argued June 19, 1989.
Decided June 20, 1989.
Opinion Aug. 9, 1989.
Harvey Golubock, Deputy First Asst. Atty. Gen., New York City (Robert Abrams, Atty. Gen. of State of N.Y., Lawrence S. Kahn, Deputy Sol. Gen., Dennis J. Saffran, Asst. Atty. Gen., New York City, of counsel), for defendants-appellants Marino, The State Senate of the State of N.Y., Miller, The Assembly of the State of N.Y., Cuomo, Lundine and Abrams.
Linda H. Young, Asst. Corp. Counsel, New York City (Peter L. Zimroth, Corp. Counsel of City of New York, Leonard Koerner, Ellen B. Fishman, Asst. Corp. Counsel, New York City, of counsel), for defendants-appellants Mecklowitz, Bd. of Educ. of City of New York, and Bd. of Elections of City of New York.
Robert Allan Muir, Jr., Brooklyn, N.Y., for plaintiffs-appellees.
Jay Worona, Deputy Counsel and Director of Litigation Services, Cynthia P. Fletcher, N.Y.S. School Boards Ass'n, Albany, N.Y., Robert E. Diaz, Counsel and Deputy Com'r for Legal Affairs, Mary Ellen Lorini, State Educ. Dept., Albany, N.Y., Rhonda Weingarten, Counsel to the President, United Federation of Teachers, New York City, for amici curiae, N.Y.S. School Boards Ass'n, State Educ. Dept. and United Federation of Teachers.
Before MESKILL, PIERCE and MAHONEY, Circuit Judges.
MESKILL, Circuit Judge:
These are expedited appeals from an amended judgment entered pursuant to
BACKGROUND
In 1969, New York State established a decentralized system to operate New York City schools below the high school level. See N.Y.Educ.Law Secs. 2590 to 2590-n (McKinney 1981 & Supp.1989), as amended by Act of Dec. 19, 1988, ch. 739, 1988 N.Y.Laws 1551 (McKinney 1989) (the Serrano Law). Under this framework, New York City public schools are governed by two distinct bodies: community school boards and the New York City Board оf Education.
Currently, there are thirty-two community school boards in New York City. Under the decentralized system, these community school boards run New York City schools from the pre-kindergarten and nursery school levels through the junior high school level. Id. Sec. 2590-e. The community boards have the power, inter alia, to hire teachers, principals and other school employees, to determine which textbooks students will use, to operate school buildings and to provide for and operate school cafeterias and meal services. Id. The Board of Education has the same powers over the City's high schools, in addition to such broader powers as approval of systemwide curricula and determination of city-wide policy for all schools. Id. Sec. 2590-g. Before its amendment by the Serrano Law, section 2590-c.4 provided that community school board members could not be employed by the district for which they served as a board member.
In 1987, a Bronx grand jury inquiring into the influence of politics in the decentralized system released a report entitled "Politics in Our School System: A Corrupting Influence." The grand jury found that improper political influences existed in the system and that persons with positions on community school boards often used their positions to help their friends and political allies. Similarly, some community board members used their positions to procure the political services of school system employees.
This political favoritism extended beyond simple intradistrict exchanges. Community school board members would on occasion aid friends who were employees of other districts, who could in turn aid the community board member's own career. The grand jury report cites the case of one community school board member who was a member of a voting bloc on his community board. This member chose a "former teaching associate" as a candidate for an assistant principal's job in the member's district. Because of the voting bloc, this candidate was assured of receiving the position. Two years after the candidate was selected for the аssistant principal's job, the community board member who selected him received "a high level position as an assistant to the superintendent in the district where the assistant principal was now a new Board member."
In addition, the grand jury found that teachers and other community school board employees had at times been asked to participate in political activities while they were in school. Abuses were so common that "candidates recommended by political leaders received virtually automatic support from certain [community] School Board members." The grand jury recommended, inter alia, that "no Board of Education employee should serve on a Cоmmunity School Board" and that "no elected official should serve on a Community School Board." Apparently in response to the grand jury report and other allegations of misconduct, New York adopted the Serrano Law on December 19, 1988.
