FEDS FOR MEDICAL FREEDOM; LOCAL 918, AMERICAN FEDERATION OF GOVERNMENT EMPLOYEES; HIGHLAND ENGINEERING, INCORPORATED; RAYMOND A. BEEBE, JR.; JOHN ARMBRUST; ET AL., Plaintiffs—Appellees, versus JOSEPH R. BIDEN, JR., in his official capacity as President of the United States; THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA; PETE BUTTIGIEG, in his official capacity as Secretary of Transportation; DEPARTMENT OF TRANSPORTATION; JANET YELLEN, in her official capacity as Secretary of Treasury; ET AL., Defendants—Appellants.
No. 22-40043
United States Court of Appeals for the Fifth Circuit
March 23, 2023
Appeal from the United States District Court for the Southern District of Texas. USDC No. 3:21-CV-356. FILED March 23, 2023. Lyle W. Cayce, Clerk.
Before RICHMAN, Chief Judge, and JONES, SMITH, BARKSDALE, STEWART, DENNIS, ELROD, SOUTHWICK, HAYNES, GRAVES, HIGGINSON, WILLETT, HO, DUNCAN, ENGELHARDT, OLDHAM, and WILSON, Circuit Judges.
The primary question presented is whether we have jurisdiction over pre-enforcement challenges to President Biden‘s vaccine mandate for federal employees. We do. On the merits, we affirm the district court‘s order.
I.
On September 9, 2021, President Biden issued Executive Order 14043, which generally required all federal employees to be vaccinated. Employees who didn‘t comply would face termination. He also issued Executive Order 14042, imposing the same requirements and punishments for federal contractors.
Feds for Medical Freedom is a non-profit organization with over 6
Plaintiffs raised several constitutional and statutory claims. First, they asserted constitutional objections. They argued that the President did not have inherent Article II authority to issue either mandate. And any purported congressional delegation of such power violated either the major questions doctrine or the non-delegation doctrine. Second, they claimed both mandates were arbitrary, capricious, and otherwise not in accordance with law under the Administrative
The day after filing their complaint, plaintiffs sought preliminary injunctions against both mandates. The district court declined to enjoin the contractor mandate because it was already the subject of a nationwide injunction. But it enjoined the employee mandate on January 21, 2022. The Government timely appealed that injunction.
On an expedited appeal, a divided panel of our court vacated the injunction. See Feds for Medical Freedom v. Biden, 30 F.4th 503 (5th Cir. 2022). The panel majority held “that the [Civil Service Reform Act of 1978 (“CSRA“)] precluded the district court‘s jurisdiction. Accordingly, the plaintiffs’ claim for preliminary injunctive relief fails because they have not shown a substantial likelihood of success on the merits. We do not reach the parties’ arguments regarding the other requirements for a preliminary injunction.” Id. at 511. JUDGE BARKSDALE dissented. We granted rehearing en banc, vacating the panel opinion. See Feds for Medical Freedom v. Biden, 37 F.4th 1093 (5th Cir. 2022).
II.
“Jurisdiction is always first.” Carswell v. Camp, 54 F.4th 307, 310 (5th Cir. 2022) (quotation omitted). Congress gave federal district courts jurisdiction over “all civil actions arising under the Constitution, laws, or treaties of the United States.”
Implicit jurisdiction-stripping turns on whether it‘s “fairly discernible” from the statutory scheme that Congress silently took away the jurisdiction that
A.
We begin with the CSRA‘s text and structure. The CSRA‘s “statutory framework provides graduated procedural protections depending on an [employment] action‘s severity.” Kloeckner v. Solis, 568 U.S. 41, 44 (2012). Two parts of that graduated procedural framework are central to this case.
The first is codified at Chapter 23. See
Specifically, Chapter 23 prohibits federal employers from using a “prohibited personnel practice,”
- an appointment;
- a promotion;
- an action under chapter 75 of this title or other disciplinary or corrective action;
- a detail, transfer, or reassignment;
- a reinstatement;
- a restoration;
- a reemployment;
- a performance evaluation under chapter 43 of this title or under title 38;
- a decision concerning pay, benefits, or awards, or concerning education or training if the education or training may reasonably be expected to lead to an appointment, promotion, performance evaluation, or other action described in this subparagraph;
- a decision to order psychiatric testing or examination;
- the implementation or enforcement of any nondisclosure policy, form, or agreement; and
- any other significant change in duties, responsibilities, or working conditions;
Given that Chapter 23 applies only to relatively mild personnel actions, Chapter 23‘s review mechanisms are also relatively modest. When a federal employee suffers a Chapter 23 “personnel action” based on a “prohibited personnel practice,” the employee can file an allegation with the Office of Special Counsel (“OSC“).
The second part of the CSRA‘s graduated procedural framework is codified at Chapter 75. See
Where a covered employee challenges a covered personnel action, the CRSA‘s review mechanisms are “exclusive.” Elgin, 567 U.S. at 13–14. Take for example McAuliffe v. Rice, 966 F.2d 979 (5th Cir. 1992). There, a CSRA-covered employee challenged the Chapter-75-covered termination of her employment—but she tried to do it in the Western District of Texas under the APA, rather than in the MSPB and Federal Circuit under the CSRA. See id. at 979. We rejected the attempt because the CSRA provides the exclusive jurisdictional (and remedial) font for covered federal employees when they are challenging CSRA-covered personnel actions. See ibid.
The italicized clause is very important for two reasons. First, the Supreme Court has been clear that the CSRA eliminates
Second, the Court has expressly said the opposite—that the CSRA does nothing to affect jurisdiction outside of its covered personnel actions:
Not all personnel actions are covered by this [CSRA] system. For example, there are no provisions for appeal of either suspensions for 14 days or less or adverse actions against probationary employees. In addition, certain actions by supervisors against federal employees, such as wiretapping, warrantless searches, or uncompensated takings, would not be defined as ‘personnel actions’ within the statutory scheme.
Bush v. Lucas, 462 U.S. 367, 385 n.28 (1983) (citations omitted). In accordance with this express command, federal courts across the country have time and again held that the CSRA does not strip
Consider for example the Third Circuit‘s recent decision in Manivannan v. DOE, 42 F.4th 163 (3d Cir. 2022). In that case, DOE attempted to fire a CSRA-covered scientist and then allowed him to resign. Manivannan sued DOE. Some of his claims challenged CSRA-covered personnel actions and hence could be brought under only the CSRA (and not under
Even construing the CSRA‘s language broadly, we fail to see how an employer‘s alleged conversion of a former employee‘s personal property, unrelated to the latter‘s federal employment, constitutes a ‘disciplinary or corrective action,’
5 U.S.C. § 2302(a)(2)(A)(iii) , a ‘significant change in duties, responsibilities, or working conditions,’id. § 2302(a)(2)(A)(xii) , or any other employment action set out in the statute.
In short, the text and structure of the CSRA creates a decades-old, well-established, bright-line rule: Federal employees must bring challenges to CSRA-covered personnel actions through the CSRA, but they remain free to bring other, non-CSRA challenges under the district courts’ general
B.
The CSRA‘s purpose reinforces this conclusion. The CSRA was enacted “to replace the haphazard arrangements for administrative and judicial review of personnel action, part of the ‘outdated patchwork of statutes and rules built up over almost a century.‘” Fausto, 484 U.S. at 444 (quoting S. REP. NO. 95-969, at 3 (1978)). The old system created different grievance rights for federal employees in different agencies; it entailed labyrinthine and uncertain administrative review mechanisms that disincentivized managers from taking disciplinary action even when clearly warranted. See id. at 444–45 (citing
Thus, the CSRA‘s purpose is to streamline and integrate the review system for federal employees’ challenges to personnel actions. It does nothing to promote that purpose to interpret the CSRA as stripping
The Government offers two responses. First, the Government claims that allowing plaintiffs to bring suits in district court would undermine the CSRA‘s purpose of creating “an integrated scheme of review.” Gov‘t En Banc Br. 22. The theory appears to be that federal employees can‘t otherwise sue in district court, so it would undermine the integration of the MSPB and the Federal Circuit to allow this case to get past the CSRA‘s roadblocks. This contention is quite odd. As the Government well knows, one of the most common suits brought by federal employees is the so-called “mixed case.” It‘s so-called because the employee mixes CSRA-covered claims (for example, for CSRA-governed Chapter 75 violations) with non-CSRA claims (for example, for sex discrimination under Title VII). See Kloeckner, 568 U.S. at 44–48 (describing mixed cases). Both Congress and the Supreme Court say that federal employees are free to bring their mixed cases in district court without ever dealing with the MSPB or the Federal Circuit in any way. See
Second, the Government claims that it would create a “gaping loophole” if employees could see a CSRA-covered personnel action coming down the pike and then race to district court to invoke
C.
The text, structure, and purpose of the CSRA all show that it provides the exclusive review procedures and employment remedies for CSRA-covered personnel actions. The dispositive question therefore is whether plaintiffs are challenging CSRA-covered personnel actions. If they are, they must channel their claims through the CSRA; if they are not, their claims are cognizable in the district court.
