Equаl Employment Opportunity Commission, Plaintiff-Appellee,
v.
Luce, Forward, Hamilton & Scripps, Defendant-Appellant.
Equal Employment Opportunity Commission, Plaintiff-Appellant,
v.
Luce, Forward, Hamilton & Scripps, Defendant-Appellee.
No. 00-57222.
No. 01-55321.
United States Court of Appeals, Ninth Circuit.
Argued and Submitted March 27, 2003 — San Francisco, California.
Filed September 30, 2003.
Charles A. Bird, Kelly Capen Douglas, Luce, Forward, Hamilton & Scripps LLP, San Diego, California, for the defendant-appellant-appellee.
Dori Bernstein, EEOC, Washington, DC, for the plaintiff-appellee-appellant.
Cliff Palefsky, McGuinn, Hillsman & Palefsky, San Francisco, California, for intervenor Donald Lagatree, and for amici curiae National Employment Lawyers Association and American Association of Retired Persons.
Robert F. Walker, Paul Hastings Janofsky & Walker LLP, Los Angeles, California, for amicus curiae The Employers Group.
David S. Schwartz, University of Wisconsin Law School, Madison, Wisconsin, and John M. True, Leonard Carder, LLP, Oakland, California, for amici curiae George Miller, Barney Frank, Dennis J. Kucinich, John Conyers, Jr., Robert E. Andrews, William D. Delahunt, Harold E. Ford, Jr., Ron Kind, Edward J. Markey, Major R. Owens, Donald M. Payne, Hilda L. Solis, John F. Tierney, and Lynn L. Woolsey, Members of the United States House of Representatives.
Ann Elizabeth Reesman, McGuiness Norris & Williams, LLP, Washington, DC, for amici curiae Equal Employment Advisory Council and LPA, Inc.
Appeals from the United States District Court for the Central District of California; Florence Marie Cooper, District Judge, Presiding. D.C. No. CV 00-01322 FMC.
Before: Mary M. Schroeder, Chief Judge, Harry Pregerson, Stephen Reinhardt, Pamela Ann Rymer, A. Wallace Tashima, Barry G. Silverman, Susan P. Graber, M. Margaret McKeown, William A. Fletcher, Richard C. Tallman, and Richard R. Clifton, Circuit Judges.
Opinion by Judge Tashima; Partial Concurrence and Partial Dissent by Judge Pregerson; Dissent by Judge Reinhardt.
OPINION
TASHIMA, Circuit Judge.
Donald Scott Lagatree was refused employment as a legal secretary by Luce, Forward, Hamilton & Scripps LLP ("Luce Forward") because he refused to sign an agreement to arbitrate all claims arising from his employment. Lagatree unsuccessfully sued Luce Forward in California state court. On Lagatree's behalf, however, the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission ("EEOC") brought this action against Luce Forward for retaliation in violation of Title VII of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 ("Title VII"), 42 U.S.C. § 2000e-3, the Americans with Disabilities Act of 1990 ("ADA"), 42 U.S.C. § 12203(a), the Age Discrimination in Employment Act of 1967 ("ADEA"), 29 U.S.C. § 623(d), and the Equal Pay Act of 1963 ("EPA"), 29 U.S.C. § 215(a). The EEOC sought make-whole relief, lost wages and benefits, as well as emotional distress and punitive damages for Lagatree. The EEOC also sought a permanent injunction forbidding Luce Forward from (1) requiring that employees sign arbitration agreements as a condition of employment, and (2) engaging in unlawful retaliation.
The district court refused, on res judicata grounds, to award make-whole relief and rejected the EEOC's request for injunctive relief under the ADA, the ADEA, and the EPA. Relying on our decision in Duffield v. Robertson Stephens & Co.,
A three-judge panel reversed the district court's grant of injunctive relief, holding that "employers may require employees to sign agreements to arbitrate Title VII claims as a condition of their employmеnt." EEOC v. Luce, Forward, Hamilton, & Scripps,
Because of the importance of the issue, we agreed to rehear this case en banc. EEOC v. Luce, Forward & Hamilton, & Scripps,
FACTUAL BACKGROUND
Lagatree was presented with Luce Forward's standard offer letter on his first day of work. The offer letter included an arbitration provision requiring Lagatree to submit all "claims arising from or related to [his] employment" to binding arbitration. It provided:
In the event of any dispute or claim between you and the firm (including employees, partners, agents, successors and assigns), including but not limited to claims arising from or related to your employment or the termination of your employment, we jointly agree to submit all such disputes or claims to confidential binding arbitration, under the Federal Arbitration Act. Any arbitration must be initiated within 180 days after the dispute or claim first arose, and will be heard before a retired State or Federal judge in the county containing the firm office in which you were last employed. The law of the State in which you last worked will apply.
