165 S.W. 147 | Tex. Crim. App. | 1914
Lead Opinion
A complaint was filed against relator charging that he run a pool room and billiard hall in justice precinct No. 1 of Wilbarger County, Texas, after an election had been legally held and pool rooms and billiard halls prohibited under the provisions of chapter 74 of the Acts of the Thirty-third Legislature. When arrested he sued out a writ of habeas corpus before this court, which was granted and the cause set for hearing on October 8. On that day the cause was ably argued by counsel, and very interesting and thorough briefs have been filed with the papers.
On account of the importance of the questions involved, we have given much study and thought to the propositions involved in the case. The principal question involved in the case is, can the Legislature enact a law which is to become effective in any given territory in the future upon the result of an election therein authorized to be held? The pool room law as enacted is what in legal phraseology is termed a "local option law," and the question to be decided is, can the Legislature enact this character of legislation where there is no specific authority to do so found in the Constitution? The Constitution specifically commands local option laws to be passed in regard to prohibiting the sale of intoxicating liquors, to prohibit stock from running at large, and in some other instances, but there is no command in that instrument requiring the Legislature to enact a local option law in regard to pool rooms and billiard halls, and it is contended that as there is no specific authority granted in that instrument to pass that character of law as regards pool rooms and billiard halls, then no such authority exists in the Legislature to do so.
This is a question about which much has been written, and the decisions of many States are in conflict, and the decisions of our own State are far from satisfactory. Relator cites us to the cases of Swisher v. State,
"The mode in which the Acts of the Legislature are to become laws is distinctly pointed out by our Constitution. After an Act has passed both houses of the Legislature, it must be signed by the Speaker of the House and the President of the Senate. It must then receive the approval of the Governor. It is then a law. But should the Governor veto it and send it back, it can only become law by being passed again by both houses, by a constitutional majority. There is no authority for asking the approval of the voters at the primary elections in the different counties. It only requires the votes of their representatives in a legislative capacity.
"But, besides the fact that the Constitution does not provide for such reference to the voters to give validity to the Acts of the Legislature, we regard it as repugnant to the principles of the representative government formed by our Constitution. Under our Constitution, the principle of law-making is, that laws are made by the people, not directly, but by and through their chosen representatives. By the Act under consideration, this principle is subverted, and the law is proposed to be made at last by the popular vote of the people, leading inevitably to what was intended to be avoided, confusion and great popular excitement in the enactment of laws."
It is thus seen that a decision of the question involved in this case was not necessary to a disposition of the case, and as stated by the learned judge who wrote it, he did not give the question that investigation he would otherwise have felt called upon to give it, and this opinion would be what is termed but obiter dictum. However, had this rule of decision been followed by our Supreme Court, we would feel in a great measure bound by it, but in no instance since its rendition, has the Supreme Court adhered to what is therein stated to be the law, if we take the words used in their broadest sense. The opinion correctly states that this is a representative form of government, and that, while the laws are made by the people, yet they are enacted by and through their chosen representatives. To this principle or rule of law we do not think there has ever been or can ever be any dissent. The fallacy in the opinion, if fallacy there be, is in improperly stating the premises, and in doing so, *310 the conclusion drawn therefrom would necessarily be erroneous. The opinion is based on the proposition that the law as it left the hands of the Legislature was not a complete enactment — was not a law, but other steps were necessary to be taken before the Act became the law of the land. This is the incorrect premise. The Act as passed by the Legislature was a completed enactment. The law, it is true, may be said to have adopted what is termed the "local option system" in a certain matter of police regulation. The act of accepting or rejecting it in any given territory forms no part of its enactment as a law; this right to vote on its acceptance in any given territory is derived and flows from the law as passed by the Legislature, and whether or not it is ever accepted by the people of any given county in no manner affects the validity of the law. It would still be the law of the State, and might be taken advantage of at any time if the people of any county saw proper to do so. It is a right given by the law, and so long as the law remains on the statute books the right exists.
As said before, if our Supreme Court, since the rendition of the opinion in the Swisher case, had followed it, we would be inclined to do so, but every time since then when the question involved in that case has been before our Supreme Court, while not in specific terms overruling it, yet it has as effectually done so as it is possible to do so without specifically so stating.
In the case of Stanfield v. State,
"Our Constitution and statutes each provide for the adoption of laws in particular localities according to and dependent upon the expressed will of the people to be affected, and such statuteshave not in every instance been expressly directed by theConstitution. It would be tedious and would serve no useful purpose to undertake here to enumerate all instances of such legislation.
"A city containing 1000 inhabitants or over may by vote of its council accept or reject the general incorporation law of this State for cities and towns. The inhabitants of a town or village may by vote accept or reject the incorporation Act provided for them (Rev. Stats., chap. 11, title 17), and having once incorporated, such towns and villages may by *311 their own vote abolish the corporation including the offices. . . . When the extended area of this State is considered, as well as the diversity of the pursuits of its inhabitants, and the great differences in population and resources of the different counties, it would be unfortunate if the Legislature did not have the power to enable the different counties to adopt or decline some of the agencies of government according to the exigencies of their situation. And such Acts must be very clearly in contravention of the fundamental law before we shall feel ourselves warranted in so declaring them.
"It was the Legislature, and not the county Commissioners Court, that made the law giving to the court the power (to create) and abolish the office. The court abolished the office in pursuance of a law of the Legislature, but it can not be said that because it exercised that power under the law it made the law itself."
Again, in the case of Johnson v. Martin,
"It is not contended by the appellees in support of the judgment below that the law would have been unconstitutional if it had been mandatory, that is, if it had commanded the Commissioners Court to order the election, but that the law is unconstitutional because it left the expediency of ordering the election to the discretion of the Commissioners Court, thereby delegating to them the legislative power. The position of the appellees is untenable. The law as it stands was enacted by the Legislature in accordance with constitutional forms, and as a law was complete by the legislative enactment. The Commissioners Court have no power to revise or modify the Act in any respect; they merely have the right to put the law in force by having an election — to organize by calling an election for the officer, who is to execute the law as it came from the hands of the Legislature. It might be said that the law is to take effect upon the happening of a subsequent event — that is, the decision of the Commissioners Court that it is necessary in their respective counties. Such discretion to the council boards of subordinate branches or divisions of the government is not unusual, and is not unconstitutional. It is allowed to them, because in matters of local regulation it may be fairly supposed `they are more competent to judge of their needs than a central authority.' The Legislature can not merely propose a law to be adopted by the people; but where there is affirmative legislation its enforcement in counties, districts, or towns, when the law so provides, may be left to the option of such localities. It might not be allowed to submit a general law to the people of the State at large to all the electors. This has been held to be in violation of the Constitution, which gives to the Legislature the exclusive right to make laws. See Cool. Cont. Lim., 145-47. But even this was held to be legitimate in some cases. Smith v. City of Jonesville,
"In the last above case cited Chief Justice Moore said: `The Legislature may grant authority as well as give commands, and acts done under its authority are as valid as if done in obedience to its commands. Nor is the statute whose complete execution and application to the subject matter is by its provisions to depend on the assent of some other body, a delegation of legislative power. The discretion goes to the exercise of the power conferred by the law, but not to make the law itself.'"
In both of these cases the Swisher case, reported in 17 Texas and hereinbefore cited, is referred to and while not in terms overruled, yet the court recognized and stated that in the Swisher case the contrary had been held to what they held later in the Stanfield and Johnson v. Martin cases just cited and quoted from, and every case in which our Supreme Court has referred to the Swisher case since its rendition, it has distinguished it and upheld laws containing local option features. We have a number of laws on our statute books that it is left to the option of the people to be affected to decide whether or not they will accept the benefits of the laws, and in no instance since the rendition of the opinion in the Swisher case have such laws been held by our Supreme Court to be unconstitutional. As illustrative of this, we may refer to those provisions of our statutes which authorize a city or town to incorporate and accept the provisions of the chapters relating to cities and towns. In chapter 14, title 22, a town or village containing not less than five hundred inhabitants desiring to accept the provisions of said chapter, twenty residents may file a petition with the county judge, who orders an election at which all qualified voters residing in the territory may vote; if a majority vote in favor of the proposition, the county judge so declares and enters an order of record, when the citizens of the territory become entitled to the benefits of the law. This law, when enacted, was operative in no territory, and became operative only when the people of the territory, by majority vote so decide, as is the case in this pool room law. If the Legislature should say that a village containing five hundred inhabitants could avail themselves of the provisions of chapter 14 by deciding to accept same at an election held to so determine, then they could say where ten people are gathered together they could so decide, if the Legislature had elected to so declare. Again, after cities, towns and villages have accepted by a vote the benefits of the laws relating to those municipalities they are authorized by the law to again vote on the question and relieve themselves from the operation of those provisions of the statute. What more does the pool room law do or say? And after accepting the law relating to cities, towns and villages, the Legislature has provided by law that if they desire to change their form, they may do so and accept in lieu thereof *313 chapter 15 of title 22 — a commission form of government. When this was enacted by the Legislature it became operative in no specific part of the State, but it was a general law and authorized the citizens to petition the mayor, if incorporated, or the county judge if unincorporated, for an election that they might determine for themselves whether or not they would accept the provisions of the law. Other illustrations might be cited, and these laws have all been upheld by our Supreme Court, and they all left it to the option of the people to be affected to say whether or not they would accept the provisions of the law. Many, without thinking, take the wrong view of the State Constitution. It is true that the Federal government is one of delegated power, and to decide whether or not Congress may enact certain character of legislation, we must look to the Federal Constitution, and if authority and power is not therein granted to Congress to do so, then Congress can not legislate on that matter. But this is not true of a State. All power not delegated to the Federal government, was reserved to the State, and this power is inherent in the people of the State. They can act as they deem best for the public good, and while it is true they must act in the way provided by the State Constitution, we look to that instrument not for grant of authority or power, but only to see if the people have placed therein any inhibition in regard to the matter. The people, in the passage or enactment of laws, in the Constitution have provided that their laws must be passed by their representatives — the Legislature — and they have therein specified the particular mode and method necessary to the passage of law, and a law can be enacted in no other way. This much we think will be conceded by all. But in the passage of a State law, no other limitation is upon the Legislature than that found in the Constitution, and the scope of a law is not prescribed. This is the fallacy of these decisions that hold what is termed local option laws unconstitutional. They proceed upon the theory that the Constitution has prescribed the scope of the law, and that the law to be a complete enactment must go into effect at once and not be made to depend upon any future contingency. This doctrine or rule, at one time, had some adherents and especially the contention that the future contingency must not be determined by an election provided for in the law. But the few who at first adhered to that rule have in the main long since abandoned it. As said by Mr. Freund in his work on Police Power, page 205:
"The most common form of local power of prohibition is that of local option, which is found in about half of the States of the Union. Legislative provision is made for the expression by vote of the wishes of the people (of the county or of a town), whether licenses are to be granted or not, such vote to be repeated periodically or upon the petition of voters.
"In a number of earlier cases the principle of local option was declared unconstitutional as an undue delegation of legislative power by the Legislature to the people. It is not within the scope of this *314 treatise to discuss the validity of processes of legislation, but it seems clear that where the local power does not merely consist in the ratification of some legislative measure which has been withdrawn from local control and can be altered only by another exercise of State legislative power, but is continuing so that the people of the district can both adopt and afterwards repeal or adopt at any time — that then the delegation is undistinguishable from the immemorial grant of local powers of government. The validity of local option is now generally recognized; and even in the States in which it was formerly held unconstitutional, the position of the courts has been reversed or materially modified."