The Serrano Law made several changes in the laws governing the New York City school system. The provision at issue in these appeals altered section 2590-c.4 to read, in pertinent part:
A member of a community board shall be ineligible to be employed by the community board of which he is a board member, any other community board or the city board. No person shall be eligible for membership on a community board if he holds any elective public office or any elective or appointed party position except that of delegate or alternate delegate to a national, state, judicial or other party convention, or member of a county committee.
Act of Dec. 19, 1988, ch. 739, Sec. 3, 1988 N.Y.Laws at 1552. A new subdivision states that community school board elections are to be governed by New York election law "so far as applicable." Id. Sec. 5, 1988 N.Y.Laws at 1553. While the education law does not define the term "party position," as used in section 2590-c.4, the election law on the other hand defines it as "membership on a party committee or the position of delegate or alternate to a party convention." N.Y.Elec.Law Sec. 1-104.4 (McKinney 1978). "Party" is defined as "any political organization which at the last preceding election for governor polled at least fifty thousand votes for its candidate for governor." Id. Sec. 1-104.3.
Plaintiffs-appellees are members of community school boards, employees of community school boards and the Board of Education, party committee members, voters in New York City and parents.1 The complaint alleges that one plaintiff, Jay Goldman, "has elected not to seek reelection to the [community school] Board of which he was President because of Sarano [sic] legislation."
Plaintiffs alleged five causes of actiоn, only two of which are at issue in these appeals.2 These two claims (plaintiffs' fourth and fifth causes of action) are that the Serrano Law's restriction on persons eligible to serve on community school boards violates plaintiffs' "first and fourteenth amend[ ]ment rights by potentially limiting their ability to seek [the] public office of Member of [a] Community School Board," and that this same provision violates the First and Fourteenth Amendments and
The district court consolidated plaintiffs' request for a preliminary injunction on these two counts with the trial on the merits, see
On May 2, 1989, community school board elections were held. At least thirteen of the plaintiffs were elected to positions on cоmmunity boards in that election.3 An amended judgment was entered pursuant to
DISCUSSION
A. Entry of Judgment Pursuant to
The Federal Rules of Civil Procedure require that
[w]hen more than one claim for relief is presented in an action, ... the court may direct the entry of a final judgment as to one or more but fewer than all of the claims ... only upon an express determination that there is no just reason for delay and upon an express direction for the entry of judgment. In the absence of such determination and direction, any order or other form of decisiоn, however designated, which adjudicates fewer than all the claims ... shall not terminate the action as to any of the claims ... and the order or other form of decision is subject to revision at any time before the entry of judgment adjudicating all the claims and the rights and liabilities of all the parties.
Where the reasons for the entry of judgment are obvious, however, and a remand to the district court would result only in unnecessary delay in the appeal process, a district court's entry of judgment pursuant to
B. Standing
Under the constitutional doctrine of standing, a plaintiff must allege that he or she is suffering from an injury directly traceable to the actions of the defendant(s). See Simon v. Eastern Ky. Welfare Rights Org.,
C. The Merits
Plaintiffs' fourth and fifth causes of action cite both the First and the Fourteenth Amendments to the Constitution as their legal bases. It is apparent from the arguments made both to us and to the district court, however, that plaintiffs' invocation of the Fourteenth Amendment is intended not as an assertion of a violation of plaintiffs' rights to equal protection of the laws but as a recitation of the Fourteenth Amendment's application of the strictures оf the First Amendment to the states. See, e.g., Eu v. San Francisco County Democratic Central Comm., --- U.S. ----, ----,
The district court's decision was based in large part on the court's understanding of the protection given by the First Amendment to plaintiffs' freedom of association. This freedom certainly
means not only that an individual voter has the right to associate with the political party of her choice, but also that a political party has a right to " 'identify the people who constitute the association,' " and to select a "standard bearer who best represents the party's ideologies and preferences."