Lagatree objected to the arbitration provision, explaining that he "couldn't sign... the arbitration agreement" because "it was unfair." In his deposition, Lagatree testified that he believed he needed to retain his "civil liberties, including the right to a jury trial and redress of grievances through the government process."
Luce Forward told Lagatree that the arbitration agreement was a non-negotiable condition of employment. When Lagatree still refused to sign the agreement, Luce Forward withdrew its job offer. It is undisputed that Luce Forward refused to hire Lagatree only because he would not sign the arbitration provision.2
Lagatree sued Luce Forward in state court, alleging wrongful termination in violation of public policy and in violation of the California Unfair Competition Law. Cal. Bus. & Prof.Code §§ 17200-17209; Cal. Civ.Code § 1668. Lagatree sought lost wages, damages for emotional distress, and punitive damages. The state court sustained Luce Forward's demurrer to the complaint, holding that Luce Forward did not unlawfully discharge Lagatree when he refused to sign a predispute arbitration agreement as a condition of employment. The California Court of Appeal affirmed, and the California Supreme Court denied review. Lagatree v. Luce, Forward, Hamilton & Scripps LLP,
While his state court suit was pending, Lagatree filed a discrimination charge with the EEOC, alleging that he was wrongfully terminated in retaliation for refusing to sign the Luce Forward arbitration provision. The EEOC sued Luce Forward on behalf of Lagatree and in the public interest, arguing that (1) Duffield prohibited Luce Forward from requiring Lagatree to sign an arbitration agreement, and (2) by rеfusing to hire Lagatree, Luce Forward unlawfully retaliated against him for asserting his constitutional right to a jury trial. The EEOC sought make-whole relief for Lagatree, including "rightful place employment," back wages and benefits, and compensatory and punitive damages. The EEOC also sought a permanent injunction enjoining Luce Forward from engaging in unlawful retaliation and ordering Luce Forward to "desist from utilizing mandatory arbitration agreements."
The district court denied monetary relief on res judicata grounds, finding that the state court judgment precluded the EEOC from obtaining monetary relief on Lagatree's behalf. Luce Forward I,
1) requiring or requesting its employees to agree to arbitration of their Title VII claims as a condition of employment; and
2) attempting to enforce any such previously executed agreements to arbitrate Title VII claims.3
Id. at 1093.
The district court did not expressly rule on the EEOC's retaliation theory, apparently considering it to be a subset of the question of monetary relief.
Luce Forward timely appealed the district court's injunction. The EEOC cross-appealed, seeking to enjoin Luce Forward from engaging in an "unlawful retaliatory practice by denying employment to any applicant... who refuses to waive his right to participate in statutorily protected... proceedings."4
STANDARD OF REVIEW
We review a grant of summary judgment de novo. See Clicks Billiards Inc. v. Sixshooters, Inc.,
DISCUSSION
A. Duffield Erred in Concluding that the Civil Rights Act of 1991 Precludes Mandatory Arbitration of Title VII Claims
1. The Civil Rights Act of 1991
Federal law prohibits an employer from discriminating against an employee or applicant for employment "because of such individual's race, color, religion, sex, or national origin," 42 U.S.C. § 2000e-2(a)(1) (Title VII), "disability," 42 U.S.C. § 12112(a) (ADA), or "age," 29 U.S.C. § 623(a)(1) (ADEA). The EPA makes it unlawful to pay lower wages on the basis of an employee's sex. 29 U.S.C. § 206(d)(1). The Civil Rights Act of 1991 (the "1991 Act") was enacted to restore civil rights limited by then-recent Supreme Court decisions and to "strengthen existing protections and remedies available under federal civil rights laws to provide more effective deterrence and adequate compensation for victims of discrimination." H.R.Rep. No. 102-40(II), at 1 (1991), reprinted in 1991 U.S.S.C.A.N. 549; see also Desert Palace, Inc. v. Costa, ___ U.S. ___, ___,
Six months before the November 1991 enactment of the 1991 Act, the Supreme Court decided Gilmer v. Interstate/Johnson Lane Corp.,
The Court stated that statutory claims can be made subject to arbitration, "`unless Congress itself has evinced an intention to preclude a waiver of judicial remedies.'" Id. (quoting Mitsubishi Motors,
Gilmer is clearly a shift from the Court's earlier position in Alexander v. Gardner-Denver Co.,
In Gilmer, the Court did not explicitly overrule Alexander, but limited its holding to the collective bargaining context.