It is thus seen that Mr. Freund says in a number of earlier cases such laws were held to be unconstitutional, but the validity of such laws is now generally recognized. As supporting the text that the earlier cases held the law unconstitutional, we find the case of Parker v. Commonwealth, 6 Pa. St., 507, but we find this case overruled by the Supreme Court of Pennsylvania in the case of Locke's Appeal, 72 Pa. St., 491, and the right of a State to enact local option laws in matters of police regulation sustained. In Geebrick v. State,
Mr. Black in his work on Constitutional Law says: "A `local option' law is a law framed for the purpose of prohibiting, and severely restricting, the sale of intoxicating liquors, and containing a provision that the several counties, townships, or other divisions of the State, may hold elections to determine by popular vote whether they desire the law to be in force in their limits, and with the further provision that in each case where such election results in favor of the adoption of the law, it shall take effect in the district so voting, but that each district rejecting it shall continue to be governed, in this respect, by the existing laws. In some few cases such laws have been ruled unconstitutional, on the ground that they delegated the power of the Legislature. But the very great preponderance of authority is to the effect that such a statute, if it is a complete enactment in itself, requiring nothing further to give it validity, and depending upon the popular vote for nothing but a determination of the territorial limits of its operation, is a valid exercise of the legislative power. Weil v. Calhoun, 25 Fed., 865; State v. Court of Common Pleas, 36 N.J. Law, 72; State v. Pond, 93 Mo., 606, 6 S.W. Rep., 469; Locke's Appeal, 72 Pa. St., 491; Com. v. Dean,
Sutherland on Statutory Construction is recognized as one of the ablest and most authoritative text-book writers of this day and time, and in his great work beginning on page 170 says:
"It is now settled that laws, at least of local application, may be imperative or permissive; they may authorize the people of cities, villages, townships, counties, groups of counties, or other limited districts not otherwise defined than for the purposes of such acts, to determine for themselves local questions of police, taxation, or any other matter affecting their local welfare; and the law may be conditioned to carry into effect their determination or option. They have thus been authorized to decide by popular vote and execute their decision to contribute for the building for railroads or other public improvements; to establish or remove a county seat; whether there shall be license or prohibition of the liquor traffic; whether paupers shall be a county or a township charge; whether two municipalities shall be united into one; whether they will have a system of free schools; whether a school district shall be established or dissolved; whether a public library shall be established and maintained; whether domestic animals shall be permitted to run at large. The people locally interested may have the option to accept or reject a municipal charter or amendatory acts, or local police law. * * *
"Such cases as Rice v. Foster, Parker v. Commonwealth, Ex parte Wall, and Maize v. State, are now exceptional, and are simply out of harmony with the law as held throughout the country.
"On the whole it may perhaps be considered a sound conclusion, and I think it is supported by preponderance of authority, that whether an act is general or local the Legislature may in their wisdom take into consideration the wishes of the public, and determine not to impose a law on an unwilling or nonconsenting people. Having the power to make their laws conditional to take effect only on the happening of contingent events, what the events shall be on which the taking effect of an act shall depend is not a judicial question, but wholly and absolutely within the discretion of the Legislature, like the emergency which will induce them to make an act take immediate effect, and that the result of a popular vote is a contingent event within that discretion. * * *
"It is common for the Legislature to pass general laws, applicable to the whole State, with a provision that they shall operate only in such localities as shall adopt them by popular vote or otherwise. Such provisions for the operation of the act are valid and do not constitute a delegation of legislative power."
As sustaining this text he cites in addition to the cases above cited Boyd v. Bryant,
Mr. Cooley, who is recognized as one of the ablest writers on Constitutional Law of our day, says in his work on Constitutional Limitations:
"One of the settled maxims in constitutional law is, that the power conferred upon the Legislature to make laws can not be delegated by that department to any other body or authority. Where the sovereign power of the State has located the authority, there it must remain; and by the constitutional agency alone the laws must be made until the constitution itself is changed. The power to whose judgment, wisdom, and patriotism this high prerogative has been intrusted can not relieve itself of the responsibility by choosing other agencies upon which the power shall be devolved, nor can it substitute the judgment, wisdom, and patriotism of any other body for those to which alone the people have seen fit to confide this sovereign trust.
"But it is not always essential that a legislative act should be a completed statute which must in any event take effect as law, at the time it leaves the hands of the legislative department. A statute may be conditional, and its taking effect may be made to depend upon some subsequent event. Affirmative legislation may in some cases be adopted, of which the parties interested are at liberty to avail themselves or not at their option. In these cases the legislative act is regarded as complete when it has passed through the constitutional formalities necessary to perfected legislation, notwithstanding its actually going into operation as law may depend upon its subsequent acceptance. * * *
"Such laws are known, in common parlance, as local option laws. They relate to subjects which, like the retailing of intoxicating drinks, or the running at large of cattle in the highways, may be differently regarded in different localities, and they are sustained on what seems to us the impregnable ground, that the subject, though not embraced within the ordinary power of the municipalities to make by-laws and ordinances, is nevertheless within the class of police regulations, in respect to which it is proper that the local judgment should control." He cites as sustaining his text the following cases: Commonwealth v. Bennett,
Mr. Joyce, author of standard text-books, including the "Law of Intoxicating Liquors," "Law of Injunctions," etc., on this question, says:
"By local option is meant, in substance, the right of minor political subdivisions of a State to determine for themselves whether the liquor traffic may be carried on within their limits. As in other cases of legislative action in reference thereto, so we find here that, though laws of this character have been the subject of vigorous attack on the ground of their unconstitutionality, yet they have generally been upheld, it being declared that every reasonable intendment is to be resolved in favor of the constitutionality of such a law.
"The objection most frequently raised against these acts is that they operate as a delegation of legislative power. This objection has not, however, met with any favorable consideration from the courts, since it is the action of the Legislature which gives the measure the effect of a law. The vote of the citizens in respect to its adoption is not to be regarded as a legislative act, but simply a determination as to the acceptance of the provisions of that which is already a law. It is the contingency upon which the enactment takes effect.
"Nor are laws to this effect within the inhibition of the constitutional provision as to special, local, or class legislation. Where the act is general in its operation throughout a State, no one subdivision having either greater or less power than another, it is not rendered unconstitutional by the fact that one or more political subdivisions adopt its provisions while others do not." Citing Territory ex rel. McMahon v. O'Connor, 5 Dak., 397; Paul v. Gloucester, 56 N.J. Law, 585, and other cases.
In passing on the question of local option laws, the courts have had before them mainly such laws passed authorizing the prohibition of the liquor traffic. In Texas we have a positive command in the Constitution that the Legislature pass such a law, but it is about the only State in the Union where such a command is found in the Constitution, while in nearly one-half the States laws of that character have been passed and sustained as statutory enactments, notably Missouri, Kentucky, Illinois, Mississippi, Massachusetts, South Dakota, Oregon, Louisiana, Arkansas, Indiana, Ohio, Montana, New Jersey, and many other *318
States. In none of those States is any express command or authority found in their Constitutions, as in ours. In Pennsylvania, Indiana, Iowa and some of the other States laws of this character were first held to be unconstitutional on the ground that to so provide in the law was a delegation of legislative power, and, of course, if that was a proper construction of the law, then the position would be unassailable. But even in the earlier cases, the courts of a number of States held to the contrary, and promulgated the rule of law that is now recognized as the correct rule of construction, notably Massachusetts, New Hampshire and New Jersey, in the cases of Commonwealth v. Bennett,
We have to some extent generalized so far, and we will now take up each proposition submitted by relator why he thinks the law unconstitutional.
The first proposition he submits is: "The pool hall statute passed by the Thirty-third Legislature is unconstitutional and void, because it involves a delegation by the Legislature to the voters in counties and subdivisions thereof of the power to suspend a law of the State, and also a delegation of the power to make laws."
If the Act in question delegated authority and power to suspend a law of the State, or to make a law, of course it would be unconstitutional, but it does neither of these things. As hereinbefore shown, the Act itself is the law of the State, passed by the Legislature, in the manner and form pointed out by the Constitution, and was approved by the Governor. The Legislature is specifically authorized by the Constitution to suspend a law, if this Act can be said to suspend any law of the State (article 1, section 28). And if this pool hall law can be held to suspend any law of this State, then it is the Legislature by statutory enactment doing so. However, we do not think it suspends any law of the State, but it is but the latest expression of legislative will in regard to pool halls, and if in conflict with any other law of the State, it would prevail over other prior enactments. Neither does it delegate power to make a law. The Act is the law itself, and through it certain rights and benefits are conferred. The fact that it goes into effect in given territory upon the happening of a future contingency does not vitiate the law. The law remains the same, and can not be changed, altered nor amended in any manner except by another Act of the legislative body. In his brief relator cites us to the case of Parker v. Commonwealth, 6 Pa. St., 507, but as hereinbefore shown the Supreme Court of Pennsylvania overruled that case in Locke's Appeal, 72 Pa., 491. He also refers us to the case of the State v. Fields, 17 Mo., 529, and other Missouri cases, but all these cases were overruled by the Missouri Supreme Court in the case of State v. Pond, 93 Mo., 606; Ex parte Swainn, 96 Mo., 44; State v. Moore, 107 Mo., 78; State v. Wingfield, 115 Mo., 428. Other cases cited by relator are from Indiana, Iowa, New York, and some other States, but by reference to the later decisions of the courts of final resort in those States it will be found that they are no longer the prevailing rule of decisions even in those States, but the courts in their later decisions have conformed to the great weight of authority, and as said by Sutherland in his work on Statutory Construction (p. 172), "Such cases are now exceptional, and are simply out of harmony with the law as generally held throughout the country," *321 the true rule being: The Legislature having itself declared what the law shall be when it takes effect, and also upon what contingency it shall take effect, and when that contingency happens it takes effect by force of the legislative will, and is in no sense a delegation of legislative power. After it takes effect upon the happening of the contingency, it is enforced under, by and in acordance with the provisions of the law enacted by the Legislature.
The second, third, and fourth propositions of relator contend that the Act is repugnant to the Fourteenth Amendment to the Constitution of the United States, and section 19 of the Bill of Rights of Texas. This question has so often and uniformly been decided contrary to relator's contention we hardly deem it necessary to discuss this matter. (State v. Lewis,
The contention made under the fifth proposition, that the law is "vague, ambiguous and indefinite," and for that reason is void, needs no citation of authorities, but a mere reference to the Act itself, it being chapter 74 of the Acts of the Thirty-third Legislature. It is definite, certain and specific in its terms. All the other propositions submitted by relator are fully disposed of in the foregoing opinion.
The importance of the question herein discussed has caused us to devote an unusual amount of study, thought and consideration to the question involved. In the beginning of the study of this question the writer of this opinion seriously doubted the constitutionality of the Act — of the right of the Legislature to adopt what is termed "local option statutes," except in those instances where the Constitution of this State specifically commended the enactment of such laws, but after a careful review of the decisions of our own State, the decisions of other States, and the views of the text-writers, we have arrived at the definite conclusion that in matters of local concern and in matters of what is termed police regulations the Legislature has the authority and power to enact laws of this character — to enact a general law applicable to the whole State; its operation in different localities to be dependent upon the will of the people of the different localities as their needs and necessities may require. As said by our Supreme Court in the Stanfield case, supra, "When the extended area of this State is considered, as well as the diversity of the pursuits of the inhabitants, and the great differences in population and resources of the different counties, it would be unfortunate if the Legislature did not have the power to enable the different counties to adopt or decline some agencies of government according to the exigencies of the situation."