Eu, --- U.S. at ----,
Where such fundamental rights are implicated, i.e., "[i]f the challenged law burdens the rights of political parties and their members," id. at ----,
Those cases that have used heightened scrutiny to analyze a statute under the First Amendment have typically involved restrictions on voters' access to the polls, candidates' access to the ballot and the internal workings of political parties. For example, in Eu, plaintiffs challenged provisions of the California Elections Code that prevented governing bodies of pоlitical parties from endorsing candidates in primary elections, imposed conditions on the parties' organization and set requirements for the position of party chairperson. Id. at ----,
In making its decision, however, the Court distinguished between permissible "infringement on the associational rights of the parties and their members [that] was the indirect consequence of laws necessary to the successful completion of a party's external responsibilities in ensuring the оrder and fairness of elections," id. at ----,
Similarly, in Tashjian, a Connecticut statute prohibiting voters who were unaffiliated with a political party from voting in that party's primary was challenged by Republicans who wanted to allow unaffiliated voters to vote in their primary. The Court struck down the law, contrasting that statute with acceptable regulation "undertaken to prevent the disruption of ... political parties from without, and not ... to prevent the parties from taking internal steps affecting their own process for the selection of candidates."
Eu and Tashjian concerned state regulation of political parties that affected how the parties operated and how the parties' candidates were chosen by the people. The Court has also found statutes that have an inhibiting effect on independent candidates to be constitutionally infirm where the state can put forth no compelling reason for their enactment. For example, in Anderson v. Celebrezze,
In contrast to laws such as those at issue in Eu, Tashjian and Anderson, laws that implicate, in a limited fashion, a person's rights to participate in politics and to serve as an elected official have survived review under the First Amendment and have not been subjected to strict scrutiny. See, e.g., Unity Party v. Wallace,
forbade activities such as organizing a political party or club; actively participating in fund-raising activities for a partisan candidate or political party; becoming a partisan candidate for, or campaigning for, an elective public office; actively managing the campaign of a partisan candidate for public office; initiating or circulating a partisan nominating petition or soliciting votes for a partisan candidate for public office; or serving as a delegate, alternate or proxy to a political party convention
would be "unquestionably ... valid." Id. Furthermore, the Court observed that the rights to associate and participate in politics are not absolute and that federal employees' political activities could bе constitutionally prohibited. Id. at 567,
In Broadrick, the challenged provision was a state statute that restricted civil servants' political activities in a manner similar to the Hatch Act.
at least insofar as it forbids classified employees from: soliciting contributions for political candidates, political parties, or other partisan political purposes; becoming members of national, state, or local committees of political parties, or officers or committee members in partisan political clubs, or candidates for any paid public office; taking part in the management or affairs of any political party's partisan political campaign; serving as delegates or alternates to caucuses or conventions of political parties; addressing or taking an active part in partisan political rallies or meetings; soliciting votes or assisting voters at the polls or helping in a partisan effort to get voters to the polls; participating in the distribution of partisan campaign literature; initiating or circulating partisan nominating petitions; or riding in caravans for any political party or partisan political candidate
the Oklahoma statute was valid. Id. at 616-17,
The doctrine of Letter Carriers аnd Broadrick was later followed in Clements v. Fashing,
Plaintiffs were officials subject to the provisions, and they challenged the constitutional provisions on two grounds: the Equal Protection Clause and the First Amendment. The majority had no trouble upholding the challenged sections under both theories, holding that under Equal Protection analysis, the provisions should not be judged by the light of strict scrutiny, id. at 965-66, 972-73,
The Serrano Law is less burdensome than the type of restrictions that the Supreme Court has already approved as valid restrictions on government employees' political activities. The provision of the Serrano Law at issue here does no more than prohibit certain municipal employees, political party office holders and elected officials from being community school board members. It does not stop anyone from running for any office. Nor does it prohibit the broad range of political activities by community school board members that were at issue in Letter Carriers and Broadrick. As to community school board and Board of Education employees and as to political party officers, the Serrano Law is constitutional. Plaintiffs do not challenge the law as it applies to elected officials.
Letter Carriers and Broadrick explicitly approved restrictions on federal and state employees' political activities. While those restrictions were directed primarily at the employees, and the Serrano Law is directed at community school board members, we do not believe that this distinction is one of consequence. The Serrano Law was apparently passed in reaction to a Bronx grand jury conclusion that where politics and government employment collide, misconduct and loss of voter confidence can result and that such misconduct and loss of voter confidence had in fact resulted in the case of the community school boards. To limit the intersection of school boards, politics and employment is no less а rational way of dealing with the identified problem than were the laws in Letter Carriers and Broadrick valid ways of dealing with the problem of politics in government employment. Broadrick explicitly endorsed outright prohibitions on government employees running for all elective offices. The Serrano Law goes no further, and indeed stops far short of such a law. The burden on plaintiff employees here is no greater than those burdens previously found to be constitutional, and the connection to a valid state interest is no less distinct. We therefore hold that this portion of the Serrano Law is constitutional under the First Amendment.