We hold plaintiffs are not challenging CSRA-covered personnel actions. Plaintiffs are challenging (under the Constitution, the APA, and the DJA) the President‘s executive orders requiring federal employees to make irreversible medical decisions to take COVID-19 vaccines. “Even construing the CSRA‘s language broadly, we fail to see how an employer‘s” medical mandate could constitute a covered personnel action. Ibid.
We (1) begin with Chapter 23. Then we (2) discuss Chapter 75.
1.
First, the Government fails to prove plaintiffs are challenging a “personnel action” under Chapter 23. Neither
Romanette xii
Romanette xii is a residual clause that appears at the end of a twelve-item list. After defining Chapter 23‘s “personnel action[s]” to include things such as appointments, promotions, and reassignments, Congress concluded the list by covering “any other significant change in duties, responsibilities, or working conditions.”
Moreover, it strains romanette xii‘s text far beyond its breaking point to say it includes permanent medical decisions made outside the workplace. “[D]uties, responsibilities, or working conditions” plainly refer to duties, responsibilities, or working conditions of the employee‘s workplace.
This interpretation of romanette xii is further reinforced by the Supreme Court‘s decision in NFIB v. OSHA, 142 S. Ct. 661 (2022) (per curiam). There, the Court considered whether OSHA‘s COVID-19 vaccine mandate could constitute an “occupational safety and health standard[].” Id. at 665 (quoting
Romanette iii
Nor does romanette iii help the Government. It defines Chapter 23‘s “personnel action[s]” to include “disciplinary or corrective action” against federal employees.
And the Government all but concedes the point. In its panel-stage brief, the Government
how or why such review comports with a wall of contrary precedent from around the country. Moreover, the Government concedes that receipt of a letter is merely “an early stage of [a] still-hypothetical progressive disciplinary process.” Blue Br. 24 (emphasis added). That concession all but proves that counseling and reprimand letters do not trigger the CSRA‘s review provisions. And it‘s telling that the Government abandons the point altogether in its later-filed briefs.3
2.
Second, the Government fails to prove that Chapter 75 implicitly strips the court of jurisdiction. As JUDGE BARKSDALE noted in his panel dissent, the Government has never argued that plaintiffs have suffered any of the Chapter 75 personnel actions. See Feds for Medical Freedom, 30 F.4th at 513 (Barksdale, J., dissenting). And as JUDGE BARKSDALE correctly concluded, “[t]he EO‘s enactment . . . does not constitute an adverse action subject to CSRA. The case at hand is instead a pre-enforcement challenge to a government-wide policy, imposed by the President, that would affect the 2.1 million federal civilian workers, including the 6,000 members of Feds for Medical Freedom.” Ibid.
In its en banc briefs, the Government does not contest JUDGE BARKSDALE‘s premise; it effectively concedes that plaintiffs have not yet incurred reviewable Chapter 75 employment actions. Rather, the Government (incorrectly) contests JUDGE BARKSDALE‘s conclusion; it contends plaintiffs might one day incur Chapter 75 actions, and that alone should implicitly strip the jurisdiction explicitly conferred by
We disagree. “It is quite clear, that the jurisdiction of the Court depends upon the state of things at the time of the action brought, and that after vesting, it cannot be ousted by subsequent events.” Mollan v. Torrance, 22 U.S. (9 Wheat.) 537, 539 (1824); see also Carr v. Alta Verde Indus., Inc., 931 F.2d 1055, 1061 (5th Cir. 1991) (“As with all questions of subject matter jurisdiction except mootness, standing is determined as of the date of the filing of the complaint, and subsequent events do not deprive the court of jurisdiction.“). And it‘s equally clear that we do not make jurisdictional determinations based on hypothetical future facts. See, e.g., Clapper v. Amnesty Int‘l USA, 568 U.S. 398, 409–11 (2013) (rejecting attempt to make jurisdictional determinations based on “[a]llegations of possible future injury” and “mere speculation” about what the Government will do (quotation omitted)). Just as plaintiffs cannot invoke a district court‘s jurisdiction based on speculation about what the Government will do in the future, the Government cannot deny a district court‘s jurisdiction based on speculation about what its employment supervisors will do in the future.4
III.
Our reading of the CSRA‘s text, structure, and purpose is confirmed by precedent. A long line of cases establishes that federal employees can bring facial, pre-enforcement actions against federal policies outside of the CSRA.
For example, in NFFE v. Weinberger, 818 F.2d 935 (D.C. Cir. 1987), civilian federal employees sued to enjoin a directive establishing a “Drug Abuse Testing Program.” Id. at 937. The government argued that the CSRA precluded pre-enforcement review in federal court. Rejecting this argument, the court noted that its decisions “have made it absolutely clear that civilian
federal employees may seek to enjoin government actions that violate their constitutional rights.” Id. at 940 (citation omitted).
NTEU v. Devine, 733 F.2d 114 (D.C. Cir. 1984), similarly rejected the government‘s argument that the CSRA precludes jurisdiction over pre-enforcement challenges. The court held:
This claim is meritless. It is one thing to say that when a statute provides a detailed scheme of administrative protection for defined employment rights, less significant employment rights of the same sort are implicitly excluded and cannot form the basis for relief directly through the courts. It is quite different to suggest, as appellant does, that a detailed scheme of administrative adjudication impliedly precludes preenforcement judicial review of rules.
Id. at 117 n.8 (citations omitted).
The Supreme Court has also, on multiple occasions, entertained pre-enforcement challenges to laws or directives affecting federal employees without a word about CSRA preclusion. See, e.g., NTEU v. Von Raab, 489 U.S. 656 (1989) (pre-enforcement challenge to drug-testing program for federal employees); United States v. NTEU, 513 U.S. 454 (1995) (pre-enforcement challenge to a law prohibiting federal employees from accepting honoraria).
We have done the same. For example, in AFGE v. FLRA, 794 F.2d 1013 (5th Cir. 1986), we cited Devine for the proposition that a union of federal employees would be able to bring a pre-enforcement challenge to OPM regulations in district court. See id. at 1015–16. Similarly, in NTEU v. Bush, 891 F.2d 99 (5th Cir. 1989), we addressed the merits of a pre-enforcement suit challenging an executive order mandating drug testing for federal employees. See id. at 100. We didn‘t mention CSRA preclusion, even though the claims in the suit centered on the CSRA. See ibid.
The Government has two responses. First, it points out that these cases predate Elgin, which according to the Government, abrogated them. But as we recently held in Cochran v. SEC, 20 F.4th 194 (5th Cir. 2021) (en banc), cert. granted, 142 S. Ct. 2707 (2022), Elgin did not “break new ground” regarding implicit preclusion. Id. at 206. Nor did Elgin address pre-enforcement challenges at all. And the Government‘s position entails that Elgin held sub silentio that the Court lacked jurisdiction in all its past cases entertaining pre-enforcement challenges to federal employment policies—including Von Raab and United States v. NTEU. So Elgin can‘t support the weight the Government puts on it.
The Government‘s other response is to claim that most of these decisions involve “drive-by jurisdictional rulings” on the scope of CSRA preclusion. Gray Br. 6 (quoting Steel Co. v. Citizens for a Better Env‘t, 523 U.S. 83, 91 (1998)). That‘s certainly not true of Weinberger and Devine. In those cases, the D.C. Circuit carefully considered and emphatically rejected the Government‘s theory of CSRA preclusion as “discredited” and “meritless.” Weinberger, 818 F.2d at 939–42; Devine, 733 F.2d at 117 n.8. So it‘s no surprise that litigants and courts gave it less-thorough consideration in later cases.
IV.
Because the CSRA‘s text, structure, and purpose foreclose the Government‘s implicit-jurisdiction-stripping theory, we need not proceed to an analysis of the factors listed in Thunder Basin Coal Co. v. Reich, 510 U.S. 200 (1994). See Elgin, 567 U.S. at 10; Cochran, 20 F.4th at 204. But even if we reach them, those factors only confirm that the CSRA left intact the district court‘s jurisdiction over this suit.
The first Thunder Basin factor is whether “a finding of preclusion could foreclose all meaningful judicial review.” 510 U.S. at 212–13. The
Government contends that plaintiffs have two avenues for meaningful judicial review: Chapter 23 and the
Chapter 23 provides no guarantee of judicial review—much less a meaningful one. With exceptions not relevant here,6 claims covered by Chapter 23 are vindicable
This is not particularly surprising, given that Chapter 23 is the bottom of the CSRA‘s pyramid and warrants the fewest procedural protections for federal employees. See Carducci, 714 F.2d at 175. But the narrowness of Chapter 23‘s review provisions—and the fact that any review at all turns on the unreviewable discretion of Government officials—puts the lie to the Government‘s two-sentence suggestion that the OSC or MSPB could or would give the plaintiffs relief against a nationwide vaccine mandate. See Gov‘t En Banc Br. 26 (so suggesting).
As for the Government‘s invocation of the All Writs Act, it proves both too much and too little. It is too much because the Government cannot explain how the CSRA implicitly strips
The second Thunder Basin factor is whether plaintiffs’ claims are “wholly collateral” to the CSRA‘s review provisions. 510 U.S. at 212 (quotation omitted). “[W]hether a claim is collateral to the relevant statutory-review scheme depends on whether that scheme is intended to provide the sort of relief sought by the plaintiff.” Cochran, 20 F.4th at 207.