We must and do admit that the decisions of our State are not entirely *322 satisfactory on this question. If we follow the doctrine enunciated in the Swisher case, supra, it would appear that in the adoption of local option measures such legislation should be held to be a delegation of legislative authority and power. In the brief filed by the Attorney-General in that case it is stated that legislation of the character in question had been condemned by a majority of the courts, citing the cases. This was in 1856. When we take the cases there cited and find that they have been overruled in every instance (unless it be one only) by the courts in those States, who upon more mature consideration of the question held the exact reverse that such legislation was not unconstitutional, but within the discretionary power lodged in the legislative branch of the government, those cases should and do have but little weight. In the Swisher case it is stated by the judge who wrote the opinion that because the law had been repealed and was therefore of but little interest, he had not given it that thorough investigation he otherwise would have bestowed upon the question. In the Stanfield and Johnson v. Martin cases, supra, the law had not been repealed, and the Supreme Court gave them doubtless thorough consideration as they were compelled to pass upon the questions involved. As hereinbefore stated, if we had had a clear and definite rule of decision on this question in our courts, we would follow the rule, although the doctrine of stare decisis has but little weight where no property rights are involved, and the only issue involved is the policy of the State. The courts of about all the other States that first announced the rule of law as contended for by relator in this case, and as he contends the Swisher case announces it, have had the courage, when convinced those decisions were erroneous, to overrule them and place themselves in line with the great weight of authority. And the question with us, shall we be bound by the decisions of the court in a case in which the judge announces that he had not given the question "elaborate investigation," or that investigation he would have done if it had been necessary to decide the question, and which decision has been seriously questioned by our Supreme Court in all its later decisions, and if not overruled by the Supreme Court, at least so distinguished and limited that but little is left of it, or shall we look to the great body of the law as written and now understood and promulgated by the great law writers of this day?
The Holy Bible is a book that not one word nor line has been changed, altered or amended since it was inspired by the Supreme Being. But that does not bind us to the construction placed on those words one hundred and two hundred years ago. As civilization has advanced, the people of the world have become more enlightened, a more comprehensive understanding of the plan of salvation announced in that book of books has been obtained. At one time it was contended that the Bible could not stand the test of investigation by the learned scientific thought of the age, but now we know that the better we understand the truths stated in the Bible and the greater scientific knowledge we obtain, the more clear and manifest is the fact that the word as written is the inspired *323 work of God, given us to enable us to live purer, nobler and better lives. The teachings of the Bible as understood at this day and time are not exactly what they were a hundred years ago. Education, enlightenment and advanced thought have enabled us to more clearly perceive the truth taught therein. The world is not now bound by the construction placed on the language of the Bible a hundred or a thousand years ago, and should we be bound by a construction placed on the Constitution more than half a century ago, even if the wording has not been changed, if the enlightened legal thought of the day is practically unanimous in pronouncing that construction wrong. Should we close our eyes, our ears, refuse to read, think and understand because it was once in the long ago so written, when the courts of all the other States have recognized and appreciated the error, and corrected the mistaken conception insofar as lay in their power. With us it is always a serious question when we come to a place in the law where we can not reconcile the former decisions of our own courts of last resort, when there is a conflict in the law as heretofore announced. We reconcile those differences if we can, but if it can not be done, then we feel impelled to give the question our best thought and study in the light of the law as it is now understood and written, and not declare an Act of the Legislature unconstitutional unless it is clearly so. All the text-books at our command, and from a number of which we have freely quoted, hold the law valid; the courts of last resort of nine-tenths of the States of this Union so hold, and we would feel that we were usurping authority and power conferred upon the legislative branch of the government if we were to hold the law unconstitutional because, perhaps, in our opinion it is not the character of legislation that should be adopted. As said by one of the eminent law writers, "The principle is well established that the power to make laws conferred by the Constitution on a Legislature, can not be delegated by the Legislature to the people of the State, or any portion of them. When a Legislature passes a law, it must pass entirely upon the question of its expediency; and it can not say that a law shall be deemed expedient provided that the people afterwards, by a popular vote, or otherwise, declare it to be expedient. A statute to take effect upon a subsequent event must, when it comes from the hands of the Legislature, be a law in presenti to take effect infuturo. On the question of the expediency of the law the Legislature must exercise its own judgment, definitely and finally. This well established principle has been `the bone of contention' in the courts in many of the different States of the Union in passing upon the constitutionality of what are known as `local option laws.' Some of the earlier decisions held that such were unconstitutional because their operation was made to depend upon the contingency of a popular vote. The leading case upon this point was decided in 1847. That case was followed by the courts of California, Delaware, Indiana, Iowa, Michigan, New York, and some others. It was, however, after an able argument and examination of the course of judicial decision upon the subject, overruled, and in all of those States *324 the rule has been changed except perhaps in Delaware and California, and in California the cases are in conflict. The great weight of judicial decision now is to the effect that such laws, when general in their application, do not violate the constitutional provision that the power to make laws is vested in the Legislature. The constitutional objection to such a law is met, if the Act, when it came from the Legislature, received the Governor's approval, was properly published, and was, of itself, a complete and perfect enactment. In such case the popular will is expressed under and by virtue of a law that is in force and effect, and the people neither make nor repeal it. By this vote, petition or remonstrance, as the case may be, they only determine whether a certain thing shall be done under the law, and not whether the law shall take effect. The law has full and absolute vitality when it passes the Legislature; and the people, under the rule of action therein given for their government, proceed to act. The same rule — the same law — is given to all the people of the State, to all parts of it; the same method for obtaining the expression of the people maintains throughout the State." For a long list of authorities holding such Acts not unconstitutional see notes one and eight to case of Chicago R.R. Co. v. Greer, 114 American State Rep., 313, pages 317 and 324. From an inspection of the authorities there cited it will be seen that there is now almost perfect unanimity of opinion in holding such Acts constitutional.
We have written perhaps too much at length, but it is the most important question we have had to consider for a great length of time. It has been urged that if the law is sustained the principle of local option may be applied by the Legislature to our Sunday laws, our gaming laws and other police regulations. This is true. But the wisdom of the law is for the Legislature and not for us. All we decide is, does the Constitution inhibit the Legislature from passing this character of law, and having held that it does not do so, the Legislature can apply it as they deem proper and for the best interest of the State. Should they wrongfully apply it, their Acts will be subject to control by the people of the State every two years, and their Acts, within the limits of their authority, are not subject to our control.
Being of the opinion that the law is not unconstitutional, the relator is remanded.
Relator remanded.
Concurrence Opinion
I fully concur.
DAVIDSON, JUDGE, dissents, and will write if motion for rehearing is overruled.
Dissenting Opinion
The majority of this court, speaking through Judge Harper, have delivered two elaborate opinions upon the questions involved in this case, devoting over fifty typewritten pages to the discussion of same; and it is with some regret that I feel called upon to dissent from the conclusions reached by the majority. That regret is based upon the profound conviction that the decision is unsound, and does violence to the Constitution, and to the fundamental principles of our government. It is believed that the judgment and opinion of the majority is so out of harmony with the great weight of *345 judicial authority in this State, is so much opposed to reason, law, and established principles, and is so revolutionary and fraught with possibilities of such deplorable consequences, that this dissent should embrace a full review of the grounds of that opinion.
In the original opinion of my brethren, it is a remarkable fact that it ignored many of the strongest cases cited in relator's brief from the courts of this State. In the opinion upon motion for rehearing, many of these cases are for the first time noticed, and it is sought to distinguish them from the instant case; but I shall attempt to show that this can not be successfully done.
The opinion of the majority seems to be grounded upon the proposition that the pool room statute is a "local option law," submitting to the voters a police measure, and that the provisions thereof making its operation and effect dependent upon the vote of the people, does not constitute a delegation of legislative authority either to make a law or to suspend a law. The opinion seems to proceed upon the theory that there is a distinction between local option laws and general laws affecting the whole State, as to the power of the Legislature to require or authorize the sanction of a popular vote, upon the expediency, effect and operation of the law. I take issue with my brethren upon this proposition, and insist that no such distinction exists in reason, or principle, as will be demonstrated at a later point in this opinion.
The doctrine that the Legislature, under our Constitution, is without power to submit to the voters of counties and subdivisions, local option laws, depending for their force and vitality upon a vote of the people, was first laid down by our Supreme Court in the case of State v. Swisher,
"But, besides the fact that the Constitution does not providefor such reference to the voters to give validity to the Acts ofthe Legislature, we regard it as repugnant to the principles of the representative government formed by our Constitution. Under our Constitution, the principle of law-making is that laws are made by the people, not directly, but by and through their chosen representatives. By the Act under consideration, this principle is subverted, and the law is supposed to be made at least by thepopular vote of the people, leading inevitably to *346 what was intended to be avoided, confusion and great popular excitement in the enactment of laws.
"There is no analogy between the Act of our Legislature and the various Acts of Congress, depending upon a future contingency of a rebellion, insurrection, foreign war, a treaty, or the acts of a foreign power. These do not depend upon the vote of theconstituency of Congress, but on a contingency over which they have no control. It is believed, however, that this supposed analogy is the vice of the opinion of the court of Vermont."
Here is intrinsic evidence that the attention of the court was centered upon the principles involved in the doctrine they were discussing, and that the holding was in line with the best considered cases at that date. The decision was by that great trio of judges of the first Supreme Court of Texas, Hemphill, Wheeler, and Lipscomb, conceded to have had no superiors, if indeed, they have had peers in the entire history of the Supreme Court of this State. It is respectfully asserted that a decision by that great court can not be discredited, and its authority denied, except upon the plainest ground of error, or else overruled by later decisions of the same tribunal. Neither of these conditions exists, as I shall undertake to show later.
Again, it is claimed by the majority that the language quoted from the Swisher case was obiter dictum, but an examination of the report of that case will show that this contention can not be sustained. Moreover, Judge Harper, more than once in the original opinion, refers to the fact that the Swisher case was decided in 1856, — as he expresses it, "in the long ago." But what has that to do with the proper solution of the great constitutional questions involved in this case? If the Swisher case was correctly decided, age but sanctifies it and strengthens its force. Great principles do not vary. Truth is changeless and immortal — "The eternal years of God are hers." I must enter my earnest protest against the destruction of this landmark of Texas jurisprudence on the ground of age.
Furthermore, it is evident from the statements in the majority opinion that in spite of the claim of obiter dictum, and of the alleged slight consideration of the question by the Supreme Court in the Swisher case, the majority of this court have been strongly impressed with the force and weight of that decision; because it is more than once stated in the opinion of the majority that this court would follow the doctrine of the Swisher case, had it not been practically overruled in later cases by the Supreme Court. At a later point in this dissent it will be shown that the Supreme Court of this State has never overruled, or even questioned the doctrine of the Swisher case, as applied to a statute such as was before the court in that case.
Another case cited in relator's brief is that Ex parte Farnsworth, 61 Tex.Crim. Rep., 135 S.W. Rep., 535, a decision by this court. The opinion was written, not "in the long ago," but in the near year 1911; and this court was then composed of the same members as now. It was *347 fully concurred in by all the members of the court, and until the majority opinion was written in the instant case, and relied upon by relator, has never been questioned by either of my brethren.
It is said by the majority that the exact question now before us was not involved in the Farnsworth case; but it will be found that the case involved the validity of an ordinance of the City of Dallas, passed and put into operation under what is termed the "initiative and referendum" clause of the city charter. The validity of this ordinance was directly assailed in said case upon the ground that the charter provisions, authorizing ordinances to be enacted under the referendum clause, was an unconstitutional delegation of legislative authority to make and to suspend laws. The question discussed, therefore, was directly before the court, and the ordinance was on this ground declared void. It is true that the decision of the court was rested upon the further ground that the ordinance so passed, deprived the applicant of his property without due process of law. But that consideration does not impair in the least the force of the decision of this court upon the question of delegation of legislative authority. The decision was based upon both of the aforesaid grounds, and the case is as much authority for the one proposition as the other. I quote briefly from the language of the opinion in the Farnsworth case:
"It is equally certain that the people can not be reinvested by the Legislature with the functions of legislation conferred by them on a department of government, nor can the Legislature render the enactment of a law dependent upon the acceptance by the people by popular vote. See cases already cited. . . . The people in whom the power resided have voluntarily transferred its exercise, and have positively ordained and vested in the Legislature. To allow the Legislature to cast it back on the people would be a subversion of the Constitution, and would change the distribution of power without the action or consent of those who created the Constitution. . . . There is to be noted, however, a real or apparent exception to this rule, or doctrine. However, when correctly viewed, if it is an exception, it is an innovation on the general principle, which serves to emphasize and accentuate the truths of the main doctrine announced. This apparent exception is an innovation always to be found in the Constitution itself, and notably in those provisions of that instrument which relate to local option laws in regard to the sale of intoxicating liquors, and preventing stock running at large. Where this is the case, the referendum is the only rule of final enactment. The people under such exception, by majority, adopt or vitalize a Legislature's act in the territory to be affected. Unless expressly authorized so to do, these laws cannot be so enacted. State v. Swisher, supra, and cases already cited. . . ."