In the post-Gilmer world, our decision in Duffield stands alone. All of the other circuits have concluded that Title VII does not bar compulsory arbitration agreements. See Rosenberg v. Merrill Lynch, Pierce, Fenner & Smith,
2. Our Decision in Duffield
In Duffield, we held that for Title VII claims, the 1991 Act precludes enforcement of arbitration agreements entered into as a condition of employment.
a. Purpose of the 1991 Act
In Duffield, we found the purpose of the 1991 Act to be at odds with compulsory arbitration agreements. We noted that the "purpose of the [1991] Act was uniformly to expand employees' rights and `to increase the possiblе remedies available to civil rights plaintiffs.'"
It thus would be "at least a mild paradox" to conclude that in the very Act of which the "primary purpose" was "to strengthen existing protections and remedies available [to employees under Title VII]," Congress "encouraged" the use of a process whereby employers condition employment on their prospective employees' surrendering their rights to a judicial forum for the resolution of all future claims of race or sex discrimination and force those employees to submit all such claims to compulsory arbitration. It seems far more plausible that Congress meant to encourage voluntary agreements to arbitrate....
Id. at 1192-93 (citations and footnote omitted) (brackets and emphasis in the original).
The presumption in Duffield, however, that allowing compulsory arbitration weakens the 1991 Act is inconsistent with the Supreme Court's endorsement of arbitration. See Gilmer,
We also reject the argument of certain amici that the 1991 Act's provision of a right to jury trial precludes arbitration of Title VII claims. As Duffield acknowledged, that right provides no general bar to voluntary arbitration.
We thus disagree with Duffield's conclusion that a conflict exists between the purpose of Title VII and compulsory arbitration of Title VII claims.7
b. Text of Section 118
As noted, § 118 provides: "Where appropriate and to the extent authorized by law, the use of alternative means of dispute resolution, including . . . arbitration, is encouraged to resolve disputes arising under the [1991] Acts or provisions of Federal law amended by this title." Nothing in the text directly demonstrates a congressional intent to preclude compulsory arbitration agreements. Nonetheless, in Duffield, we concluded that the "text of the section is, at a minimum, ambiguous — and that, at a maximum, it stands for a proposition" that compulsory arbitration is precluded.
We interpreted "to the extent authorized by law" to refer to Congress' understanding of the law at the time. The Duffield court concluded that Congress understood the law as articulated by Alexander and cases following it, rather than Gilmer. Duffield's rationale for this interpretation was that "as of the time § 118 was drafted and reported out of the House Education and Labor Committee, the circuit courts, without exception, had `widely interpreted' Title VII as prohibiting `any form of compulsory arbitration.'" Id. at 1194 (quoting Lai,
This analysis is problematic in several respects. First, the ADEA, at issue in Gilmer, contains a section identical to § 118. See 42 U.S.C. § 12212 ("Where appropriate and to the extent authorized by law, the use of alternative means of dispute resolution, including . . . arbitration is encouraged to resolve disputes arising under this chapter."). Although the Gilmer Court did not expressly interpret the ADEA's text because Gilmer conceded that nothing in the text precludеd arbitration,
Finally, as other courts have pointed out, it would be ironic to interpret statutory language encouraging the use of arbitration and containing no prohibitory language as evincing Congress' intent to preclude arbitration of Title VII claims. See, e.g., Armendariz v. Found. Health Psychcare Serv., Inc.,
We therefore conclude that the text of § 118 does not present any ambiguity suggesting that it may be intended to preclude compulsory arbitration.
c. Legislative History
In Duffield, we also concluded that Congress had precluded applicability of arbitration agreements to Title VII claims because of the legislative history of the 1991 Act. We stated that it was the "unusual force and clarity of the statute's legislative history that is ultimately dispositive in this case."