This factor again cuts against stripping the district court of jurisdiction. As detailed in Part II.A, the CSRA scheme is a highly reticulated web of statutes and regulations spanning multiple federal agencies (including the employee‘s own, the OSC, the OPM, the EEOC, and the MSPB) with overlapping procedural requirements and complicated substantive rules. See, e.g., Butler v. West, 164 F.3d 634, 637 (D.C. Cir. 1999) (describing it as a “complicated tapestry“). We‘ve described the CSRA as a winding road which cannot be driven by “the easily carsick.” Punch, 945 F.3d at 324. The important point for present purposes, however, is that individual federal employees are forced to navigate it to air their individual grievances regarding individual personnel actions. The standard fare for the MSPB‘s docket includes employee misconduct, hostile work environments, whistleblowing, and the like. No part of it includes reviewing an executive order for compliance with the APA or ordering injunctive relief that affects thousands or millions of employees. No part of its byzantine procedures is suited for (or even appears to allow) an emergency preliminary injunction. And the Government does not cite a single case, nor have we found one, where OSC agreed in its unreviewable discretion to petition the MSPB for relief that remotely resembles what plaintiffs request here.
The Government nevertheless contends plaintiffs’ claims are not wholly collateral to the CSRA because what plaintiffs really want is to “avoid adverse employment action,” namely their terminations. Gov‘t En Banc Br. 17, 21–22. This is an untenable recharacterization of plaintiffs’ suit, which prayed to have a federal court “[h]old unlawful and set aside the Federal Employee Mandate” and did not make specific employment-related claims. ROA.138 (complaint). Declaring unlawful an executive order that requires millions of people to undergo a medical procedure is hardly “relief that the CSRA routinely affords.” Elgin, 567 U.S. at 22.
The third Thunder Basin factor is whether the claims at issue are “outside the agency‘s expertise.” 510 U.S. at 212. As in Cochran, this case involves constitutional issues and “standard questions of administrative law, which the courts are at no disadvantage in answering.” 20 F.4th at 207–08 (quotation omitted). By contrast, MSPB‘s expertise lies in “ensur[ing] that Federal employees are protected against abuses by agency management, that Executive branch agencies make employment decisions in accordance with the merit system principles, and that Federal merit systems are kept free of prohibited personnel practices.” MERIT SYSTEMS PROTECTION BOARD, AN INTRODUCTION TO THE MERIT SYSTEMS PROTECTION BOARD 5 (1999).
The Government doesn‘t argue that plaintiffs’ claims fall under the MSPB‘s expertise. Rather, the Government argues that “the MSPB‘s resolution of preliminary questions unique to the employment context could obviate the need to address” plaintiffs’ claims. Gov‘t En Banc Br. 17 (quotation omitted) (emphasis added). The Government provides no further support for this claim, however, and we therefore hold that it‘s forfeited. Innova Hosp. San Antonio, Ltd. P‘ship v. Blue Cross & Blue Shield of Ga., Inc., 892 F.3d 719, 732 (5th Cir. 2018).
V.
JUDGE HIGGINSON‘S dissent warrants a few additional words. He agrees that we have jurisdiction over plaintiffs’ constitutional claims. Thus, thirteen of the seventeen members of our en banc court agree that the CSRA does not implicitly strip the jurisdiction that
A.
As an initial matter, JUDGE HIGGINSON‘S disagreement with the majority opinion is perplexing. On the one hand, the dissenting opinion says “the CSRA does not provide meaningful judicial review of the plaintiffs’ pre-enforcement challenge and [therefore] Congress did not intend the CSRA to foreclose judicial review of their separation-of-powers claim” against the vaccine requirement, post, at 50 (Higginson, J., dissenting) (emphasis added), and “nothing in the CSRA shows that Congress meant to preclude federal jurisdiction to adjudicate separation-of-powers challenges to employment policies set by the President,” id. at 76 (emphasis added). On the other hand, the dissenting opinion says, “Congress‘s intent to preclude judicial review over challenges to the [vaccine] requirement is fairly discernible within the statutory scheme,” id. at 63, “Congress‘s intent to preclude jurisdiction over pre-enforcement challenges is fairly discernible in the statute,” id. at 64, and “the only conclusion consistent with the text of the [CSRA] and binding Supreme Court authority is that Congress‘s intent to preclude pre-enforcement challenges is fairly discernible in the CSRA,” id. at 69. It is difficult to reconcile these two positions.
The dissent tries to square that circle by arguing that plaintiffs’ separation-of-powers challenges raise unique constitutional concerns and thereby preclude Congress from implicitly stripping
Even if the dissenting opinion could identify a constitutional problem to be avoided, it then must identify an alternative interpretation of the statutory text that avoids it. See Nielsen v. Preap, 139 S. Ct. 954, 972 (2019) (“The trouble with this argument is that constitutional avoidance
B.
Second, the dissent argues that the CSRA implicitly strips
And on that question, the dissent appears to say that the CSRA applies to both personnel actions and pre-enforcement personnel actions. But this proposition belies confusion over (1) what plaintiffs are challenging and (2) what sort of jurisdiction the CSRA strips. Plaintiffs are challenging the President‘s vaccine mandate—not any personnel action that may or may not be taken in conjunction with that mandate. And the CSRA‘s implicit effects on jurisdiction depend on the claims plaintiffs choose to bring. That‘s why the CSRA can apply when a plaintiff challenges his demotion or termination under Chapter 75 and not apply when the employee‘s boss installs a hidden camera in a workplace changing room. See supra, at 8. Thus, if the employee is subject to surveillance and then gets fired, she has a multitude of claims. She might, for example, challenge her termination—which would be subject to the CSRA/MSPB process. But if the employee seeks damages for the invasion of privacy itself, which is an obvious injury separate and apart from the employment action, that challenge does nothing to trigger the CSRA or to implicitly strip
So it might be true, as the dissenting opinion sometimes suggests, that the CSRA would implicitly strip jurisdiction over an employee‘s pre-termination suit to enjoin her termination (i.e., “pre-enforcement challenge to a covered personnel action“). We take no position on that because it‘s irrelevant here. All that matters here is that plaintiffs have identified an illegal vaccine mandate and, separate and apart from any personnel action the President might one day take to enforce that illegal order, the plaintiffs want judicial review of it. The CSRA does nothing to implicitly strip jurisdiction over these claims because the vaccine mandate itself is not a personnel action—even if a future employer at some future time might take some future action to impose some future personnel action on a future plaintiff who might violate the mandate in the future.
C.
The dissenting opinion next says the vaccine mandate itself is a “working condition” of federal employment. That‘s so, the dissent says, because romanette xii‘s reference to “working conditions” is so capacious that it includes—and hence channels into the MSPB—any significant change to any “circumstances under which an employee performs his or her job.” Post, at
The dissenting opinion hazards no argument that an employee‘s irrevocable medical decision like the one at issue here is somehow the employer‘s prerogative in ways that wiretaps, peephole cameras, and assaults are not. Rather, the dissenting opinion contends that Congress contravened Bush v. Lucas (and Gustafson, Brock, Orsay, and Collins by extension) when it added romanettes x through xii to the CSRA. See post, at 59–61 & n.5 (Higginson, J., dissenting). Those romanettes bring under the CSRA “a decision to order psychiatric testing or examination,” “the implementation or enforcement of any nondisclosure policy, form, or agreement,” and “any other significant change in duties, responsibilities, or working conditions.”
Nor would it matter if the President ordered employees to make their irrevocable medical decisions “at work.” Post, at 62 (Higginson, J., dissenting). The vaccine mandate still would not be covered by the CSRA in any event. After all, the peephole camera in Gustafson was in the workplace. See 803 F.3d at 886–87. So too with the hypothesized wiretaps in Bush. See 462 U.S. at 385 n.28. So too with the assaults in Brock. See 64 F.3d at 1425. The reason these illegalities were actionable outside of the CSRA had nothing to do with the location or timing of the employer‘s actions. They were actionable outside of the CSRA because the definition of “personnel action” cannot reasonably be read to include peephole cameras, assaults, or illegal wiretaps. The same is true of irrevocable medical decisions. The fact that the President ordered employees to make medical decisions outside of the workplace—and to live with those irrevocable decisions even after they leave the federal workforce—bolsters plaintiffs’ argument that the mandate is not a “working condition.” But it is not necessary.
D.
The dissenting opinion next contends that its reading of the CSRA is compelled by “the logic of Fausto.” Post, at 64 (Higginson, J., dissenting). Again, we respectfully disagree.
Fausto involved the removal of a federal employee—unquestionably a “personnel action” covered by the CSRA. See
Likewise in Graham, the D.C. Circuit held that an employee covered by the CSRA must use that process—and only that process—to challenge his employer‘s personnel actions. See ibid. And it did not matter that the particular personnel action at issue in Graham (the issuance of a censure letter) was not one of the listed personnel actions covered by the CSRA. As then-Judge Roberts wrote: “in granting review with respect to some personnel actions under the CSRA, Congress meant to preclude review of others.” Ibid.