As before stated, this doctrine has never been questioned by the court until the majority opinion in the instant case was written; and the Farnsworth case has been accepted generally by the profession as meeting the approval of, and being the unanimous opinion of this court. *348
It will thus be seen that not only the Supreme Court, but this court, has upheld the principle that local option or similar laws can not be submitted to the vote of the people for their sanction and vitality, except in those instances where the people have authorized this to be done in the Constitution itself. The whole history of the law of this State, constitutional and judicial, is a recognition and approval of the doctrine of the Swisher case. In every Constitution created subsequent to that decision the people have reserved in the Constitution the power to vote upon local option laws by positive commands to the Legislature in those special instances in which they desired to exercise the function of legislation. In not one of these Constitutions have the people changed the rule of decision in the Swisher case by enlarging the grant to the Legislature of legislative authority, so as to include the power of delegating its authority to make laws through the vote of the people, except in respect to local option liquor laws, local option stock laws, and a few other enumerated instances. In the earlier Constitutions the Legislature was expressly given the power to suspend laws, not only by its own act, but "under its authority." In the Constitution of 1876, even this right of delegation was taken away from the Legislature, by omitting the last quoted language; as has been frequently held by the court of Civil Appeals, Court of Criminal Appeals, and the Supreme Court of this State. This feature of the case, however, will be gone into at a later point.
Not only has the constitutional history of the State been adverse to the contention of the majority, and has recognized the principle decided in the Swisher case, but the Supreme Court of this State has itself expressly approved that decision. The doctrine announced there was again before the Supreme Court for consideration, in 1866, in the case of San Antonio v. Jones,
"To sustain this assumption, he relies upon the doctrine laid down and recognized by this court in the case of State v. Swisher,
Here is an unqualified approval by the Supreme Court of the doctrine of the Swisher case, as clear as human language could make it. And, when we consider that the statute involved in the Swisher case was, in all essentials, the same as the pool hall statute we are considering, and the only question decided in the Swisher case being the validity of a local option liquor statute, the Supreme Court, in San Antonio v. Jones, must be held to have approved the doctrine which would annul and declare unconstitutional the pool hall statute. The decision in San Antonio v. Jones, on the facts involved, is not in conflict with the holding in the Swisher case because the legislation was of an entirely different *349 character, and this point was clearly recognized by the court in the later case.
Again, the Supreme Court upheld and recognized the doctrine of the Swisher case in Werner v. Galveston,
"It is a well settled principle that the Legislature can notdelegate its authority to make laws by submitting the question oftheir enactment to a popular vote; and in State v. Swisher,
The holding in the Swisher case was again recognized in Stanfield v. The State,
But my brethren contend that the Swisher case has been practically overruled in later decisions by the Supreme Court — notably in San Antonio v. Jones, supra; Johnson v. Martin,
But not only has the Supreme Court approved the Swisher case, in the cases above referred to, and this court in Ex parte Farnsworth, but the rule has been further recognized by this court in Ex parte Massey, 49 Tex.Crim. Rep.. In that case, approving the Swisher case, Judge Henderson said: "This principle is reaffirmed in San Antonio v. Jones, 28 Texas, p. 19," and "In the case before us the people had no inherent power to legislate on the subject of local option prior to the adoption of article 16, section 20."
"As early as the case of State v. Swisher, it was held that theLegislature could not delegate to voters or the people the powerto pass laws in the absence of some constitutional provisionauthorizing this. And again, it was not until the adoption of article 16, sec. 20, in the Constitution of 1876, that power wasgiven in the organic law authorizing the delegation of power tothe qualified voters to enact local option in the territorytherein mentioned. . . . The people or the voters of the localitydid not have this before."
Here was a plain decision by this court that it takes express or implied authority in the Constitution, for the Legislature to submit local option laws to the people for their acceptance or rejection. This case was not even mentioned by the majority in their first opinion, although cited and quoted from in relator's brief. It was not noticed by the majority until relator's counsel, in their motion for rehearing, insisted that the Massey case should be either expressly overruled or followed. It is said in the opinion of the majority on rehearing that the Massey case had already been overruled, in Edmanson v. State,
There is another fundamental principle of law that has never been gainsaid, so far as I understand, but which was overlooked by the majority opinion — that is, that delegated authority can not be re-delegated by the power to whom the delegation was given. See 6 Vol. Am. Eng. Ency. of Law, pp. 1021-1022, and note 6 on p. 1021 for cited cases. Perhaps it may be well enough to collate them at this point: People's R. Pass Co. v. Memphis R. Co., 10 Wall. (U.S.), 50, opinion by Judge Clifford; Wayman v. Southward, 10 Wheat. (U.S.), 1; Bank of U.S. v. Halstead, 10 Wheat. (U.S.), 61; Field v. Clark,
If the Constitution is to be the guiding and superior rule and its provisions to dominate all delegated authority such as the executive, legislative and judicial branches of the government, then it must be clear that the Legislature has not been clothed with authority to re-delegate its authority to the people or to any department of government.
It is not necessary here to notice the question of legislative authority over municipal corporations. It is not involved. I wish to add further in this connection that in all the cases by the Supreme Court and Court of Criminal Appeals it has been expressly held that the Legislature in authorizing cities to proceed to enact ordinances, and granting power to cities in their charters to do this or that thing in reference to their local matters, that such authority must be subordinate to the Constitution and not antagonistic to the general laws of the State. Wherever there is a conflict between the city ordinance or powers granted, or purported to have been granted in city charters, and the general laws of the State, the State law is supreme, and the charter provision or the ordinance, as the case may be, is null and void. There are many of these cases collated in Harris's Ann. Const., on page 208, and ending on page 212. I refer to this to emphasize the fact that my brethren have inadvertently, or through a misunderstanding, used the decisions of this and other courts, upholding power granted in city charters, in sustaining their position in upholding this local option law. The reason for this distinction ought to be and is obvious. It has been written about so much, and in so many States of the Federal Union in addition to our own, that there ought not to be any misapprehension. In other words, my brethren have taken vast numbers of decisions throughout other States from their *353 proper place, and where correctly deciding the question at issue in them, and have used them to uphold a proposition that those decisions have recognized as not coming within the announced rule.
As sustaining my position that all inherent power resides in the people, and that the Legislature possesses only delegated power, I quote the following language by Chief Justice Brown, in State v. Texas Brewing Co., 106 Texas ___, 157 S.W. Rep., 1167:
"All powers of government reside in the people, and the officials of the different departments exercise delegated authority; however, the Legislature can exercise all legislative power not prohibitd by the Constitution. But the section of the Constitution quoted provides a method (a referendum) by which the voters of a given territory may exercise the sovereign power of legislating upon this subject, which places the law adopted by them above legislative authority, as if it had been embraced in the Constitution, and we must so consider the local option law adopted by the voters of Clay County, for that, like theConstitution, is the exercise of primary sovereignty; therefore, what is prohibited by the local option law to be done in Clay County, as to sale of intoxicating liquors, can not be authorized by the Legislature to be done there." (Italics mine.)
More important still, Judge Brown here recognizes the fundamental question in this, namely: that in voting upon local option laws the people "exercise the sovereign power of legislation."
The local option laws in Texas have always been held unconstitutional throughout its history unless provided by the Constitution. My brethren seem to have either confounded or failed to recognize the distinction between delegation of powerand reserved rights by the Constitution. The legislative department of this State has been clothed by art. 2, sec. 1, of the Constitution only with legislative authority. That authority is full and ample, unless expressly or by implication curtailed or limited by provisions of the Constitution. Redelegation is not granted. It is useless to discuss those matters. Wherever the Constitution limits the power of any department of the government, that ends the matter. It is not debatable further. The judicial, the legislative and executive departments are creatures of the Constitution, which is itself a creature of our people, and acting under such delegated authority are confined within their scope of authority. The Constitution has not delegated to the law-making department authority to delegate its authority, even to the people themselves. Where the people have decided to exercise their authority directly in making the laws or putting them in operation, they have reserved that right in the Constitution. This is a command by the people to the Legislature, and not a delegation of power to the people by the Legislature. The people reserved this power. The Legislature acts by command of the people in enacting these laws. The people reserve the right to put them in operation. It is a direct, positive negation of the proposition that the Legislature is delegating authority, and is a *354 complete answer to any idea of delegated authority to the people by the Legislature, and expressly excludes the idea of such delegation.
But where the people have not reserved in the Constitution the right to vote local option laws of a certain character, such as the pool hall statute, the attempt by the Legislature to enforce this principle is a manifest attempt to delegate its own delegated authority. In other words, it is an attempt to confer upon the people the primary right of sovereignty, in the matter of legislation, where they have not reserved that right, and to thereby assume authority by the Legislature to act as from original and inherent power. This calls to mind the memorable admonition of that great English statesman, Edmund Burke, "This change from an immediate state of procuration and delegation to a course of acting as from original power, is the way in which all popular magistracies have been perverted from their purposes." Legislative assumption of original or inherent power is subversive of our government. The people alone have inherent power; the Legislature can act only from delegated authority.
It may be stated, as emphasizing the proposition further, that it is not delegated authority by which the people vote on local option laws, under constitutional provisions; that it has been held by all the courts that where such a law has been put into operation, it remains operative until the people in the same territory vote it out, thus clothing it with the sanctity of constitutional authority itself.
There is another ground upon which the pool hall statute must be held unconstitutional, very much akin to the first proposition discussed in this opinion; that is, that the said statute is repugnant to article 1 of section 28, of the Constitution of 1876, which reads as follows:
"No power of suspending laws in this State shall be exercised except by the Legislature."
In prior Constitutions, the language was as follows:
"No power of suspending laws in this State shall be exercised except by the Legislature, or its authority."
The difference in the language of the present Constitution and that of previous Constitutions is striking, and its significance is unmistakable. To my mind, this change in the fundamental law is conclusive that the people desired to make the Legislature the sole and exclusive repository of the power to suspend laws in this State, except where the people reserved in the Constitution this right of suspending laws themselves directly, by the submission of local option laws. When the people amended this Constitution, by expunging the words "or its authority," it was done with the express purpose of preventing the Legislature from authorizing other departments or functions of the government to suspend State laws. Under former Constitutions, it was expressly permitted to the Legislature to delegate such authority, but for reasons which are still fresh in the minds of the people of this State, and have to do with the gloomy days after the war, the people saw fit to withdraw from the Legislature the power to delegate this important authority. *355 They did not even reserve to themselves, by the remotest implication, the general power to suspend laws, but conferred an exclusive agency upon the Legislature, revocable only through constitutional amendment.
This court well knows how jealous the people of this State have been in the amendment of their great charter, the Constitution, and it is impossible to assume that they made the change above pointed out except for a deliberate and solemn purpose. The only conceivable purpose or effect of the omission of the words "or its authority," is that the people desired to maintain pure and unalloyed the representative principle in the suspension of their law.