Nor is the restriction on certain political party officers becoming community school board members violative of the Constitution. The Serrano Law applies to membership on a party committee other than at the county level. See N.Y.Educ.Law Sec. 2590-c.4; N.Y.Elec.Law Sec. 1-104.4. It does not apply to members of county committees or political clubs or to convention delegates. It also is much less restrictive than the laws upheld in Broadrick and Letter Carriers. The burden on those party officers who cannot serve as community school board members is certainly no greater than the burden on those party officers affected by the Hatch Act who could not be employed by the executive branch of the federal government and those state employees who could not be party officers in Oklahoma.
As it applies to both employees and party officers, the Serrano Law does not even require that a person resign a position to run for office, as did the valid constitutional provision in Clements. It merely states that if a person affected by the law runs for a position on a community school board and is elected, that person must choose between the community school board and the employment or party position described in the Serrano Law. This is unquestionably a valid exercise of the state's power and not a violation of the First Amendment. Plaintiffs attempt to argue that becаuse they have been allowed to run for office they cannot now be prevented from taking office. This argument is absurd. That plaintiffs have been allowed to run, even though they are now forced to choose between their other activities and their community school board positions, does not create a right for them to hold office. The Serrano Law is less restrictive than resign-to-run provisions, such as the one at issue in Clements. New York certainly could have enacted a resign-to-run statute instead of the less restrictive resign-to-serve Serrano Law. The enactment of the less restrictive resign-to-serve statute can hardly be said, however, to have accorded plaintiffs an expectation that if they won an election they could serve without resigning from activities prohibited by the Serrano Law.
Plaintiffs also argue that the Serrano Law impermissibly affects their rights to choose political leaders and their rights as voters to choose candidates. While political parties and their members do have a right to determine the mechanism for selecting their leaders without undue interference from the state, see Eu, --- U.S. at ----,
Nor has the legislature impermissibly limited the voters' rights to choose a candidate. It has not prevented people with certain ideas from becoming candidates. It has not prevented people from certain protected backgrounds from becoming candidates. It has only prevented people holding certain jоbs or certain party leadership positions from becoming members of community school boards. We recognize that although the Serrano Law is phrased in terms of the eligibility of a candidate to serve as a community school board member, " 'the rights of voters and the rights of candidates do not lend themselves to neat separation; laws that affect candidates always have at least some theoretical, correlative effect on voters.' " Anderson,
Finally, plaintiffs, in the fifth cause of action of their complaint, claimed that the Serrano Law violates
From the evidence submitted to the district court and the arguments made by the plaintiffs, we see no basis for a
CONCLUSION
For the foregoing reasons, we have reversed the judgment of the district court. The Serrano Law's community school board qualification provision does not violate the First Amendment rights of plaintiffs and plaintiffs did not adduce sufficient evidence in the district court to support the allegation in their fifth cause of action of a violation of
Notes
Originally, former Chancellor Richard Green was a party to this action. Chancellor Green died on May 10, 1989, and Acting Chancellor Mecklowitz is being substituted as a party pursuant to
Although the caption of plaintiffs' amended complaint refers to "all persons similarly situated," there has been no request for certification of a class under the Federal Rules of Civil Procedure. See
Plaintiffs' first three causes of action concern districting provisions of the education law, and include allegations that the current community school board districts violate the one person one vote principle embodied in the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Amendmеnts to the Constitution and
The thirteen are: Joseph Iorio (a teacher), Sheldon Fine (an assistant principal), Carmen Maldonado (a teacher), Nilda Munoz (a Board of Education employee and a Republican District Leader), Maurice Gumbs (a teacher), Gloria B. Corley (a Board of Education employee), Colleen A. Edmondson (a community school board employee), Jacques Pessah (a Board of Education employee), Irene Barbaro (a state political party committee member), Sheldon Plotnick (a Democratic state committee member), Irving Schwartz (a teacher), Joseph Jeffries-El (a state political party committee member) and Felix Vasquez (a principal)