These cases teach that the CSRA establishes a comprehensive framework for (1) federal employees challenging (2) personnel actions. Under both Fausto and Graham, an employee cannot avoid the CSRA‘s implicit stripping of
But neither decision strips
E.
The dissenting opinion is also incorrect to contend “this case is justiciable because it involves challenges to CSRA-covered personnel actions.” Post, at 67 (Higginson, J., dissenting). The dissent‘s theory appears to be that plaintiffs only have standing because the Government threatens to take CSRA-covered personnel actions against noncompliant employees. See ibid.
We respectfully disagree because the plaintiffs alleged an injury distinct from any personnel action. The mandated medical decision alone is an injury. When a “regulation is directed at [plaintiffs] in particular” and “requires them to make significant changes,” plaintiffs have suffered an injury to challenge the order even if the Government has yet to elucidate the precise consequences of failing to comply. Abbott Lab‘ys v. Gardner, 387 U.S. 136, 154 (1967); see also Lujan v. Defs. of Wildlife, 504 U.S. 555, 561–62 (1992). Plaintiffs do not have to identify exactly how the Government will enforce the mandate; it‘s enough that plaintiffs face the ominous order, “get
Moreover, plaintiffs did not seek or receive relief against any personnel action. Plaintiffs only sought an injunction against the executive order. The executive order nowhere references any threatened or actual personnel action. See Exec. Order 14043. And the district court‘s injunction nowhere restricts the Government from bringing personnel actions against plaintiffs. Rather, it prevents the Government from “implementing or enforcing Executive Order 14043 until this case is resolved on the merits.” ROA.1770. The Government is thus prohibited from ordering plaintiffs to get vaccinated—but the Government is not prohibited from taking personnel actions against them.
True, when a plaintiff seeks pre-enforcement review of a government mandate, ripeness is always a concern. See, e.g., Abbott Lab‘ys, 387 U.S. at 148. But in this case, it is not difficult “to evaluate both the fitness of the issues for judicial decision and the hardship to the parties of withholding court consideration.” Id. at 149. The issue for judicial decision is the purely legal one of whether the President can lawfully enact this order. See ibid. (holding “the issues presented are appropriate for judicial resolution at this time” because “all parties agree that the issue tendered is a purely legal one“). And the hardships to the plaintiffs of withholding a decision are plain: they‘ll be forced to undergo irrevocable medical procedures and comply with a potentially unlawful order or face unknown consequences that “may be even more costly.” See id. at 153; id. at 152 (finding hardship and hence ripeness where “[t]he regulations are clear-cut, and were made effective immediately upon publication; [and the Government‘s lawyers made clear] that immediate compliance with their terms was expected“). The mandate thus plainly affects plaintiffs’ “primary conduct” and hence is ripe for review irrespective of any personnel actions the Government has taken or might eventually take. Nat‘l Park Hosp. Ass‘n v. Dep‘t of Interior, 538 U.S. 803, 810 (2003).
F.
Finally, the dissenting opinion claims that “[t]his circuit‘s door is now open to all pre-enforcement challenges to federal employment policies. Plaintiffs are welcome to challenge any personnel action before it takes place.” Post, at 67–68 (Higginson, J., dissenting) (footnote omitted). “But this is one of those instances in which the dissent clearly tells us what the law is not.” Waste Mgmt. of La., L.L.C. v. River Birch, Inc., 920 F.3d 958, 978 (5th Cir. 2019) (Oldham, J., dissenting) (quotation omitted).
Plaintiffs in this circuit, as in every circuit of which we‘re aware, are not free to challenge federal personnel actions under
Ours is hardly the first court to recognize that this needle, while narrow, can be threaded. The plaintiffs in Gustafson, Brock, Orsay, and Collins all managed to do it. The sky did not fall, and the doors of the inferior federal courts were not blown open to claims that otherwise belonged in the CSRA/MSPB process. Therefore in our view, the dissenting opinion‘s rhetoric is misplaced.
VI.
As noted, the panel limited its decision to jurisdiction. See Feds for Medical Freedom, 30 F.4th at 511. Finding that we have jurisdiction, we review the district court‘s decision regarding the other factors necessary for a preliminary injunction for abuse of discretion. See NetChoice, L.L.C. v. Paxton, 49 F.4th 439, 447 (5th Cir. 2022). “A preliminary injunction is an extraordinary remedy never awarded as of right.” Winter v. Nat. Res. Def. Council, Inc., 555 U.S. 7, 24 (2008). “A plaintiff seeking a preliminary injunction must establish that he is likely to succeed on the merits, that he is likely to suffer irreparable harm in the absence of preliminary relief, that the balance of equities tips in his favor, and that an injunction is in the public interest.” Id. at 20. The district court carefully considered these factors and wrote a thorough opinion explaining its decision to grant preliminary relief. After carefully considering the district court‘s opinion and the Government‘s criticisms of it, we are unpersuaded that the district court abused its discretion. And we need not repeat the district court‘s reasoning, with which we substantially agree.
The one issue that warrants additional discussion is the scope of injunctive relief. The Supreme Court has recently stayed nationwide injunctions. See, e.g., DHS v. New York, 140 S. Ct. 599 (2020) (mem.). But the Court has yet to tell us they‘re verboten. Some Justices have expressed concerns that such injunctions can contravene equitable principles because “[e]quitable remedies, like remedies in general, are meant to redress the injuries sustained by a particular plaintiff in a particular lawsuit.” New York, 140 S. Ct. at 600 (Gorsuch, J., concurring); see also Trump v. Hawaii, 138 S. Ct. 2392, 2426 (2018) (Thomas, J., concurring) (“Universal injunctions do not seem to comply with those [equitable] principles.“). For example, the English system of equity did not authorize injunctions against the King. See Trump, 138 S. Ct. at 2427 (Thomas, J., concurring). And “as a general rule, American courts of equity did not provide relief beyond the parties to the case.” Ibid. As with all general rules, of course, this one was subject to exceptions—the most important of which was that an injunction could benefit non-parties as long as “that benefit was merely incidental.” Ibid.
It appears that the district court did its best to follow these equitable principles in this case. The court carefully carved the President out of its injunction, which is an obviously imperfect analogue to the English king but an equally obvious good-faith recognition of the rule. It also recognized that, unlike the plaintiffs in
The Government‘s position on the scope of the injunction also sits awkwardly with its position on the merits. On the merits, the Government wants “consistency across government in enforcement of this government-wide vaccine policy.” ROA.810. But on the scope of the injunction, the Government wants piecemeal enforcement, where thousands of plaintiffs’ members across the Nation are subject to the district court‘s injunction, others are given exemptions from vaccination, and only the remainder are subject to the President‘s mandate. That undermines rather than supports the Government‘s purported interest in “consistency across government in enforcement of this government-wide vaccine policy.” ROA.810.
Finally, a word about concerns expressed by JUDGE HAYNES and JUDGE STEWART regarding a purported conflict between this injunction and the decisions of other courts across the country. They worry that the district court‘s injunction awards relief to parties who have already lost their claims elsewhere. But our esteemed colleagues reference no cases where plaintiffs have lost their claims on the merits. They first cite Rydie v. Biden, No. 21-2359, 2022 WL 1153249 (4th Cir. Apr. 19, 2022) (unpublished). There, our sister circuit vacated a district court judgment denying a preliminary injunction of Executive Order 14043 but only because the court concluded that the CSRA stripped the district court of jurisdiction. See id. at *1. The panel dismissed the case under
We hasten to emphasize that this case only involves a preliminary injunction. The preliminary injunction‘s purpose is to maintain the status quo until the parties have the chance to adjudicate the merits. See Benisek v. Lamone, 138 S. Ct. 1942, 1945 (2018) (“[T]he purpose of a preliminary injunction is merely to preserve the relative positions of the parties until a trial on the merits can be held . . . .” (quotation omitted)); Texas v. United States, 809 F.3d 134, 187 n.205 (5th Cir. 2015), aff‘d by an equally divided Court, 579 U.S. 547 (2016) (per curiam) (similar). When the parties proceed to the merits in the district court, the plaintiffs will have to prove that whatever injunction they request is broad enough to protect against their proven injuries and no broader. And the Government will have another chance to show that any permanent injunction should be narrower than the preliminary one. And both sides will have to grapple with the White House‘s announcement that the COVID emergency will finally end on May 11, 2023. See Exec. Off. of the President, Statement of Administration Policy Re: H.R. 382 & H.J. Res. 7 (Jan. 30, 2023).
AFFIRMED.
JAMES C. HO, Circuit Judge, joined by JONES, Circuit Judge, concurring:
Our court today holds that we have jurisdiction to hear this challenge to the President‘s vaccine mandate for federal employees. Moreover, by affirming the preliminary injunction, we also hold that coercing an employee to comply with a vaccine mandate as a condition of continued employment constitutes irreparable injury.1 I concur.