There is an unbroken line of authorities in this State, from Courts of Civil Appeals, the Supreme Court, and the Court of Criminal Appeals, nullifying and striking down acts of the Legislature which have sought to confer upon other agencies the function of suspending State laws. Two notable civil cases are Burton v. Dupree, 19 Texas Civil App., 275, 46 S.W. Rep., 272, and Brown Cracker Co. v. City of Dallas,
"In Burton v. Dupree, 19 Texas Civil Appeals, 275, 46 S.W. Rep., 272, Judge Key, in his usual succinct and forcible style, points out the difference between the former and the present provisions of our Constitution, and states clearly the effect such change must have upon this question. Quoting the present section 28 of article 1 of the Constitution, that learned judge says: `This section restricts the power to suspend laws to the Legislature, and especially prohibits the exercise of such power by any other body. In view of this provision of the Constitution it must be held (whatever may have been the power of the Legislature under former Constitutions) that that body can not now delegate to a municipal corporation or to any one else authority to suspend a statute law of the State. We therefore hold that the provisions of the Penal Code referred to were and are in force within the entire limits of the *356 City of Waco, as well as elsewhere in the State, and that the lease contract in question, being knowingly made for the purpose of assisting in the violation of a penal law, is contrary to public policy, and not enforcible in the courts.' Since the amendment of the Constitution, the Court of Criminal Appeals has held in accordance with Judge Key's opinion. If it be admitted that the Legislature intended to confer upon the City of Dallas authority to suspend article 361 within the district laid out, that provision of the charter would be void, because in conflict with section 28 of article 1 of our present Constitution. The Legislature had no authority to delegate that power to the city."
To the same effect is the case of McDonald v. Denton, supra, and as stated by Chief Justice Brown in Brown Cracker Co. v. City of Dallas, the Court of Criminal Appeals has also decided this question the same way.
In the case of Ex parte Ogden, 43 Tex.Crim. Rep., this court held an ordinance of the City of Beaumont denouncing a punishment for permitting turf exchanges, or places for selling pools on horse races, unconstitutional and void, on the ground that the Legislature had licensed turf exchanges, or the selling of pools on horse races, and that it was beyond the power of the Legislature to delegate authority to a municipal corporation to pass ordinances repealing or suspending the State law. Several cases are cited in the opinion in Ex parte Ogden in support of the holding of this court. I quote this language from the opinion:
"This ordinance simply makes it a violation of law to carry on a turf exchange, or sell pools on horse races in the places mentioned. It being a legitimate business — one legalized by the State — the city could not, even in this indirect manner, inhibit it. It will be noted that the ordinance in question was not one of regulation, but one of inhibition."
In Arroya v. State, 69 S.W. Rep., 503, this court followed the decision in Ex parte Ogden, and the cases cited therein. Arroya was convicted for selling liquor on Sunday in the City of Dallas, in violation of the State law. He filed a plea to the jurisdiction of the County Court, and in support of his said plea, invoked certain provisions of the charter of Dallas, and an ordinance passed thereunder. These charter provisions and ordinance were in conflict with the State law prohibiting the operating of saloons on Sunday. I quote the following from the opinion in that case:
"Thus we are confronted with the proposition, which appellant assumes to be correct, that the Legislature has authority to delegate power to the city council of the City of Dallas, under its special charter, to supersede and set aside any State law which may come within the terms of the delegated authority. Article 1, section 28, of the Constitution provides: `No power of suspending laws in this State shall be exercised except by the Legislature.' Prior to 1874 this section was as follows: `No power of suspending laws in this State shall be exercised, except by the Legislature, or its authority.' It may have been the law, or a correct *357
contention, under prior Constitutions in this State, to assume and assert the proposition here contended for by appellant; but with the change of the Constitution the right of the Legislature to delegate its authority ceased to exist. It is not necessary to go into the history of the reasons for this change in the Constitution, for it is too well known and too fresh to be easily forgotten. Without reviewing the history of the oppressions which grew out of the suspension of laws by reason of such delegation of legislative authority and the declaration of martial law scarcely more than a quarter of a century in the past, it is sufficient to state the fact of such occurrences, and that this change in the organic law swiftly followed, prohibiting such action by the Legislature. The Legislature is but one of the three co-ordinate branches of this government, and has no authority to set aside and override the express limitations upon its power. This matter has been reviewed in our State by our courts of last resort, and the matters fully and freely discussed, the result of those decisions being adverse to appellant's contention. Therefore we deem it unnecessary to enter into a further discussion of the matter. In support of our conclusion, holding that the position assumed by appellant is not the law, we cite the following authorities: Ex parte Ogden,
It is impossible to escape the conclusion that, under this line of authorities, the pool hall prohibition statute must fall, as being an unconstitutional delegation to the voters of counties and subdivisions to suspend a State law. Article 7355, section 8, of the Revised Statutes of 1911, legalizes, licenses and taxes the business of keeping and exhibiting billiard and pool tables in every county in this State, and an occupation tax is imposed thereon, to-wit: $20 for every billiard or pool table used for profit. By other provisions of the occupation tax statute, counties, and incorporated cities and towns, are each authorized to impose one-half of this tax upon said occupation.
To permit the voters of any given county or subdivision thereof in this State, by direct vote, and without action by the Legislature itself, to declare such business unlawful, and to revoke the right to pursue same *358 by a licensed keeper of such tables, who has paid his taxes, or by any one who might choose to pay said occupation taxes and follow said business, is clearly to delegate to the people of such county or subdivision the power to suspend a general law of the State. Under the operation of said statute, the people, by direct vote, may not only suspend the effect and operation of the general law licensing the keeping of pool tables passed by the Legislature, but, indeed, they are permitted to go further, and to repeal the law in that territory for a period of two years at least, and perpetually, if a majority should continue to favor the prohibition. There is absolutely no difference in principle between the questions embraced in the Brown Cracker Co. case, the Arroyo and Ogden cases, and others on that line, and those involved under the pool hall prohibition statute. In those cases the court in effect held that when the Legislature makes certain things illegal by a general law, the Constitution forbids the Legislature to delegate to the people, or any portion thereof, the authority to make the same legal, and thus suspend or repeal such general law. It is a corollary of this proposition, that when the Legislature has declared a thing legal by a general law (for example, the keeping of pool tables for profit), it is beyond the power of the Legislature to confer authority upon the people, or any part thereof, to declare the same illegal by direct vote, and thereby suspend and repeal the general law, in the territory covered by the election.
The absurdity of such a grant of power by the Legislature, in view of the present constitutional provisions, is plain. This might have been done under former Constitutions, as pointed out in Brown Cracker Co. v. Dallas, and other cases, but the people have seen fit in the present Constitution to invest such power in the Legislature alone, which power it can not surrender or delegate, except in special instances named in the Constitution. Therefore, upon this additional ground, must the said statute be declared unconstitutional and void.
The majority, however, strongly undertake to distinguish the above line of decisions from the instant case, and also earnestly contend that the pool hall local option statute does not suspend the State law. By a line of reasoning too occult for me, it is sought to be demonstrated that the pool hall local option statute was passed since the occupation tax statute licensing and taxing the business; and being the last expression of the legislative will, should be allowed to govern and be the law. The majority opinion here indulges in a lengthy dissertation upon the well recognized and generally accepted canon of statutory construction that two laws passed upon the same subject should be harmonized and reconciled if possible; but, if irreconcilable, the later law repeals the former. All this labor might well have been spared, as the rule stated is not questioned. The criticism is directed, not at the doctrine itself, but at the application which is sought to be made of it. There is no doubt that the pool hall local option statute was enacted last by the Legislature, and if expressing its own will and judgment, there could be no question that it would, when in conflict with the former *359
law, repeal or suspend it. The trouble is, that the Legislature has not done this. It has committed to another agency the function of declaring whether the pool hall local option statute shall take effect and supersede the State licensing and taxing statute. That it has done this is easily demonstrable. Take a given county; for instance, Travis. Until the people shall vote in the prohibition of pool halls, the license and tax statute is in full effect and operation, and legalizes the business. Immediately upon the affirmative vote of the people being had upon the proposition of prohibiting pool halls, the State license or tax law is superseded in that territory. Upon this assumption of fact, what becomes of the State license, or tax law in Travis County? It is not accurate to say that it has been wholly repealed, for the reason that under the provisions of the pool hall local option statute itself, the people of that county, after the expiration of a given time, may again assemble at the polls and vote out the prohibition against pool halls. Thereupon, the State license or tax law automatically goes back into force and effect in that territory. Is it not clear that the State law has been, in the meantime suspended — in a state of "suspended animation" so to speak? No amount of elaboration could make the point clearer; and, the effect of the vote of the people in a given territory, in favor of the prohibition of pool halls, has the direct and immediate effect of suspending the State law. I will close this part of the discussion with a reference to and quotations from a few cases. First, Rathburn v. State,
And as Chief Justice Brown said, in Brown Cracker Co. v. Dallas, supra, in speaking upon a similar question: "The antagonism between the ordinance and the law is as emphatic as that between life and death. It follows logically that both laws can not be in force in that territory at the same time, and it devolves upon this court to determine which is to be maintained."
In Kerr v. Mohr, the Court of Civil Appeals at Dallas, after quoting with approval certain decisions of this court, said, "Under this rule the effect of the putting in force in a given territory of local option, is to suspend previous laws governing liquor selling in such territory. . . . The existing law governing the sale of liquor not having been repealed by the adoption of local option, but only suspended, a repeal of the local option statute would revive the former law."
As early as Robertson v. State, 5 Texas Crim. App., at page 162, this court, speaking of the relative force of liquor tax laws, and the local option law, states: "These laws are not only not in harmony, but are *360 directly antagonistic, and so utterly repugnant to each other that both can not be of force in the same locality at the same time.
"Local option superseded, in the localities where it was adopted, all other laws on the subject, and expressly, as we have seen, repealed all laws in conflict with it.
"Rules of construction applicable to different Acts passed atthe same session of the Legislature, with reference to theirdifferent dates, do not apply here, for the reason above intimated, that under the Constitution, and the Act passed in pursuance of its provisions, the law could be put in force at any time in the future, whenever the voters of any locality should deem proper."
The same proposition was again announced by this court in the case of Atkinson v. State, 42 Tex.Crim. Rep..
My brethren also endeavor to uphold the proposition that there is no suspension of the State license law when the pool hall local option statute is adopted in a given territory; because the former is still in effect and operative in all the other counties and territory of the State. It is submitted that this reasoning is plainly fallacious. Suppose the case, that all the counties of the State should on the same day vote out the pool halls, as may be done under the pool hall statute, what would become of the State law licensing and taxing the business? Would it not be suspended entirely throughout the State? The answer is plain.
Again, my brethren seek to escape the force and effect of the unbroken line of decisions in this State upon the question of suspension of State laws by other agencies than the Legislature. While none of these cases were noticed in the first opinion of the majority, they are discussed in the opinion on motion for rehearing; and the majority did not seek to overrule either Burton v. Dupree, supra, Brown Cracker Co. v. Dallas, supra, Ex parte Ogden, supra, and Arroya v. State, supra. Indeed, they held that these cases were all correctly decided, but denied their application to the instant case. The discussion of these cases by the majority is very unsatisfactory, and the alleged ground of distinction between them is not attempted to be pointed out, and indeed could not well be done. It has occurred to the writer that perhaps the contention might be made that the said line of decisions involved ordinances passed under and pursuant to charter authority, and that the distinction is that there the Legislature did not pass the statute or law which had the effect of suspending a State law; whereas, in the instant case, they did pass the pool hall prohibition statute, and the people were merely given the right to vote for its adoption or rejection. If this is what the majority had in mind, to differentiate the cases, the reasoning is certainly unsound; for, it is clear that the ordinances involved in all those cases, were not passed, nor attempted to be enforced without the previous sanction and authority of the Legislature. In every instance, they had, as the source of their enactment, the express legislative authority, in the charters enacted by the Legislature, according to all the forms and solemnities required by the Constitution. If the duly *361 constituted city governments could not legally pass ordinances, under legislative charter authority, which had the effect of suspending State laws, because involving the delegation of legislative power to suspend laws, then how can it be said that the Legislature can constitutionally vest that authority in the voters of counties or subdivisions? The same logic that would permit the latter to be done, would also allow the former, and all the decisions of the Courts of Civil Appeals, the Supreme Court and of this court, above cited, must have been wrongfully decided.