Because the text of § 118 is unambiguous, we are precluded from considering legislative history. See Desert Palace, ___ U.S. at ___,
As the Second Circuit aptly explained in Desiderio:
While the language cited from the Committee reports suggests the preservation of the right to a judicial remedy under Title VII, such language is not found in the text of the statute. Rather, the Act says that the use of arbitration is to be "encouraged." We recognize that Congress' aim to foster arbitration, by itself, does not thereby require us to preserve an agreement waiving rights to a judicial forum. But, we assume, as does the Supreme Court, that the drafters of Title VII and the amendments introduced in the [1991] Act were well aware of what language was required for Congress to evince an intent to preclude a waiver of judicial remedies. In construing Title VII, the absence of that language is a meaningful omission. Moreover, the substantive rights found in the statute are not in any way diminished by our holding that arbitration may be compelled in this case, since only the forum — an arbitral rather than a judicial one — is affected, and plaintiff's rights may be as fully vindicated in the former as in the latter. As a result, and primarily because we find the language of the statute to be clear, we need not consider the inconsistent legislative history.
If Congress intended to preclude Gilmer from permitting enforcement of arbitration agreements, it knew how to do so. In fact, other provisions of the 1991 Act are devoted to overruling Supreme Court decisions. See H.R.Rep. No. 102-40(II), at 2 (1991), reprinted in 1991 U.S.S.C.A.N. 549 (discussing the Supreme Court cases that the 1991 Act overrules).9
B. Retaliation Claim
In its cross-appeal, the EEOC appeals the district court's denial of a permanent injunction to "enjoin [Luce Forward] from engaging in an unlawful retaliatory practice by denying employment to any applicant or employee who refuses to waive his or her right to participate in statutorily protected enforcement proceedings under all the federal anti-discrimination laws: Title VII, the ADA, the ADEA, and the EPA." Except for applying Duffield to the Title VII claim, the district court did not address the issues raised by the EEOC's request for injunctive relief on these claims.
At least on the surface, it would appear that, if an employer can compel its employees to submit all claims arising out of their employment to arbitration, no retaliation would be involved in an employer's exercise of such right, because an employee opposing such a practice would not be engaged in any protected activity. At oral argument, however, the EEOC advanced a novel theory why, even assuming our overruling of Duffield, an employer's adverse action against an employment applicant for his or her opposition to compulsory arbitration would still amount to retaliation under the Civil Rights Acts. Because this argument was not fully developed on appeal, we leave it to the district court to address on remand.
CONCLUSION
For all of the foregoing reasons, we overrule our decision in Duffield. Because it was based on Duffield, we reverse the judgment of the district court insofar as it granted the EEOC's request for injunctive relief. With regard to the EEOC's request for injunctive relief on its retaliation theory, we remand this issue to the district court to address in the first instance. Each party shall bear its own costs on appeal.
In No. 00-57222, the judgment is REVERSED.
In No. 01-55321, the judgment is VACATED and REMANDED.
Notes:
Notes
A three-judge panel can overrule a prior decision of this court when "`an intervening Supreme Court decision undermines an existing precedent of the Ninth Circuit, and both cases are closely on point.'"United States v. Gay,
Lagatree actually worked two days without a contract while execution of the contract was pending
The injunction did not enjoin compulsory arbitration of ADA, ADEA, or EPA claims
The EEOC did not appeal the district court's ruling that monetary relief was barred by res judicata
InDuffield, we defined "compulsory arbitration" to apply "when individuals must sign an agreement waiving their rights to litigate future claims in a judicial forum in order to obtain employment with, or continue to work for, the employer."
InLai, decided under the FAA, two employees of Prudential signed a form that indicated an agreement to arbitrate; however, they were told the document meant something else and were not allowed to read it, and were not given a copy of the arbitration procedure incorporated by the document they signed.
We also decline to join inDuffield's leap, equating a purpose to encourage arbitration with a purpose to prohibit compulsory arbitration.
In particular, inDuffield, we focused on the following language in the Committee Reports:
The Committee emphasizes . . . that the use of alternative dispute mechanisms is . . . intended to supplement, not supplant, the remedies provided by Title VII. Thus, for example, the committee believes that any agreement to submit disputed issues to arbitration, whether in the context of collective bargaining or in an employment contract, does not preclude the affected person from seeking relief under the enforcement provisions of Title VII. This view is consistent with the Supreme Court's interpretation of Title VII in Alexander v. Gardner-Denver Co.,
. . .