Judge Higginson agrees that we have jurisdiction. But he concludes that we should deny relief on the merits and therefore reverse. He notes that “the ‘executive Power‘—all of it—is ‘vested in a President,’ who must ‘take Care that the Laws be faithfully executed.‘” Post, at 77 (Higginson, J., concurring in part and dissenting in part) (quoting Seila Law LLC v. Consumer Fin. Prot. Bureau, 140 S. Ct. 2183, 2191 (2020) (quoting
I certainly agree that “[t]he entire ‘executive Power’ belongs to the President alone.” Seila Law, 140 S. Ct. at 2197. Contrast
All of this means that the President should possess the constitutional authority under Article II to remove his subordinates from office. See, e.g., Myers v. United States, 272 U.S. 52, 122, (1926) (“[W]hen the grant of the executive power is enforced by the express mandate to take care that the laws be faithfully executed, it emphasizes the necessity for including within the executive power as conferred the exclusive power of removal.“); Free Enter. Fund v. Pub. Co. Acct. Oversight Bd., 561 U.S. 477, 498 (2010) (insulating subordinates from removal “subverts the President‘s ability to ensure that the laws are faithfully executed—as well as the public‘s ability to pass judgment on his efforts“); Seila Law, 140 S. Ct. at 2203–04 (observing that “the threat of removal” allows the President to “meaningfully control[]” subordinates, and that “removal at will” is “the most direct method of presidential control“); Collins v. Yellen, 141 S. Ct. 1761, 1787 (2021) (“The President must be able to remove not just officers who disobey his commands but also those he finds negligent and inefficient, those who exercise their discretion in a way that is not intelligent or wise, those who have different views of policy, those who come from a competing political party who is dead set against [the President‘s] agenda, and those in whom he has simply lost confidence.“) (cleaned up).2
In reality, however, the President actually controls surprisingly little of the Executive Branch. Only a tiny percentage of Executive Branch employees are subject to Presidential removal. The overwhelming majority of federal employees, by contrast, are protected against Presidential removal by civil service laws. Compare Off. of Mgmt. & Budget, Exec. Off. of the President, Budget of the United States Government, Fiscal Year 2023, at 83 (2022) (4.2 million Executive Branch employees), with House Committee on Oversight and Reform, United States Government Policy and Supporting Positions 209–15 (2020)(commonly known as the “Plum Book“) (fewer than four thousand Executive Branch employees are subject to removal at will by the President).
The net result is that there are only a “small number of politically appointed leaders” who “enjoy only limited control of the mass of civil servants.” Eric Posner, And if Elected: What President Trump Could or Couldn‘t Do, N.Y. Times, June 3, 2016. Federal civil service laws make it virtually impossible for a President to implement his vision without the active consent and cooperation of an army of unaccountable federal employees. And that presents a rather curious distortion of our constitutional structure. The
It‘s a phenomenon that legal scholars have identified (and decried) for decades. “The critical fact of civil service today is that covered employeesare rarely discharged from government for inadequately doing their jobs. The civil service system has provided the equivalent of life tenure (at least until retirement) once a brief probation period is passed, absent what the government considers a serious act of misconduct.” Gerald E. Frug, Does the Constitution Prevent the Discharge of Civil Service Employees?, 124 U. Pa. L. Rev. 942, 945 (1976). See also Philip K. Howard, Not Accountable: Rethinking The Constitutionality Of Public Employee Unions 136 (2023) (“Federal government . . . is an accountability-free zone. More federal employees die on the job than are terminated for poor performance. Regular stories emerge of employees who cannot be terminated despite outrageous behavior.“).
Not surprisingly, these “tenure-like protections for the civil service have sharply reduced the president‘s ability to change the direction of the permanent bureaucracy.” John Yoo, Unitary, Executive, or Both?, 76 U. Chi. L. Rev. 1935, 1956 (2009).
What‘s more, federal employees know it—and they take full-throated advantage of it. As anyone who has ever held a senior position in the Executive Branch can attest, federal employees often regard themselves, not as subordinates duty-bound to carry out the President‘s vision whether they personally agree with it or not, but as a free-standing interest group entitled to make demands on their superiors. See, e.g., Philip K. Howard, Civil Service Reform: Reassert the President‘s Constitutional Authority, The American Interest, Jan. 28, 2017 (“The slow dissipation of presidential power is a story rich with irony—designed to avoid interest group capture, the civil service became its own special interest.“).
As a result, “Presidents can have a hard time implementing their agenda if civil servants collectively drag their feet or lack the competence to carry out the President‘s orders.” Jason Marisam, The President‘s AgencySelection Powers, 65 Admin. L. Rev. 821, 863 (2013). “Even if a president has the perfect ally running an agency, that ally may still fail to produce the desired results if the ally runs into resistance from his civil servants.” Id.
Indeed, one scholar has pointedly noted that the single “biggest obstacle” for any President “is not the separation of powers” designed by our Founders, “but the millions of federal employees who are supposed to work for him.” Posner, supra (emphasis added). “These employees can drag their feet, leak to the press, threaten to resign and employ other tactics to undermine [a President‘s] initiatives if they object to them.” Id. “They‘re also hard to fire, thanks to Civil Service protections.” Id. See, e.g., Marisam, supra, at 863–64 (“For example, the efforts of President Reagan‘s EPA Administrator, Ann Gorsuch, to slow down and halt EPA regulatory actions was marked by staff resistance to the Administration‘s attempt to change the agency‘s goals.“) (cleaned up).
In an appropriate case, we should consider whether laws that limit the President‘s power to remove Executive Branch employees are consistent with the vesting of executive power exclusively in the President. See, e.g., Howard, Not Accountable, supra, at 140 (“[T]he president and federal supervisory officials must have authority
This is not that case, however. That‘s because the Government doesn‘t challenge the validity of the
The argument is thus forfeited. We therefore have no occasion to decide whether this case implicates the President‘s constitutional power to remove employees who are unwilling to faithfully execute his policy vision for our country—or if, instead, the President is impermissibly leveraging (and therefore exceeding) his removal power in order to meddle in the private lives of federal employees. See post, at 52 (Higginson, J., concurring in part and dissenting in part) (noting that the President‘s vaccine mandate “requires federal employees to ‘protect themselves’ against COVID-19 by getting FDA-approved vaccinations“); cf. Louisiana v. Biden, 55 F.4th 1017, 1030 (5th Cir. 2022) (“unlike the non-discrimination, E-Verify, Beck rights, and sick leave orders, which govern the conduct of employers, the [President‘s federal contractor] vaccine mandate purports to govern the conduct ofemployees – and more than their conduct, purports to govern their individual healthcare decisions“).3
HAYNES, Circuit Judge, concurring in the judgment in part and dissenting in part:
I. Concurrence
I concur in the en banc court‘s judgment that we have jurisdiction over pre-enforcement
II. Dissent1
The district court noted that it was “cognizant of the ‘equitable and constitutional questions raised by the rise of nationwide injunctions.‘” Feds for Medical Freedom v. Biden, 581 F. Supp. 3d 826, 836 (S.D. Tex. 2022) (quoting Dep‘t of Homeland Sec. v. New York, 140 S. Ct. 599, 601 (2020) (Gorsuch, J., concurring)). Nevertheless, the district court concluded that tailoring relief here was impractical. 581 F. Supp. 3d at 836. According to the district court, the fact that the lead Plaintiff—Feds for Medical Freedom—has more than 6000 members spread across every state and in nearly every federal agency means that limiting the injunction‘s scope would “prove unwieldy and would only cause more confusion.” Id. (quotation omitted).
However, a federal court‘s “constitutionally prescribed role is to vindicate the individual rights of the people appearing before it,” and accordingly “[a] plaintiff‘s remedy must be tailored to redress the plaintiff‘s particular injury.” Gill v. Whitford, 138 S. Ct. 1916, 1933–34 (2018) (emphasis added); see also Dep‘t of Homeland Sec., 140 S. Ct. at 600 (Gorsuch,J., concurring) (“[W]hen a court . . . order[s] the government to take (or not take) some action with respect to those who are strangers to the suit, it is hard to see how the court could still be acting in the judicial role of resolving cases and controversies.“); Georgia v. President of the United States, 46 F.4th 1283, 1303 (11th Cir. 2022) (“In their universal reach to plaintiffs and nonplaintiffs alike, nationwide injunctions push against the boundaries of judicial power, and very often impede the proper functioning of our federal court system.“). This seems especially true where, as here, several district courts (and two circuit courts) across the country have come out differently from this district court on these issues.2 For instance, the Government noted that it has successfully defended the executive order in the Fourth Circuit3 and is currently defending the dismissal of similar challenges in the Third and D.C. Circuits,4 “[b]ut those cases are rendered essentially meaningless by this nationwide injunction.”5
III. Conclusion
Accordingly, the district court erred in issuing a nationwide injunction when a tailored injunction is not unworkable or impossible to apply. Therefore, I dissent from the court‘s decision to leave the nationwide injunction in place rather than reversing the portion of the injunction that extends beyond the plaintiffs.