Nor will it do to say that the distinction is that the Legislature passed the pool hall statute according to the forms prescribed in the Constitution, and that since the law created the authority to cast the vote, it became the act of the Legislature when cast, and not the act of the people casting it. This is the merest sophistry; but if it be true, then it inevitably results that when the city councils of Dallas, Waco and Beaumont passed ordinances which had the effect of suspending State laws, their acts were the acts of the Legislature, because they were done under the express authority granted by the Legislature. The power conferred in said charters was permissive, just as the authority to vote, contained in the pool hall local option statute, is also permissive. If the act of exercising the power in the one instance becomes the act of the Legislature, it follows as the night the day that its exercise in the other is likewise the act of the Legislature.
Another point that relator raises, which to my mind is persuasive that this law is unconstitutional, is predicated upon the legal maxim, "expressio unius est exclusio alterius." Under our form of government, the Constitution, section 1, article 3, vests the legislative power of the State in the Legislature. The Legislature alone can exercise the power of making laws, and can not delegate such power to any other body, except in cases where it is clearly authorized by the Constitution. Prior to 1876 the Legislature undertook to refer certain legislation to the people for adoption, and the Supreme Court, in the Swisher case, supra, held the Act unconstitutional on that ground. After the adoption of the Constitution of 1876, we find several instances in which the framers provided instances in which the Legislature might refer specific legislation to the people for final adoption. Notably, section 20, article 16 — the provision relating to local option liquor laws. Section 23, article 16, relating to stock laws. Section 10, article 11, relating to independent school districts; section 7, article 11, authorizing coast counties to issue bonds to construct sea walls, etc. Since the adoption of the Constitution of 1876, section 52, article 3 has been amended, authorizing the issuance of bonds for the construction of roads and other purposes to be voted on by the people. Therefore, it is manifest, by these special provisions authorizing the adoption of laws by a vote of the people, that had the people intended the Legislature to exercise the power of referring such legislation to them for adoption, they would have so provided in the Constitution; and having failed to do so, the maxim above referred to becomes the proper rule of construction. The very fact that the people *362 have provided, in special instances, for a vote on certain laws, excludes the idea that they intended that a vote could be taken on any law other than those specifically named.
My brethren have stoutly maintained that the Legislature has the power to enact laws on any subject where not prohibited by the Constitution. This rule is correct in a general sense, but it is not true in this particular case, because there is a limitation in the Constitution against the referring of such a law as the pool hall statute to the people for adoption. This limitation arises out of the rule under discussion that having expressed the character of laws which can be referred to the people, excludes the idea that any other character of laws can be so referred. This constitutional limitation has been outlined by this court in numerous cases, notably that of Holley v. State, 14 Texas Crim. App., 505, construing the local option amendment, section 20, article 16, which provides that the Legislature should enact a law whereby the qualified voters of any county, etc., by a majority vote may determine . . . whether the sale of intoxicating liquors shall be prohibited within the prescribed limits. Subsequently, the Legislature enacted laws prohibiting not only the sale, but the giving away of intoxicating liquor in communities where the sale thereof had been prohibited by a vote of the people. This court held such a statute unconstitutional. It will be noted that the statutory provision only authorized the enactment of laws prohibiting the sale of liquor. It was strongly urged that inasmuch as all power to make laws is inherent in the people, and vested in the legislative branch of the government, that independently of any constitutional provision expressly prohibiting it, the Legislature could, by virtue of this inherent power, legally prohibit the sale or giving away of liquors throughout, or in any locality of the State. That the Constitution being silent upon the subject of giving away, left that matter still to be acted upon by the Legislature as they saw fit. This court held that inasmuch as the Constitution expressly prohibited the sale where the law was adopted, the framers did not intend to prohibit a gift, otherwise they would have expressed the intention in plain and unequivocal language. That the Constitution in not attempting to provide for the passage of a law prohibiting a gift of intoxicating liquor, this express provision prohibiting a sale, operated as a limitation upon the power of the Legislature to enact such a law. In other words, it was an application of the maxim, "the expression of the one is the exclusion of the other." This court held that the Legislature is without power, inherent or otherwise, to pass, subject to ratification by the people, an independent general law prohibiting the gift of intoxicating liquors, as long as section 20, article 16, remains in the Constitution. Mr. Cooley states the rule to be, that when the Constitution defines the circumstances under which a right may be exercised, or a penalty imposed, the specification is an implied prohibition against legislative inference to add to the condition or to extend the penalty to other cases. The Constitution having defined the circumstances under which the *363 people may permit the sale of intoxicating liquor under legislative enactment, and the Legislature having attempted to extend the prohibition to a gift, they exceeded their authority, and this court said: "The Constitution having specified the bounds within which they were to act, it was a direct assumption and assertion of unwarranted power to go beyond these bounds." Thus it will be seen that by the decisions of this court, the expression of the manner and method by which intoxicating liquors might be prohibited in certain localities, became a limitation upon the power of the Legislature to enact a law extending its scope. Upon the same logic, when the people framed the Constitution and specified particular laws which the Legislature might enact and refer to the people for adoption, the expression of these instances became a limitation upon the power of the Legislature to enact any such law on any other subjects not specifically authorized in the Constitution.
There is still another question which it occurs to me it might be important to discuss. Some of the cases outside of Texas hold that the maxim that the Legislature can not delegate its power do not apply to matters of police, and that seems to be the view of the majority here. This opinion seems to be founded upon the idea that it involves a delegation of legislative authority for the Legislature to submit to localities for their sanction, laws which involve the police power; but that such delegation is not within the inhibition of the general rule. In other words, they seem to consider that delegations of police power are exceptions to the maxim. It is not to be denied that this doctrine finds support in some of the decisions elsewhere; but under our Constitution, and the history of the subject in Texas, this is not true in this State.
I think the Supreme Court of Tennessee has aptly met this argument in the following language in Wright v. Cunningham. At page 298, 91 S.W. Rep., the court said:
"Such difference can not be found in the fact, as many cases in other jurisdictions hold that the powers conferred upon such subordinate divisions of the State are police powers. The nature of the powers conferred may have, and no doubt does have, a controlling influence in determining whether they shall be delegated at all, but can have no influence in fixing the method under which they shall be devolved. Whether a legislative actembrace police powers or other powers, rights or duties, at lastit is but a legislative act, and to be valid must square with theConstitution in all respects. All legislative acts, regardless of their contents, or their relative importance, must pass the same ordeal; no one, from a constitutional standpoint, being entitled to more consideration, or subjected to more stringent limitations, or to be treated with more leniency than another.All must be measured with the same measure."
I fail to see how I can add anything to this forcible and, to my mind, unanswerable statement by the Tennessee court. I will merely observe that our Constitution makes absolutely no difference as to the delegation of legislative authority to make or suspend laws, between police measures and other kinds of legislation. Wherever the people have desired the *364 right of referendum for the enactment of police measures, they have carefully provided for the same in the Constitution itself, and have not left the broad field of such delegation open generally to the Legislature.
Not only is it a vicious doctrine, in principle, that the Legislature, in the absence of constitutional permission may refer all laws relating to the police power directly to the people for their sanction, but the consequences of such a doctrine are so great, and the violation of the representative principle so plain, that I deem it proper to point them out. If such a proposition be sound, then all the multitude of subjects embraced within the scope of police power may be submitted to the people for them to pass directly upon, before they become laws. This court well knows that the tendency of modern judicial opinion is to broaden the scope of the police power, so as to embrace not only all subjects bearing a proper relation to public morals, public health, the public safety and the good order of peace and society; also all matters having an appropriate relation to the public welfare. Within these bounds, the power is practically illimitable, and is elastic enough to keep pace with the needs of the times and of civilized society. Indeed, so wide are the boundaries of this power, that the mind can not conceive the practical subjects of its exercise. Perhaps it is no exaggeration to say that half the legislation of this day falls properly under the police power. Therefore, if the Legislature can constitutionally refer such subjects to the people, not only of cities, but of counties, for their determination as to whether statutes relating thereto shall become laws, we will presently see the Legislature evading its responsibility as to the wisdom and expediency of the greater part of our laws, and putting their enactment up to the people. All laws relating to gambling, in all its forms, the carrying and sale of pistols, and other deadly weapons, the licensing, regulation, or prohibition of bawdy houses, the Sunday laws, the regulation or prohibition of all occupations and pursuits which might be said to be evil in their tendencies, laws relating to public health, and to public safety, such as quarantine regulations, and the storing and transportation of explosives, laws relating to the hours of labor, and the working of women and children in mines and factories — these and hundreds of others of which the mind can scarcely conceive, may all be referred to the people and become laws or not laws, as the people may by direct vote determine. To my mind the statement of such a proposition is its own answer under a Constitution like ours. The history of our Constitution, and of legislation in this State, does not warrant this innovation upon the system of enacting laws in Texas.
That the above far-reaching consequences may flow from the decision of the majority, seems to be conceded by them, but they say that the wisdom of the law is for the Legislature, and not for us. I can not but believe that my brethren have not seriously contemplated the possible results of their opinion, for if it be the law, then our Constitution, its history, its provisions, and the decisions of the courts construing it, have all been rendered in vain. Their decision will constitute a complete *365 revolution of the representative form of government ordained by the Constitution. We will have this year before the people of Texas, an amendment to the Constitution, submitting the referendum clause for insertion in that instrument. If the majority be right, the adoption of the amendment would be the merest folly, because they say the Legislature has that authority now to be exercised in its wisdom, as an inherent power. The adoption of the referendum would be utterly useless, for they say the referendum has already come in Texas. The inclusion of that power in the Constitution, to be exercised by the people, would be like the numerous clauses heretofore placed in the Constitution with reference to the local option laws — a mere work of supererogation.
If the Legislature should not exercise the broad and virtually unlimited power which my brethren say they possess, it is only because they will see fit not to exercise it. If they should do so, the discord and chaos that would follow would be marvelous. The confusion of tongues at the tower of Babel would be harmonious symphony compared with the wholesale confusion that would result from the holding of the majority opinion. In the light of the constitutional history of this State, the course of judicial decisions, and the interpretation recently placed upon our Constitution by our Legislature in proposing the referendum amendment, I propose that the majority shall take the responsibility, before the bar and bench of Texas, for this radical and dangerous innovation upon our form of government. This opinion, unavailing as it must be to alter the opinion of the majority of this court, and perhaps already too long, is my earnest and solemn protest against it.
It will be observed that I have not undertaken to follow my brethren in the discussion of opinions of courts of other States, or the state of the law upon these questions in other States and jurisdictions. My reason for not doing so is simply this: those cases and the law announced in the various States are in hopeless confusion and conflict, and can not enable us to determine the meaning of our own Constitution. We ought and should decide these questions under our own Constitution, law and decisions. We are familiar with our constitutional provisions and their history, as well as the judicial and legislative interpretation placed on that instrument in our own State, and we should pass upon its meaning. The Supreme Court of Tennessee, speaking through Justice Neil, in Wright v. Cunningham, supra, tersely states my idea as follows:
"Suffice it to say that questions of State constitutional law are, in a very important sense, peculiarly local; and in every jurisdiction the court of last resort must decide for itself the meaning of the Constitution under which it exists, and the validity of laws enacted by the legislative branch of the government. The decisions of other courts, construing constitutions containing similar provisions, can be, at most, only suggestive and advisory."