H.R. 1 includes a provision encouraging the use of alternative means of dispute resolution to supplement, rather than supplant, the rights and remedies provided by Title VII. The Republican substitute, however, encourages the use of such mechanisms "in place of judicial resolution." Thus, under the latter proposal employers could refuse to hire workers unless they signed a binding statement waiving all rights to file Title VII complaints. Such a rule would fly in the face of Supreme Court decisions holding that workers have the right to go to court, rather than being forced into compulsory arbitration, to resolve important statutory and constitutional rights, including equal opportunity rights. See, e.g., Alexander v. Gardner-Denver Co.,
H.R.Rep. No. 40(I) at 97, 104.
Other courts, however, have noted that "additional statements by members of Congress expressed the view that section 118 did not preclude binding arbitration." Rosenberg,
We also note that not only did Congress not include express statutory language precluding waiver of a judicial forum for Title VII claims, it has subsequently rejected legislation that would have such an effectSee Rosenberg,
PREGERSON, Circuit Judge, with whom SCHROEDER, Chief Judge, and REINHARDT, Circuit Judge, join, dissenting in part and concurring in part:1
I dissent. Congress in enacting the Civil Rights Act of 1991 did not intend that employers could force their employees as a mandatory condition of employment to forego their right to bring future Title VII claims in a court of law. In overruling Duffield v. Robertson Stephens & Co.,
More than three-quarters of a century ago, Andrew Furuseth, then president of the International Seaman's Union of America, said in opposition to the Federal Arbitration Act as originally proposed: "Will such contracts be signed? Esau agreed [to give up his first birthright], because he was hungry. . . . With the growing hunger in modern society, there will be but few that will be able to resist." Proceedings of the 26th Annual Convention of the International Seaman's Union of America 203-04 (1923). This holds true today, if employers are allowed to force their employees, as a condition of employment, to agree to arbitrate their future Title VII civil rights claims and thus give up their statutory right to a jury trial. It was for this reason that in 1991, Congress rejected a "Republican substitute" for § 118 which would have allowed such compulsory arbitration agreements. Congress explained that "American workers should not be forced to choose between their jobs and their civil rights." H.R.Rep. No. 102-40(I), at 104.
I. Duffield Correctly Decided
We reached our holding in Duffield after closely following the Supreme Court's instructions in Gilmer v. Interstate/Johnson Lane Corp.,
In Duffield, we recited these instructions word for word:
"Having made the bargain to arbitrate, the party should be held to it unless Congress itself has evinced an intention to preclude a waiver of judicial remedies for the statutory rights at issue." Mitsubishi,. . . 473 U.S. [at] 628,
Duffield,
Section 118 of the Civil Rights Act of 1991 provides: "Where appropriate and to the extent authorized by law, the use of alternative means of dispute resolution, including. . . arbitration, is encouraged to resolve disputes arising under [Title VII]." Pub.L. No. 102-166, § 118, 105 Stat. 1071 (1991), reprinted in notes to 42 U.S.C. § 1981 (emphasis added). Regarding the text of § 118, we observed that especially in light of the limiting phrases "[w]here appropriate" and "to the extent authorized by law," "it would seem entirely disingenuous to fasten onto . . . one word," i.e., encouraged, "and conclude that Congress was boundlessly in favor of all forms of arbitration." Duffield,
A. Purpose of § 118
The majority, however, finds that our decision in Duffield was tainted with the "faulty presumption that arbitration undermines the 1991 Act's purpose," maj. op. at 751, and was "inconsistent with the Supreme Court's endorsement of arbitration." Maj. op. at 750. I disagree. Duffield contained no "generalized attacks on arbitration." Maj. op. at 750 (quoting Gilmer,
Contrary to the majority opinion, the "view" of Duffield was not that "compulsory arbitration weakens Title VII," maj. op. at 750, which, of course, would be inconsistent with the Supreme Court's position that arbitration affects only the choice of forum, not substantive rights. Id. (citing EEOC v. Waffle House, Inc.,
Moreover, it is the majority's opinion that is inconsistent with the Supreme Court's "endorsement of arbitration." Maj. op. at 750. Inherent within the Supreme Court's "еndorsement of arbitration," id., is the essential component of voluntariness. The Court has clearly reiterated that "[a]rbitration under the [FAA] is a matter of consent, not coercion." EEOC v. Waffle House, Inc.,
B. Text of § 118
Section 118 provides that alternative dispute resolution methods, such as arbitration, are "encouraged" "[w]here appropriate and to the extent authorized by law."4 As stated above, "encourage" indicates voluntariness and "require" indicates involuntariness; thus Congress' instruction in § 118 that "arbitration . . . is encouraged" if anything contradicts the majority's conclusion that arbitration may be required as a condition of employment under Title VII. Yet, in part because there is no "prohibitory language" precluding compulsory arbitration, the majority concludes that the text of § 118 does not present any ambiguity suggesting that it may be intended to preclude compulsory arbitration.5 I disagree.