STEPHEN A. HIGGINSON, Circuit Judge, joined by SOUTHWICK, Circuit Judge, concurring in part and dissenting in part:
This case begins with the question of whether we have jurisdiction to review the President‘s vaccine requirement for Executive Branch employees. If the answer is yes, we also must decide whether the President‘s order exceeded his authority to require his employees to get an FDA-approved vaccination during a pandemic that has killed over a million Americans.
For the wrong reasons, our court correctly concludes that we do have jurisdiction. But contrary to a dozen federal courts—and having left a government motion to stay the district court‘s injunction pending for more than a year—our court still refuses to say why the President does not have the power to regulate workplace safety for his employees.
* * *
The
On the merits, our court is wrong that the plaintiffs are entitled to a preliminary injunction, let alone one that sweeps nationwide. The vaccine requirement fell within the President‘s power to regulate his employees. Norhave the plaintiffs shown that they are likely to suffer an irreparable injury from the requirement in the absence of injunctive relief. Without identifying any reason that the requirement exceeded Presidential authority or any irreparable injury that the plaintiffs will suffer, our court concludes that such an injunction, which overruled all other federal courts that left the mandate untouched, is justified.
Setting aside the substance of what our court says on the merits, I disagree with how we say it. Today, our court affirms a nationwide injunction, put in place over a year ago, without explanation or analysis of any of the preliminary injunction factors. This method of rubberstamping a district court‘s nullification of the President‘s authority over the Executive Branch is unprecedented and improper on en banc rehearing. The People‘s trust in our independence is undermined when we answer vital constitutional questions without showing our work—especially when the questions before us “are inescapably entangled in political controversies” and “touch the passions of the day.” Joint Anti-Fascist Refugee Comm. v. McGrath, 341 U.S. 123, 149 (1951) (Frankfurter, J., concurring).
I.
By September 2021, more than 600,000 Americans had died from COVID-19. Covid Data Tracker Weekly Review: Easy as 1-2-3, CTRS. FOR DISEASE CONTROL & PREVENTION (Interpretive Summary for Aug. 27, 2021). Millions were missing work each week. Educational Attainment for Adults Not Working at Time of Survey, by Main Reason for Not Working and Source Used to Meet Spending Needs, Weekly 37 Household Pulse Survey: Sept. 1 – Sept. 13, U.S. CENSUS BUREAU (Sept. 21, 2021).
To combat those threats to “the health and safety of the [f]ederal workforce and the efficiency of the civil service,” on September 9, 2021, the President issued Executive Order 14043. Exec. Order No. 14043, 86 Fed.Reg. 50,989, 50,989 (Sept. 9, 2021). This order requires federal employees to “protect themselves” against COVID-19 by getting FDA-approved vaccinations. Id. Specifically, the President directed executive agencies to implement “a program to require COVID-19 vaccination for all of its [f]ederal employees, with exceptions only as required by law.” Id. at 50,990.
Pursuant to the Executive Order, the Safer Federal Workforce Task Force issued guidance stating that covered employees would “need to be fully vaccinated by November 22, 2021.” Vaccinations, SAFER FED. WORKFORCE, https://perma.cc/G8T6-K8XN. The guidance said that agencies “may be required to provide a reasonable accommodation to employees” who did not get vaccinated “because of a disability” or
The guidance also explained how agencies could enforce the vaccine requirement. Agencies should first provide “an appropriate period of education or counseling” to employees who initially fail to comply with the requirement. Id. Afterwards, if an employee still does not get vaccinated, an agency could “issue a letter of reprimand, followed by a short suspension,” which would “generally” last “14 days or less.” Id. The agency could propose that the employee be removed if the employee does not comply with the requirement during the suspension. Id. The guidance further noted that “[e]mployees who violate lawful orders,” like the requirement, “are subject to discipline, . . . including termination or removal.” Id.
In December 2021, Feds for Medical Freedom, individual federal employees, and other plaintiffs challenged Executive Order 14043 in federal district court. They alleged that the Executive Order is ultra vires because it exceeded the President‘s constitutional and statutory authority, and they challenged the Executive Order as arbitrary and capricious under the
The government appealed and moved for a stay pending appeal. A divided panel carried the motion with the case, see Feds for Med. Freedom v. Biden, 25 F.4th 354 (5th Cir. 2022) (per curiam), and a divided panel then vacated the injunction on the basis that the
II.
Congress‘s constitutional power to establish inferior federal courts includes the power to define their jurisdiction. See
In determining whether a statute precludes district court jurisdiction, we consider whether Congress‘s intent to do so is “fairly discernible in the
statutory scheme.” Thunder Basin Coal Co. v. Reich, 510 U.S. 200, 207 (1994). If so, we decide whether the plaintiffs’ claims “are of the type Congress intended to be reviewed within this statutory structure.” Id. at 212. Three factors are relevant to this inquiry: whether (1) “a finding of preclusion
Applying this Supreme Court test, the
But the majority takes two significant wrong turns in reaching its jurisdictional conclusion, which rejects Supreme Court precedent and imperils Congress‘s
A.
The
Under the
Minor adverse actions, meaning suspensions lasting fourteen days or less, are not appealable to the MSPB. See
Major adverse actions, including removal and suspension for more than fourteen days,
Unlike minor adverse actions, major adverse actions can be reviewed in federal court. But this channel is narrowly prescribed. An employee “against whom [a major adverse] action is taken . . . is entitled to appeal to the [MSPB],”
Finally, the
B.
The Supreme Court has held that the
Specifically, in Elgin v. Department of Treasury, 567 U.S. 1, 8 (2012), the Court, in an opinion written by Justice Thomas, decided that the
These precedents control here.
1.
To begin, because the vaccine requirement is a “significant change in [an employee‘s] . . . working conditions,”
“Working conditions” are the circumstances under which an employee performs his or her job.3 The vaccine requirement
circumstances. Employees covered by the requirement have to get vaccinated before going to work and work only with other vaccinated or exempted employees. Being vaccinated against a pandemic disease and being surrounded by vaccinated people are circumstances under which an employee does his job according to any test: vaccination is a physical condition of labor because it affects the employee‘s body during work, Hesse, 217 F.3d at 1378; vaccination manifestly impacts absenteeism and “the efficiency of the civil service,” Exec. Order No. 14043, 86 Fed. Reg. at 50,990; see Mahoney, 721 F.3d at 636, by reducing the incidence and severity of disease; and vaccination is a “daily, concrete parameter[]” of federal employment because it concerns “the provision of necessary . . . resources“—shots that ensure employees can stay healthy and do their jobs, Turner, 502 F. Supp. 3d at 367.4 A vaccination requirement is therefore a “working condition” within the meaning of
Statutory context shows that vaccination is a working condition. The
Indeed, Congress has amended
Then, in 1994, Congress added the “psychiatric testing or examination” romanette and edited romanette xii. See Act of Oct. 29, 1994,Pub. L. No. 103-424, sec. 5,
In sum, the “working conditions” phrase (i) substituted for a restrictive clause linking changes in “duties or responsibilities” to individual employee status, (ii) was added immediately after a romanette dealing with medical activities, and (iii) became the neighbor of a romanette about nondisclosure policies. Together, these amendments show that Congress understood the “working conditions” language to extend beyond the traditional types of individual employment decisions
The majority reads
First, the majority thinks “working conditions” refers only to “discrete employment
Next, the majority reasons that “working conditions” cannot refer to “medical decisions made outside the workplace.” Yet the majority fails to explain why medical decisions that impact the circumstances under which a job is performed—indeed, as we have seen globally, make work possible during a pandemic—are not working conditions, regardless of where the medical decision is made or the duration of its effects.
To the extent the majority argues that medical decisions made outside the workplace are not covered by
employment policy occurs. If the majority is right, a policy that promotes a “Drug-Free Federal Workplace” by prohibiting employees from using illegal drugs outside work, as President Reagan enacted, would not be a significant change in working conditions.6 See
And if the majority argues that medical decisions made at the workplace are not covered by
Finally, the majority says that
For those reasons,
2.
Were we to assume that the vaccine requirement cannot be challenged under
This conclusion follows from the logic of Fausto. There, the Supreme Court considered whether the CSRA‘s “withholding of remedy” from certain employees “was meant to preclude judicial review for those employees, or rather merely to leave them free to pursue the remedies that had been available before enactment of the CSRA.” 484 U.S. at 443-44. Fausto, who had been suspended for thirty days from his job as an administrator at a “Young Adult Conservation Corps camp,” was a “nonpreference member of the excepted service.” Id. at 441 & n.1. The CSRA does not include nonpreference excepted service members in the definition of employees covered for minor and major adverse actions, see
In part, the Court reasoned that if Fausto could get judicial review of his thirty-day
Like Fausto, the plaintiffs here would have expanded rights under the CSRA if they could obtain judicial review of the vaccine requirement before major adverse actions are taken against them. There is generally no statutory mechanism for judicial review of minor adverse actions. When a covered employee faces a proposed minor or major adverse action, the CSRA gives him procedural protections but no path to judicial review. See
The majority argues that jurisdiction over the plaintiffs’ claims is not precluded because while the CSRA provides the exclusive means to challenge “[p]ersonnel actions covered by the CSRA,” “plaintiffs are not challenging CSRA-covered ‘personnel actions.‘”
But the whole point of this lawsuit is to challenge CSRA-covered personnel actions. The first paragraph of the complaint says so. “[F]ederal employees” like the plaintiffs “have been put in an intolerable bind,” the complaint alleges: “either submit to forced vaccination pursuant to illegal agency requirements, or forfeit a career[.]” Consistent with this allegation, the plaintiffs say that they have been disciplined through formal reprimands and threatened with suspension and termination. They have put forward evidence that disciplinary actions, including minor adverse actions, have been taken against them for their noncompliance with the vaccine
Indeed, this case is justiciable because it involves challenges to CSRA-covered personnel actions. The plaintiffs’
The majority calls this suit a “pre-enforcement challenge” that the plaintiffs can bring “outside of the CSRA,” and the broader implication of this holding is unmistakable. This circuit‘s door is now open to all pre-enforcement challenges to federal employment policies.10 Plaintiffs are welcome to challenge any personnel action before it takes place.