In justice to myself I place of record my high sense of appreciation *366 of the able assistance in their exhaustive brief, written argument, and by oral presentation of the great issues involved in this case, as well as personal aid rendered me in the preparation of this opinion by Messrs. Lightfoot, Brady Robertson, counsel for applicant. This assistance has been invaluable. Not only has this assistance been of great service to me as judge, but I am persuaded their earnest work in behalf of the great principle of representative constitutional government entitles them to recognition in the jurisprudence of our country. To that end it affords me pleasure to place this of record and in history.
I can not agree with my brethren in the conclusion they have reached, and, therefore, dissent.
Addendum
Relator, accompanying his motion for rehearing, has filed a lengthy and able argument, devoting it mainly to the *325 propositions that the Legislature can not delegate its power to enact laws nor delegate the power to suspend a law of the State. This was wholly unnecessary, for in the original opinion we held, "if the Act in question delegated the power and authority to suspend a law of this State, or to enact a law, of course it would be unconstitutional" — "that this is a representative form of government, and that while the laws are made by the people, yet they are enacted by and through their chosen representatives — to this principle or rule of law we do not think there has ever been or can ever be any dissent."
And yet relator laboriously re-argues this question, and would by his reasoning apparently create the impression that we held otherwise, citing the case of Brown Cracker Co. v. Dallas,
"In Burton v. Dupree, 19 Texas Civil Appeals, 275, 46 S.W. Rep., 272, Judge Key, in his usual succinct and forcible style, points out the difference between the former and present provisions of our Constitution, and states clearly the effect such change must have upon this question. Quoting the present section 28, of article 1 of the Constitution, that learned judge says: `This section restricts the power to suspend laws to the Legislature, and especially prohibits the exercise of such power by any other body. In view of this provision of the Constitution, it must be held (whatever may have been the power of the Legislature under former constitutions) that that body can notnow delegate to a municipal corporation or to any one else authority to suspend a statute law of the State. We therefore hold that the provisions of the Penal Code referred to were and are in force within the entire limits of the City of Waco, as well as elsewhere in the State, and that the lease contract in question, being knowingly made for the purpose of assisting in the violation of a penal law, is contrary to public policy, and not enforcible in the courts.' Since the amendment to the Constitution, the Court of Criminal Appeals has held in accordance with Judge Key's opinion. If it be admitted that the Legislature intended to confer upon the City of Dallas authority to suspend article 361 within the district laid out, that provision of the charter would be void, because in conflict with section 28 of article 1, of our present Constitution. TheLegislature had no authority to delegate that power to the City."
So it will be seen that it was held that "if it be conceded that the Legislature intended to confer upon the City of Dallas authority to suspend article 361, that provision of the charter would be void." Now what is held to be the law in that case was also held to be the law in the original opinion in this case; the point of difference is that it is not conceded that this law authorized the suspension of any law of the State, nor does relator point out how nor wherein it authorizes the suspension of any law of the State, contenting himself with the general statement that the Legislature can not delegate the power to suspend a law of the State, which was conceded in the original opinion to be the law, and is now conceded to be, and nothing said or held in the original opinion is in conflict with this rule of law. *326
He also refers us to the following cases: Burton v. Dupree, 46 S.W. Rep., 272, wherein it was held that article 1, section 28 of the Constitution, which provides that "no power of suspending laws of this State shall be exercised except by the Legislature," prohibits the Legislature from delegating to a municipal corporation authority to suspend State laws.
Ex parte Ogden, 43 Tex.Crim. Rep., wherein it was held that the Legislature can not delegate to a municipal corporation authority to pass ordinances violative of the laws of the State either by repealing or suspending the laws of the State.
Arroyo v. State, 69 S.W. Rep., 503, wherein it was held that under the Constitution the Legislature could not delegate its authority to set aside, vacate, suspend or repeal the general laws of the State, and cases cited in these opinions.
In the original opinion we reiterated the doctrine announced in these cases, because we believe they correctly announce the law, and we do now adhere to the law as announced in those cases. If it is contended that as the Legislature in section 8, article 7355 levied an occupation on pool tables in the following language: "From every billiard or pool table, or anything of the kind used for profit, twenty dollars," that the pool hall law delegates to some other body or person than the Legislature the authority to suspend this law, then his contention is not sound. The pool hall law was passed in 1913, and is the last expression of the legislative will in regard to licensing and running pool halls, and if there should be held to be any conflict between these laws, under all the authorities the last expression of their will would govern and be the law, unless this act should be held unconstitutional on other grounds. "`The different sections or provisions of the same statute or Code should be so construed as to harmonize and give effect to each, but, if there is an irreconcilable conflict, the later in position prevails.' Lewis' Suth. on Stat. Const. (2d Ed.), 268, p. 514; citing Ex parte Thomas,
"In our State this has been the rule from the earliest date. In Walker v. State, 7 Texas App., 259, 32 Am. Rep., 595, it is held: `Statutes in pari materia and relating to the same subject are to be taken and construed together, because it is to be inferred that they had one object *328
in view, and were intended to be considered as constituting one entire and harmonious system.' See, also, Cain v. State,
But it may be insisted that as this statute is a permissive statute, and when accepted, if it is thereafter decided by a vote to no longer accept the provisions of it, as the Act authorizes to be done, that this would be a "suspension of a State law," but we do not suppose anyone would seriously so contend. If so we only have to refer them to other permissive statutes. Chapter 14 of title 22 of the Revised Statutes provides that if the citizens of a town or village desire to incorporate they shall petition the county judge to order an election to be held, and he shall order an election to be held, and if a majority vote in favor of accepting the provisions of that chapter, he shall so declare and enter an order to that effect, and then they become entitled to all of the benefits of that law. In the same chapter it is also provided that if after having accepted this law by a majority vote, chapter 16 of same title provides that by petition to the county judge they may have an election ordered, and if a majority vote to relieve themselves of these provisions, the county judge shall so declare and enter an order to this effect, but no one has ever contended that this was delegating to the voters the power to suspend a law of the State. The law of the State remains the same, and they may again accept its provisions if they so desire by petitioning for another election, and a majority shall so vote. The same rule of law is applied in chapters 1 and 15 of title 22. And in article 762 it is provided that the city council may accept the provisions of the statute by a two-thirds vote, and by this vote and act the laws relating to towns and villages shall be no longer of force in that territory. But no one has contended that this was delegating the *329 power to suspend a law; the right was acquired under a law passed by the Legislature, and the law remains the same whether accepted or rejected.
Again title 25 authorizes the creation of corporations, and the law as written governs them when created according to its provisions. This is a permissive statute, not a mandatory statute. It tells how the citizens of the State may proceed to accept the benefits of its provisions. And when they file this acceptance with the Secretary of State they are entitled to and receive all the benefits conferred by this law. A railroad company by it is given the highest function — that of eminent domain, the right to condemn and take the citizen's property. No man is bound nor required to accept the provisions of this law, and yet they can do so if they wish, and when they do, there is a penal statute to protect them in the rights thus acquired. Not only this, but the citizens under the provisions of this law can decide they no longer desire the benefits of this law, and file articles with the Secretary of State so declaring in accordance with the provisions of the law and be relieved of its provisions, but this would not and does not suspend chapter 25 of the Revised Statutes or any other law, and it has never been so contended.
Again, we have what is known as a State bank law. Men engaged in private bank business may if they desire accept the provisions of this law by filing the papers of acceptance therein provided; then they may elect whether they will accept the guaranty fund or bond feature securing their depositors. This is a permissive, not a mandatory statute. `Under this law, they may relieve themselves of the provisions thereof, by complying with its terms, and again engage in private banking. But no one would contend that this would suspend the State banking law. The law would remain and they could again take advantage of its provisions if they so desired. Numerous other instances can be cited as to the permissive features of our laws. It is an error to contend that all laws must be mandatory to be constitutional, and our courts have never so held, but on the other hand it has become a well recognized principle of law that the Legislature may enact permissive statutes as well as mandatory statutes. It is true, as hereinbefore stated, the Legislature can not delegate the power to suspend a law of the State, and this rule relator correctly states, but he does not present any feature of this pool hall law that does delegate the power to suspend a State law under the well recognized rules of law as announced by this court and the Supreme Court, or as laid down by the current text-writers cited in the original opinion.
Relator cites us to some cases that hold that where the law is contingent on an election to be held to determine whether or not they will accept the benefits of the law in the territory described in the Act is a delegation of the power to enact a law, they holding that the vote authorized is a part of its enactment, but as shown in the original opinion, while this doctrine had some adherents for a time, yet now the great weight of authority holds that this is not a delegation of the power *330 to enact a law, but is but a permissive statute by which the Legislature had granted the rights and privileges therein stated, the terms thereof to be accepted in such territory as is authorized in the law whenever the conditions are such that it is deemed advisable by those residing in the territory. Relator admits that the text-writers are now virtually unanimous in stating that such a statute is not unconstitutional — that it is not a delegation of legislative authority to make a law, but the privilege grows out of the law as enacted by the Legislature, and this privilege we think the Legislature had the right to grant if there is no constitutional inhibition. But relator insists that we should not go outside the decisions of our State for light and aid in the construction of our Constitution, but we should adhere to the construction given to that instrument by our courts. Relator, in filing his original brief, did not apparently take that view, as he cited us a number of cases from other States. It was not until we had demonstrated that these decisions were no longer the law even in those States, that the latter decisions of those courts had overruled in the main the cases cited by relator, when he concluded we should narrow our investigation to the decisions of our own court, but as he insists, we shall take them as a guide; we will now discuss the case he cites from the courts of this State on this question, and some he does not cite.
In the first place, he claims that this court, as at present organized, in the case of Ex parte Farnsworth,
Relator insists that as the Swisher case had so held, in 1856, and the Constitution of 1876 contains commands in two instances, the stock law and intoxicating liquors, that the Legislature shall adopt this character of legislation, then this would indicate that the framers of the Constitution accepted the construction placed upon what is deemed a delegation of authority to enact a law in the Swisher case and therefore a law that authorizes the voters to accept its provisions in given territory, is a delegation of legislative authority under such construction we should follow that construction. There might be some force to this contention if the Supreme Court, the same court that rendered the opinion in the Swisher case, had not held otherwise prior to the writing and adoption of the Constitution of 1876. In the case of San Antonio v. Jones, reported in
"It is not a legitimate construction of the Act to incorporate the San Antonio and Mexican Gulf Railroad Company to say that the Legislature intended, or did thereby confer, upon the citizens of the city of San Antonio any legislative power whatever. The Legislature may grant authority as well as give commands, and acts done under its authority are as valid as if done in obedience to its commands. Nor is a statute, whose complete execution and application to the subject-matter is, by its provisions, made to depend on the assent of some other body a delegation of legislative power. The discretion goes to the exercise of the power conferred by the law, but not to make the law itself.
"The law, in such cases, may depend for its practical efficiency on the Act of some other body or individual; still, it is not derived from such Act, but from the legislative authority. Legislation of this character is of familiar use, and occurs whenever rights or privileges are conferred upon individuals or bodies, which may be exercised or not in their discretion. And if it may be left to the judgment of individuals or private corporations whether they will avail themselves of privileges conferred by the Legislature, there is certainly no valid reason why the same may not be done with citizens of a town or district, who, as a class, are to be affected by the proposed Act. Williams v. Commack,
Thus specifically holding that in leaving the question of the application of the law to a vote of the people was not a delegation of legislative authority. This opinion was rendered in 1866, ten years prior to the adoption of the Constitution of 1876, and overrules the Swisher case as to what is a delegation of legislative power and authority, and it can not be contended that members of the constitutional convention of 1876 had in mind the opinion in the Swisher case, and did not know of this opinion of Chief Justice Moore rendered ten years after the Swisher case, and ten years before the constitutional convention.