It is true the text of § 118 does not contain "prohibitory language." But the text does contain limiting phrases such as "where appropriate" and "to the extent authorized by law." Furthermore, as we noted in Duffield, "[w]hen `examin[ing] the language of the governing statute,' we must not be guided by `a single sentence or member of a sentence, but look[ ] to the provisions of the whole law, and to its object and policy.'"
C. Legislative History of § 118
Because the majority found that the text of § 118 is unambiguous, the majority believes it is precluded from considering the legislative history that "contains[s] language suggesting that Congress intended to retain the judicial forum." Maj. op. at 752. Assuming for the purposes of argument, that the majority opinion is correct and that the text of § 118 is unambiguous, the majority, nonetheless, errs in refusing to consider the legislative history of § 118. "We must assume that if Congress intended the substantive protection afforded by a given statute to include protection against waiver of the right to a judicial forum, that intention will be deducible from text or legislative history." Mitsubishi,
Had the majority properly given credence to the legislative history, it would have concluded, as we concluded in Duffield, that "it is the unusual force and clarity of the statute's legislative history that is ultimately dispositive in this case." Duffield,
The Committee emphasizes . . . that the use of alternative dispute mechanisms is . . . intended to supplement, not supplant, the remedies provided by Title VII. Thus, for example, the committee believes that any agreement to submit disputed issues to arbitration, whether in the context of collective bargaining or in an employment contract, does not preclude the affected person from seeking relief under the enforcement provisions of Title VII. This view is consistent with the Supreme Court's interpretation of Title VII in Alexander v. Gardner-Denver Co.,
Maj. op. at 752 n. 8 (quoting H.R.Rep. No. 40(I) at 97) (emphasis added). "In surveying legislative history, [the Supreme Court has] repeatedly stated that the authoritative source for finding the Legislature's intent lies in the Committee Reports on the bill, which `represen[t] the considered and collective understanding of those Congressmen involved in drafting and studying the proposed legislation.'" Duffield,
In the Committee Report, Congress specifically rejected a proposal that would have allowed employers to coerce their employees to sign compulsory arbitration agreements: H.R. 1 includes a provision encouraging the use of alternative means of dispute resolution to supplement, rather than supplant, the rights and remedies provided by Title VII. The Republican substitute, however, encourages the use of such mechanisms "in place of judicial resolution." Thus, under the latter proposal employers could refuse to hire workers unless they signed a binding statement waiving all rights to file Title VII complaints. Such a rule would fly in the face of Supreme Court decisions holding that workers have the right to go to court, rather than being forced into compulsory arbitration, to resolve important statutory and constitutional rights, including equal opportunity rights. See, e.g., Alexander v. Gardner-Denver Co.,
H.R.Rep. No. 40(I), at 104. See Thompson v. Thompson,
As we stated in Duffield:
This rejection of the "Republican" proposal provides . . . "strong evidence" of Congress' intent, Thompson,
Duffield,
There can be little doubt in the correctness of the conclusion by the Duffield court that arbitration agreements required by employers of their employees as a condition of employment are not "voluntary arbitration agreements between employers and employees" as envisioned by Congress for Title VII. Because our discussion in Duffield of § 118's legislative history unequivocally supports our holding in that case, I would hold that Duffield was, and remains, good law.