Under the majority‘s rule, Justice Thomas‘s Elgin and Justice Scalia‘s Fausto are dead letters. Elgin, who brought a constitutional challenge to a federal statute “bar[ring] from employment by an Executive agency anyone who has knowingly and
Accordingly, the only conclusion consistent with the text of the statute and binding Supreme Court authority is that Congress‘s intent to preclude pre-enforcement
C.
But our inquiry does not stop there. Jurisdiction over the plaintiffs’ claims is only precluded if their “claims are of the type Congress intended to be reviewed within” the CSRA. Thunder Basin, 510 U.S. at 212. Finally, the majority cites two Supreme Court cases that adjudicated the merits of pre-enforcement challenges to laws and programs affecting federal employees without addressing CSRA preclusion. See United States v. NTEU, 513 U.S. 454 (1995); NTEU v. Von Raab, 489 U.S. 656 (1989). Both these cases involved constitutional claims and were decided before Elgin, which clarified the standard for determining whether the CSRA precludes constitutional claims, see 567 U.S. at 8-10, and applied the appropriate standard to find that Elgin‘s claims were precluded, see id. at 10-16.
For additional reasons, neither United States v. NTEU nor NTEU v. Von Raab is persuasive. It is unclear whether enforcement of the statute at issue in United States v. NTEU would have triggered CSRA review. See 513 U.S. at 460 (enforcement through civil penalty). And in NTEU v. Von Raab, 489 U.S. 656, the district court did consider whether the CSRA precluded jurisdiction, see 649 F. Supp. 380, 384-86 (E.D. La. 1986). The district court‘s jurisdictional holding rested on two principal grounds, one of which was abrogated by the CSRA amendments and the other undermined by Elgin. First, the district court reasoned that the challenged program, a drug-testing scheme for certain Customs Service employees, was a warrantless search. Id. at 384-85. Relying on dicta in Lucas that warrantless searches were not personnel actions under the CSRA, the district court decided that a challenge to the drug-testing scheme was not covered under the CSRA. See id. (discussing Lucas, 462 U.S. at 385 n.28). As I explained, supra note 5, at the time of the district court‘s and the Supreme Court‘s decisions, the CSRA had not yet been amended to add the “working conditions” phrase—abrogating the Lucas dicta and this part of Von Raab. Regardless, since the Lucas dicta was highly persuasive when Von Raab was decided, it is unsurprising that the Supreme Court did not take up jurisdiction sua sponte after neither party raised the issue. See Pet‘rs’ Br., NTEU v. Von Raab, No. 86-1879, 1988 WL 1025626; Resp‘t‘s Br., NTEU v. Von Raab, No. 86-1879, 1987 WL 880093. Second, like Weinberger, the district court relied on the idea that the plaintiffs were seeking to enjoin unconstitutional activity. See Von Raab, 649 F. Supp. at 385-86. But Elgin calls this theory into question. Three factors are probative of Congress‘s intent: whether preclusion could foreclose all meaningful judicial review of the claims; whether the claims are collateral to the review scheme; and whether the claims are outside the agency‘s expertise. See Thunder Basin, 510 U.S. at 212-13; Free Enter. Fund v. Public Co. Acct. Oversight Bd., 561 U.S. 477, 489 (2010) (cleaned up) (“[W]e presume that Congress does not intend to limit jurisdiction if a finding of preclusion could foreclose all meaningful judicial review; if the suit is wholly collateral to a statute‘s review provisions; and if the claims are outside the agency‘s expertise.” (cleaned up)).
Here, preclusion would foreclose meaningful judicial review of plaintiffs’ pre-enforcement challenge to the requirement. So we ask whether Congress intended the CSRA to have that effect in this case. Since plaintiffs’ challenge to the requirement as ultra vires sounds in separation-of-powers principles, I conclude, in this narrow circumstance, that this claim is not of the kind Congress intended to be precluded by the CSRA under Elgin and Fausto.12
1.
Neither
I agree with the majority that plaintiffs do not have a path to meaningful judicial review of their separation-of-powers claim under
Mandamus relief under
Finally, the CSRA channel for appellate review over major adverse actions is not meaningfully available in this case. See
In theory, under the vaccination requirement and the CSRA, agencies could circumvent judicial review by only taking minor adverse actions against employees who refused vaccination. This appears to have been agency practice. During the almost two months that passed from the start of enforcement to the district court‘s injunction, there is no evidence that any agency proposed a major adverse action against any noncompliant employee. Had the vaccine requirement been allowed to continue, agencies could have continued suspending employees for fourteen-day periods without triggering the major adverse action process. Because the requirement‘s disciplinary policy gives agencies discretion to evade judicial review, and because implementation of the policy had that effect, I conclude that CSRA preclusion would foreclose all meaningful review.15
2.
The plaintiffs’ challenge to the vaccine requirement as exceeding the President‘s statutory and constitutional authority is not the sort of claim that Congress intended to remove from all meaningful judicial review.
“Congress generally does not violate Article III when it strips federal jurisdiction over a class of cases.” Patchak v. Zinke, 138 S. Ct. 897, 906 (2018) (plurality op.). But there are limits on this jurisdiction-stripping power, at least two of which are relevant here. “Jurisdiction-stripping statutes can violate other provisions of the Constitution.” Patchak, 138 S. Ct. at 906 n.3 (plurality op.). And they can violate
These principles raise serious constitutional doubts about an interpretation of the CSRA that would foreclose all federal jurisdiction over plaintiffs’ ultra vires claim. Congress, not the President, has the power to define federal court jurisdiction. See
In the usual course of administration under the CSRA, this lurking threat of an unconstitutional delegation never surfaces. See Gundy v. United States, 139 S. Ct. 2116, 2123 (2019) (Congress “may not transfer to another branch ‘powers which are strictly and exclusively legislative.‘” (quoting Wayman v. Southard, 23 U.S. (10 Wheat.) 1, 42-43 (1825))). When a covered employee violates an employment policy, the Executive Branch merely decides whether a particular infraction warrants a major adverse action or not. These discretionary decisions about how to punish employees are a lawful exercise of Executive authority “to implement and enforce” the CSRA. Id. Similarly, the Executive can usually decide that a particular class of conduct does not merit a major adverse action as punishment without triggering a constitutional question.
But the threat of an unconstitutional delegation becomes material when the Executive uses the CSRA to decide the outcome of a separation-of-powers challenge to a federal employment policy. Whatever power the President has to enact those policies comes from Congressional enactments and the Constitution, neither of which the President can change himself. See Youngstown Sheet & Tube Co. v. Sawyer, 343 U.S. 579, 585 (1952). So, by designing an employment policy in such a way that the
In addition, if the CSRA foreclosed all meaningful review over the plaintiffs’ ultra vires claim, a serious constitutional question would arise about whether Congress had eliminated a mandatory remedy for separation-of-powers violations. There may be some “constitutionally necessary remedies for the violation of constitutional rights” that Congress cannot preclude through jurisdiction stripping. Richard H. Fallon, Jr., Jurisdiction-Stripping Reconsidered, 96 VA. L. REV. 1043, 1134 (2010). Injunctive relief for Executive Branch actions that exceed the President‘s authority may be one such remedy.17 See Am. Sch. of Magnetic Healing v. McAnnulty, 187 U.S. 94, 108 (1902) (“The acts of all [Executive Branch] officers must be justified by some law, and in case an official violates the law to the injury of an individual the courts generally have jurisdiction to grant relief. . . . Otherwise, the individual is left to the absolutely uncontrolled and arbitrary action of a public and administrative officer, whose action is unauthorized by any law, and is in violation of the rights of the individual.).
Had Congress foreclosed all meaningful judicial review over plaintiffs’ ultra vires claim, we would have to confront these difficult constitutional questions today. But nothing in the CSRA shows that Congress meant to preclude federal jurisdiction to adjudicate separation-of-powers challenges to employment policies set by the President. An ultra vires claim like the plaintiffs’ is therefore within our narrow subject-matter jurisdiction and outside the comprehensive CSRA scheme described by the Supreme Court in Elgin and Fausto.
III.
