According to
Moran v. Burbine,
One immediate obstacle to this approach is the fact that the interior of a police station is not a public forum. The Constitution does not create either a right of access to the inside of governmental buildings, see
Houchins v. KQED, Inc.,
What is more, the district court’s injunction extends beyond the attorney-client relation to require the police to admit attorneys who have not yet been engaged as counsel. This is why we referred to attorneys “purporting to” represent a witness; the injunction does not permit the police to determine whether a given attorney actually represents a given witness. The district court found that First Defense gener
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ally enters the picture at the request of witnesses’ family or Mends. The judge stated without elaboration that “[tjhose requests suffice to create an attorney-client relationship between the Fdla attorney and the person being held.”
Sometimes a family member may act as next Mend on behalf of a person unable to protect his own interests, but “Mends” (the district court’s opinion supplies no details about who these may be) differs from “next friends.” Two courts of appeals recently have held that persons in custody must select counsel for themselves; volunteers and friends may not form an attorney-client relation on behalf of persons in custody.
Coalition of Clergy, Lawyers & Professors v. Bush,
Nonetheless, because some of First Defense’s requests may come directly from the -witnesses (before they enter the sta-tionhouse), we must consider what access an attorney may obtain after a
bona fide
attorney-client relation has been formed. First Defense contends that it has a preferred right of access — one greater than the press, which First Defense acknowledges lacks a legal entitlement to enter
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police stations — in large measure because Chicago’s police mistreat witnesses. The district court agreed with this submission, finding that the police lock witnesses into Spartan rooms, sometimes holding them overnight against their will — and rarely informing the witnesses that they are free to leave. Yet no such advice is required by existing statutes or the Supreme Court’s opinions: if a witness has turned into a suspect being held under custodial interrogation, then the witness is
not
free to leave (though
Miranda
warnings become essential); and if the witness is not in custody, then no advice of rights is needed. See
Ohio v. Robinette,
First Defense and the district court express concern that police “invite” to the station persons they suspect of crime but lack the evidence to charge with offenses, ask these persons for information, and keep them cooped up because they, not being formally in custody, do not receive either Miranda warnings or direct notice that they are free to leave. Some of these persons know that they can leave but will be too timorous, or cowed by authority, to invoke this right; others may think themselves to be in custody (and behave as if they were) even though the police would honor a demand for liberty. Many of the witnesses incriminate themselves as well as (or instead of) third parties, and if prosecutors elect to charge them with crimes rather than reward them for assistance, they cannot invoke Miranda or any equivalent when seeking suppression of their statements. Whether something (an exclusionary rule, an entitlement to damages, or a new norm of police conduct) should be done about this — legislatively, through the state judiciary, or as a matter of federal constitutional law — is not presented today, given that no witness is a party. First Defense is asserting its own rights, and to ascertain them we must ask how the police must deal with lawyers for suspects whose rights have been respected — for- this injunction requires the police to notify any witness at any lawyer’s request.
Do lawyers have associational rights stronger than those of the press, the general public, and a witness’ relatives? In some respects the answer must be yes, because an attorney wears two hats: his own plus the client’s. See
Legal Services Corp. v. Velazquez,
Attorneys often engage in political speech — either directly or through solicitation or representation of clients — and enjoy in that endeavor the highest degree of protection. See
In re Primus,
This brings us back to the point that interrogation rooms are not public forums, and that even the press lacks a general right of access to the places in which public agencies conduct their business. See
Houchins;
cf.
Los Angeles Police Department v. United Reporting Publishing Corp.,
Nonetheless, First Defense contends, even if the police could exclude everyone from the interview room, they may not discriminate according to viewpoint. Its “viewpoint,” according to First Defense, is that witnesses should know their legal rights, especially their right to stop talking. The district court found that the police permit relatives and clergy into the interview room when that will promote cooperation; it is unconstitutional viewpoint discrimination, the court held, to exclude those who may advise witnesses not to cooperate.
Chicago replies — and First Defense appears to concede — that it does not pick and choose among private lawyers. It does not notify witnesses when pro-cooperation
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lawyers (sent, say, by neighborhood anti-crime associations) show up, but refuse to notify witnesses when anti-cooperation lawyers knock on the door. Chicago’s practice is, as the district court found, to afford access to counsel only if the witness initiates the request. It does admit assistant state’s attorneys, but no constitutional rule provides that if public employees enter a given public space, private parties have a like degree of access. It is not “viewpoint discrimination” to insist, for example, that public prosecutors handle a trial on behalf of a state, without giving defense attorneys an equal crack at presenting the state’s evidence. Distinctions among roles differ from viewpoint discrimination. Public buildings and proceedings may be devoted to those chosen to carry out public purposes.
Cornelius v. NAACP Legal Defense and Educational Fund, Inc.,
Lots of public agencies limit access to those private persons who advance their mission. For example, polling places exclude advocates for abstention. People who want to boycott the election may form a picket line outside; the first amendment does not entitle them to contact each voter inside. States may send prosecutors into grand jury rooms while excluding defense attorneys; witnesses who want to consult counsel must walk outside the grand jury room, just as witnesses may leave the sta-tionhouse to meet with lawyers. And the first amendment does not require a state that decides to perform abortions at a public hospital to employ surgeons who refuse to carry out that procedure, or to notify women that representatives of Operation Rescue want to be admitted to talk them out of ending their pregnancies. See
Hill v. Colorado,
A public hospital may welcome family members who will calm and comfort patients without obliging itself to give equal access to those who promote faith healing or other non-scientific approaches. The hospital may admit allopaths to the medical staff while excluding homeopaths, even though the first amendment allows homeopaths to argue their position to the public. Likewise a police station may admit those who help it enforce the laws while excluding those who it believes have a different goal. Houcliins shows this. The prison excluded reporters (except as participants in monthly guided tours) while routinely admitting the prisoners’ family and lawyers. If it was not forbidden viewpoint discrimination to prefer lawyers over reporters in a prison, it is not viewpoint discrimination to prefer prosecutors, family, and clergy over defense lawyers in a police station. The goal in either case is not to throttle a disfavored viewpoint, but *973 to devote the public building to the purpose for which it is maintained.
First Defense therefore has neither a personal right, nor one derived from its clients, to have the police notify witnesses that a lawyer is at the front desk, let alone a right to be escorted inside immediately and to engage in confidential consultations within the police station. Any violations of suspects’ rights to be free of trickery, wrongful imprisonment, and compulsory self-incrimination must be redressed after the fact (by damages or exclusion of evidence) rather than by a regulatory injunction issued in a case to which no witness is a party. The injunction issued by the district court accordingly is
REVERSED.