Again in the case of Werner v. City of Galveston,
In the case of Graham v. Greenville,
Again in the case of Johnson v. Martin,
Thus it is seen that in every decision rendered by our Supreme Court since the opinion in the Swisher case, supra, was rendered, while the law announced that the Legislature could not delegate its power to enact a law has been approved, and is here now approved and followed, but that portion of the opinion which held that the Act then under consideration was a delegation of the power to enact a law has not been followed, but the exact contrary has been held in every case that has come before our Supreme Court beginning with San Antonio v. Jones,
However, relator in his motion for rehearing says that we bow too much to the opinions of the Supreme Court and do not give due weight to the opinions of our own court. As relator relied on the Swisher case to sustain his contention, and this opinion was by the Supreme Court, we naturally took the opinions of the Supreme Court to demonstrate that what was there held to be a delegation of legislative power was not a delegation of the power conferred on the Legislature to enact laws, and that in this respect that case had never been followed by the Supreme Court, but the exact contrary held to be the law. Relator seems to contend that the court as at present organized is the first to recognize that Locke's Appeal (which overruled the case of Parker v. Commonwealth so much relied on by relator) correctly announced the law, as to what constituted a delegation of legislative power, and it is intimated in so doing we have become "progressive and revolutionary." In the case of Ex parte Mato, 19 Texas Crim. App., 112, this court when composed of Judges Hurt, White and Willson had for consideration the very question here presented — what constitutes a delegation of legislative power — and they followed and adopted the rule announced in Locke's Appeal. The question in that case was: "Whether the Acts of the Legislature purporting to confer upon district judges authority to fix the time for holding and the terms of court in newly organized counties, whenever any unorganized county in their districts should become organized, was unconstitutional and void, such acts being an effort on the part of the Legislature to delegate a power it alone could exercise." In a unanimous opinion this court held in an opinion by Judge White:
"Independently of view above discussed, however, does the Act in *337
question delegate to the judge legislative powers in contravention of section 1, of article 2, of the Constitution? The Legislature can not delegate any of its powers unless authorized to do so by the Constitution. (Willis v. Owen,
"In Locke's Appeal, Agnew, J., uses this forcible language: `To assert that a law is less than a law because it is made to depend upon a future event or act is to rob the Legislature of the power to act wisely for the public welfare whenever a law is passed relating to a state of affairs not yet developed, or to things future and impossible to be fully known.' Again he says: `The true distinction I conceive is this: The Legislature can not delegate its power to make a law; but it can make a law to delegate a power to determine some fact or state of things upon which the law makes or intends to make its own action depend. To deny this would be to stop the wheels of government. There are many things upon which wise and useful legislation must depend which can not be known to the law-making power, and must therefore be a subject of inquiry and determination outside of the halls of legislation.' Again he says: `If a determining power can not be conferred by law, there can be no law that is not absolute, unconditional and peremptory; and nothing which is uncertain, unknown and contingent can be the subject of law.' (72 Pa. St., 491.) In Moers v. City of Reading, Chief Justice Black says: `Half the statutes on our books are in alternative, depending on the discretion of some person or persons to whom is confided the duty of determining whether the proper occasion exists for executing them. But it can not be said that the exercise of such a discretion is the making of the law.' (9 Harris, 188.)
"In his dissenting opinion in Locke's Appeal, supra, Chief Justice Sharswood says, `There are a good many acts of executive administration which they (the Legislature) can delegate to the courts, or to the municipal corporations, or to the people of the different districts. * * * Acts of executive administration are not Acts of legislation in the sense in which it was decided that the Legislature has no power to delegate its authority.'
"In Bull v. Read, 12 Gratt., 78, it is said: `Now if the Legislature may make the operation of its Act depend on some contingency thereafter to happen, or may prescribe conditions, it must be for them to judge in what contingency and upon what condition the Act shall take effect. They must have power to prescribe any they think proper.' *338
"In King v. Reed,
"In Harriman v. The State, 2 G. Greene (Iowa), 270, where the question was as to the constitutionality of an Act authorizing judges to hold special terms of the District Court where the Constitution provided that such terms of the District Court should be held `at such times and places as might be prescribed by law,' it was said: `But, had the Legislature conferred upon the judges by statute authority to prescribe the times generally of holding their courts, would it not still be done by authority of law? it would still be a regulation emanating from the supreme legislative and only authorized power, within the general meaning and spirit of the organic law, if not within its strict letter.'
"These are authorities from other States. Our own Supreme Court has given expression to its views upon the subject in perfect harmony with the authorities cited, if not in equally as emphatic and pronounced language," citing San Antonio v. Jones,
So it is seen when the question was first presented to this court, the "old court," Judges White, Hurt and Willson, adopted the rule announced in the case of San Antonio v. Jones, supra, which holds that legislation of the character that gives to the voters the permissive right to accept or reject the provisions of a law, as is done in this pool room case, is not unconstitutional, and not the rule announced in the Swisher case.
Again, in the case of Ex parte Lynn, 19 Texas Crim. App., 293, when the constitutionality of our local option law prohibiting the sale of intoxicating liquors on the very grounds and all the grounds relied on by relator in this case, Judges White, Hurt and Willson say, in an opinion by Judge Willson: "It is claimed that the local option law is unconstitutional, because it is violative of sections 15, 16, 17 and 19 of our Bill of Rights, and of article 5, and section 50 of article 14, of the amendments to the Constitution of the United States." The court says:
"The principal argument urged in support of this position is, that the effect of the local option law is to take or damage private property for public use, without compensation to the owner, and without due course of law. There is strong reasoning in support of the position, and, were it an original question, this court would be inclined to hold that the local option law is an infringement of section 1, of our Bill *339 of Rights, which provides that `no person's property shall be taken, damaged or destroyed for, or applied to, public use without adequate compensation being made, unless by the consent of such person,' etc. We would be inclined to adopt the views and reasoning of Judge Comstock, so clearly and ably expressed in the case of Wynehamer v. The People, 3 Kernan (N.Y.), 378. But opposed to these views there is a strong and almost uniform array of authorities which unequivocally declare that laws such as our local option law are within the scope of the police powers of a State, and do not take, damage or destroy private property for public use within the meaning of that provision of the organic law, and do not infringe upon any other provision of constitutional law.
"Upon this subject Mr. Cooley, in his work on Constitutional Limitation, says, after discussing the license cases decided by the Supreme Court of the United States (5 Howard, 504): `It would seem from the views expressed by the several members of the court in these cases that the State laws known as prohibitory liquor laws, the purpose of which is to prevent altogether the manufacture and sale of intoxicating drinks as a beverage, so far as legislation can accomplish that object, can not be held void as in conflict with the power of Congress to regulate commerce, and to levy imposts and duties. And in several cases it has been held that the fact that such laws may tend to prevent, or may absolutely preclude, the fulfillment of contract previously made, is no objection to their validity. Any change in the police laws, or, indeed, in any other laws, might have a like consequence. The same laws have also been sustained when the question of conflict with State Constitutions, or with general fundamental principles, has been raised. They are looked upon as police regulations, established by the Legislature for the prevention of intemperance, pauperism and crime, and for the abatement of nuisances. It has also been held competent to declare the liquor kept for sale a nuisance, and to provide legal process for its condemnation and destruction, and to seize and condemn the building occupied as a dramshop on the same ground. And it is only where, in framing such legislation, care has not been taken to observe those principles of protection which surround the persons and dwellings of individuals, securing them against unreasonable searches and seizures, and giving them a right to trial before condemnation, that the courts have felt at liberty to declare that it exceeded the proper province of police regulation. Perhaps there is no instance in which the power of the Legislature to make such regulations as may destroy the value of property, without compensation to the owner, appears in a more striking light than in the case of these statutes. The trade in alcoholic drinks being lawful, and the capital employed in it being fully protected by law, the Legislature then steps in, and, by an enactment based on general reasons of public utility, annihilates the traffic, destroys altogether the employment, and reduces to a nominal value the property on hand. Even the keeping of that, for the purposes of sale, becomes a criminal offense; *340 and, without any change whatever in his own conduct or employment, the merchant of yesterday becomes the criminal of today, and the very building in which he lives and conducts the business, which to that moment was lawful, becomes the subject of legal proceedings, if the statute shall so declare, and liable to be proceeded against for a forfeiture. A statute which can do this must be justified upon the highest reasons of public benefit; but whether satisfactory or not, the reasons address themselves exclusively to the legislative wisdom? (Cooley on Const. Lim., pp. 727, 728.) Mr. Mills, in his standard work on Eminent Domain, says: `The manufacture and sale of intoxicating liquor may be declared unlawful and the liquor forfeited. The fact that buildings and machinery devoted to the manufacture of liquor thereby become greatly reduced in value does not call for compensation to the owner.' (Mills on Em. Do., 8.)
"The above quoted texts are abundantly and overwhelmingly supported by adjudicated cases in a number of the States of the Union. It would be an unprofitable consumption of time to review these cases in detail. They are collated in an exhaustive note to the case of Commonwealth v. Kimball, reported in 35 Am. Dec., p. 331 et seq. (See also 12 Am. Law Register, 129.) By the great weight of authority it is established too firmly and emphatically to be now questioned, that a law such as our local option law is constitutional legislation, and, whatever may be the strength of the reasoning against the correctness of these authorities, the matter is stare decisis."
While we have a provision in our Constitution commanding the Legislature to enact this character of law in regard to intoxicating liquors, yet we are about the only State in the Union having such a provision in its Constitution, and yet these laws have been uniformly upheld and if it may thus be applied to intoxicating liquors because subject to the police power, then it may be applied to any other subject or thing that is subject to regulation and control under the police power of a State. The rule is thus stated by Mr. Lewis, a well known text-writer, citing the authorities named.
"Although there is some conflict of authority, the great weight thereof tends to firmly establish the doctrine that though the Legislature can not delegate its power to enact laws, yet whether or not an enacted law shall become operative may be made to depend upon the popular will of the citizens of the place or locality where the statute is intended to operate, and, generally speaking, an Act of the Legislature affecting the people of a certain locality or of the whole State is not unconstitutional or invalid, simply because, by its terms, it is to take effect only after it shall have been approved by a majority of the popular vote of the people of the locality where it may take effect. Such a statute, says the great majority of the cases, is not an unlawful delegation by the Legislature of its power to enact laws: Hobart v. Butte Co. Supervisors,
"The power to enact laws necessarily includes the right in the lawmaking power to determine and prescribe the conditions upon which the law in a given case shall come into operation or be defeated, and this contingency may as well be the result of the vote of the people of the locality to be affected by the law as any other: People v. Salomon, *342
Again it is said by the same author: "A local option liquor law authorizing the municipal divisions of the State to decide by popular vote whether a prohibitive or restrictive liquor law shall be in force within their limits, if it is a complete enactment in itself, requiring nothing further to give it validity, and depending upon the popular vote only for a determination of the territorial limits of its operation, is a valid and constitutional exercises of the legislative power. To this effect the authorities are numerous and uniform: Boyd v. Bryant,
Relator also refers us to the case of Ex parte Massey,
In the foregoing citation of authorities each and every question presented by relator is specifically decided against him as we read the law. Relator, however, asks us to consider the case of Wright v. Cunningham, a Tennessee case reported in 91 S.W. Rep., 293 — claiming that this case had not been overruled by the Tennessee court, if all the other cases cited by him from other States had been questioned or overruled. We have read this case carefully and thoughtfully, but it does not change our views of this question. In fact the force and strength of that opinion is seriously brought in doubt in a later opinion by the same court. State v. Evans,
In the list of authorities cited in this and the original opinion will be found cases overruling or questioning the soundness of every case cited by relator, unless it be the Tennessee case, and it recognizes that the Legislature may pass laws to go into effect upon a future contingency, but holds that an election amongst those who are to be affected by the law, is not a contingency that should be recognized. In this we do not agree with that court, as do not most of the courts of last resort and all the law text-writers of today as hereinbefore shown.
The motion for rehearing is overruled.
Overruled.
Addendum
This opinion was given me yesterday. I have not had time to investigate the matters mentioned in the opinion fully, but will do so as soon as possible and write some observations. I dissent.