Because we have jurisdiction over plaintiffs’ challenge to the requirement as ultra vires, we next must consider whether the district court abused its discretion in granting the plaintiffs’ request for a nationwide preliminary injunction. See Atchafalaya Basinkeeper v. U.S. Army Corps of Eng‘rs, 894 F.3d 692, 696 (5th Cir. 2018). To obtain a preliminary injunction, the plaintiffs must establish that they are “likely to succeed on the merits” and “likely to suffer irreparable harm in the absence of preliminary relief,” “that the balance of the equities tips in [their] favor, and that an injunction is in the public interest.” Winter v. Nat. Res. Def. Council, Inc., 555 U.S. 7, 20 (2008).
For the reasons I offered in my motions panel dissent, see Feds for Med. Freedom, 25 F.4th at 356-60, reproduced in relevant part below,18 infra Section III.A, the plaintiffs have not shown that they are entitled to a preliminary injunction, and a nationwide injunction is inappropriate.
A.
Had our court ever given it the chance, the government likely would have succeeded in showing that the President has authority to promulgate this
“Under our Constitution, the ‘executive Power‘—all of it—is ‘vested in a President,’ who must ‘take Care that the Laws be faithfully executed.‘” Seila Law LLC v. Consumer Fin. Prot. Bureau, 140 S. Ct. 2183, 2191 (2020) (quoting
The district court rejected the above argument as “a bridge too far,” given “the current state of the law as just recently expressed by the Supreme Court” in NFIB v. OSHA, 142 S. Ct. 661 (2022), and Biden v. Missouri, 142 S. Ct. 647 (2022). However, the district court misapprehended the single, animating principle that all Justices embraced in these decisions. As Justice Gorsuch explained in his NFIB concurrence, “The central question we face today is: Who decides?” 142 S. Ct at 667 (Gorsuch, J.,
The President is not an unelected administrator. He is instead the head of a co-equal branch of government and the most singularly accountable elected official in the country. This federal workplace safety order displaces no state police powers and
Federal employees that disagree with the content of
In addition to the issues discussed above, the government is also likely to succeed in showing that the plaintiffs have not met their burden for obtaining a preliminary injunction. A plaintiff seeking such an injunction must establish, among other requirements, “that he is likely to suffer irreparable harm in the absence of preliminary relief.” Winter, 555 U.S. at 20. However, even if the plaintiffs were to lose their jobs as a result of this order, we have explained in a previous case involving “discharge under the federal civil service laws” that “[i]t is practically universal jurisprudence in labor relations in this country that there is an adequate remedy for individual wrongful discharge after the fact of discharge“: “reinstatement
Finally, even if I were to conclude that the plaintiffs were entitled to injunctive relief, I agree with Judge Haynes and would not affirm the district court‘s grant of a nationwide injunction.24 As our court recently explained, nationwide injunctions “can constitute ‘rushed, high-stake, low-information decisions,’ while more limited equitable relief can be beneficial.” Louisiana v. Becerra, 20 F.4th 260, 264 (5th Cir. 2021) (quoting Dep‘t of Homeland Sec. v. New York, 140 S. Ct. 599, 600, (2020) (Gorsuch, J., concurring in the grant of a stay)); see Kentucky v. Biden, 57 F.4th 545, 556-57 (6th Cir. 2023) (finding district court abused its discretion in extending preliminary injunction of vaccine requirement for federal contracts to non-parties); see also Trump v. Hawaii, 138 S. Ct. 2392, 2425 (2018) (Thomas, J., concurring) (observing that nationwide injunctions “are beginning to take a toll on the federal court system—preventing legal questions from percolating through the federal courts, encouraging forum shopping, and making every case a national emergency for the courts and for the Executive Branch“).25
Cognizant of the separation of powers, as well as our judicial ignorance of the immense task of running the Executive Branch of government, for which the President, informed by public health experts, is solely accountable, I would not allow an unelected lower court to impose its
B.
In affirming the district court‘s nationwide injunction, the majority defends the
* * *
This case requires us to determine the powers of the President to regulate the Executive Branch workforce—in other words, “to intervene in determining where authority lies as between the democratic forces in our scheme of government.” Youngstown, 343 U.S. at 597 (Frankfurter, J., concurring). As Justice Frankfurter warned during another national emergency, “we should be wary and humble” in drawing those lines. Id. Contrary to his teachings, our court, asserting that it is right but unable to explain why, hastily sketches the President as a diminished figure in our system of government.
I respectfully dissent.
Carl E. Stewart, Circuit Judge, joined by Richman, Chief Judge, and Dennis and Graves, Circuit Judges, dissenting:
Respectfully, I dissent from the en banc majority opinion because, as the original panel opinion held, the
As we explained in Feds II, “[t]he CSRA established ‘the comprehensive and exclusive procedures for settling work-related controversies between federal civil-service employees and the federal government.‘” 30 F.4th at 506 (quoting Rollins v. Marsh, 937 F.2d 134, 139 (5th Cir. 1991)). Prior to the enactment of the CSRA, administrative and judicial review under the civil service system was “haphazard,” resulting from the “outdated patchwork of statutes and rules built up over almost a century.” Fausto, 484 U.S. at 444 (quoting S. REP. NO. 95–969, at 3 (1978)). This system drew “widespread” criticism, in part because it produced inconsistent judicial decisions on similar matters due to the “concurrent jurisdiction, under various bases of jurisdiction, of district courts in all Circuits and the Court of Claims.” Id. at 445. In response to these
The CSRA provides different procedures for employees facing different types of employment actions. Feds II, 30 F.4th at 507 (“The CSRA distinguishes between employees facing ‘proposed’ adverse action and those who have already suffered an adverse action[.]“). Employees facing “proposed” action are entitled to notice, an opportunity to respond, legal representation, and written reasons supporting the employing agency‘s decision.
In Elgin v. Department of Treasury, the Supreme Court addressed an attempt by former federal employees to “carve out an exception to CSRA exclusivity for facial or as-applied constitutional challenges to federal statutes.” 567 U.S. at 12. The Court rejected their attempt, explaining that the CSRA‘s text and structure demonstrated that “[t]he availability of administrative and judicial review under the CSRA generally turns on the type of civil service employee and adverse employment action at issue,” not whether a challenged action is constitutionally authorized. Id. at 12–13. The Court further noted that the CSRA‘s purpose, which is to create an integrated scheme of review, confirms that “the statutory review scheme is exclusive.” Id. at 13. The Court ultimately held that “the CSRA provides the exclusive avenue to judicial review when a qualifying employee challenges an adverse employment action by arguing that a federal statute is unconstitutional.” Id. at 5.
Relying on this Supreme Court guidance, the Feds II panel majority reasoned that this case is “the vehicle by which [the plaintiffs] seek to avoid imminent adverse employment action” for not complying with the Order, “which is precisely the type of personnel action regularly adjudicated by the MSPB and the Federal Circuit within the CSRA scheme.” 30 F.4th at 511 (citing Elgin, 567 U.S. at 22) (internal quotation marks omitted). The panel majority further determined that the plaintiffs’ claims did not exceed the MSPB‘s expertise. Id. (citing Elgin, 567 U.S. at 22 (recognizing that “many threshold questions . . . may accompany a constitutional claim” and “the MSPB can apply its expertise” to those questions)).
A unanimous Fourth Circuit panel agreed with our view that “Congress intended for the CSRA to cover [the plaintiffs‘] claims” and “that the district court lacked jurisdiction” over a challenge to the Order. See Rydie v. Biden, No. 21-2359, 2022 WL 1153249, at *3 (4th Cir. Apr. 19, 2022). Like the Feds II panel majority, Rydie relied on Elgin to hold that “Congress intended the CSRA to foreclose judicial review in at least some circumstances.” Id. at *4. As the Rydie panel observed, courts use the three Thunder Basin factors1 to determine whether Congress intended the CSRA to foreclose judicial review in certain cases and concluded that the factors militated in favor of preclusion. Rydie, 2022 WL 1153249, at *4–7. Both the Feds II and Rydie decisions align with those of other courts that have considered challenges to the Order since April of last year. See Am. Fed‘n of Gov‘t Emps. Loc. 2018 v. Biden, 598 F. Supp. 3d 241, 248 (E.D. Pa. 2022) (“This action will be dismissed in its entirety for lack of subject-matter jurisdiction.“); Payne v. Biden, 602 F. Supp. 3d 147, 151 (D.D.C. 2022) (“The Court will grant the Government‘s Motion because the Civil Service Reform Act deprives the Court of subject-matter jurisdiction over this workplace dispute involving a covered federal employee.“)2; Am. Fed‘n of Gov‘t Emps. Loc. 2586 v. Biden, No. CIV-21-1130-SLP, 2022 WL 3695297, at *4 (W.D. Okla. July 22, 2022) (“[T]he Court finds the CSRA‘s scheme is detailed, comprehensive and exclusive and it is fairly discernible that Congress intended the Civilian Employees’ claims to be encompassed within that scheme.“).
Because I am not persuaded that we should create a split with the Fourth Circuit or depart from the sound reasoning of numerous other federal courts that have since heard similar challenges and reached the same result, I would affirm our original holding in Feds II that the CSRA precludes the district court‘s jurisdiction in this case. See 30 F.4th at 511.