II. Conclusion
In overruling Duffield, the majority opinion fails to interpret the Civil Rights Act of 1991 "in a manner consistent with Congress's original intent to expand protections against workplace discrimination, and of particular relevance to this case, to preclude employers from forcing employees, as a condition of taking or keeping a job, to agree to arbitrate future Title VII claims." Brief for Representatives George Miller et al. as Amici Curiae at 2. The majority also fails to follow Congress' explicit directions to read the 1991 Act broadly so as to best effectuate its remedial purposes: "In codifying this rule of construction, Congress intends that when the statutory terms in civil rights law are susceptible to alternative interpretations, the courts are to select the construction which most effectively advances the underlying congressional purpose of that law." H.R.Rep. No. 40(II), at 34. As the majority correctly notes the underlying purpose behind the 1991 Act was "to restore civil rights limited by then-recent Supreme Court decisions and to `strengthen existing protections and remedies available under federal civil rights laws to provide more effective deterrence and adequate compensation for victims of discrimination.'" Maj. op. at 747 (quоting H.R.Rep. No. 40(II), at 1). The underlying purpose was not to allow employers to shove arbitration provisions down the throats of individual employees as a non-negotiable precondition of employment. But sadly that is the consequence of the majority's holding.
I dissent.
Notes:
I agree with the majority that the EEOC's retaliation claim should be addressed by the district court on remand. I also agree thatCircuit City Stores, Inc. v. Adams,
Donald Lagatree, however, made no "bargain to arbitrate."Gilmer,
The majority states that "[a]lthough,Duffield distinguished compulsory from voluntary arbitration, we now join several other circuits in concluding, pursuant to Gilmer, that the right to jury trial presents no bar to compulsory arbitration." Maj. op. at 751. That statement contorts Duffield.
In Duffield, we found — based upon our study of the purposes, text, and legislative history of the Civil Rights Act of 1991 — that Congress did not intend to require employees to submit their future Title VII claims to arbitration as a condition of employment. Our holding was not based on the right to a jury trial for Title VII claims provided by the Civil Rights Act of 1991; instead, giving heed to Gilmer's directives, our holding — as recognized by the majority, maj. op. at 751 — was based on the purpose, text, and legislative history of Civil Rights Act of 1991 and § 118 in particular.
Furthermore, in Duffield, we did not use the term "compulsory arbitration" as it is traditionally defined. See Black's Law Dictionary 100 (7th ed.1999) (defining "compulsory arbitration" as "[a]rbitration required by law or forced by law on the parties"). "Compulsory arbitration," both as we used that term in Duffield and as it is traditionally defined, must furthermore be distinguished from "mandatory arbitration." See, e.g., Koveleskie v. SBC Capital Mkts., Inc.,
We noted inDuffield that "[i]t would also be a mild paradox to interpret § 118 as encouraging compulsory arbitration, when the sectiоn's other `encouraged' types of alternative dispute — `settlement negotiations, conciliation, facilitation, mediation, factfinding,[and] minitrials' — are all consensual."
The plain intent of this clause was to encourage voluntary alternative dispute resolution methods, not mandatory arbitration made a condition of employment. To begin with, except for arbitration (and perhaps minitrials) each of the ADR methodologies mentioned is non-binding . . . . Arbitration (and minitrials, to the extent those involve a binding dispute resolution process) necessarily refers to submission agreements made voluntarily . . ., in marked contrast to predispute agreements made a non-negotiable condition of employment. Understanding this reference to arbitration to include mandatory arbitration would be precluded, among other things, by the statutory interpretation principle of noscitur a sociis ("a word is known by the company it keeps").
See, e.g., Gutierrez v. Ada,
The majority also finds that "the legal landscape encompassed by the phrase, `to the extent authorized by law,' must also include the FAA." Maj. op. at 752. The majority states that "[t]his aspect of the law also incorporated the `liberal federal policy favoring arbitration agreements.'"Id. at 752 (quoting Moses H. Cone Mem'l Hosp.,
REINHARDT, Circuit Judge, with whom PREGERSON, Circuit Judge, joins, dissenting:
While I join Judge Pregerson's dissent fully, I write separately to emphasize two points.
1. In 1991, Congress decided it would no longer tolerate the federal judiciary's assault on Title VII of the Civil Rights Act of 1964. Motivated by a series of highly conservative Supreme Court decisions that "seriously undermine[d] the effectiveness of Title VII," H.R.Rep. No. 40(I) at 80, reprinted in 1991 U.S.C.C.A.N. 549, Congress adopted, and the first President George Bush signed, the Civil Rights Act of 1991. In that Act, Congress took the extraordinary step of explicitly overturning several Supreme Court decisions — decisions "Congress thought represented an unduly narrow and restrictive reading of Title VII," Duffield v. Robertson Stephens & Co.,
The battle to secure the right to a jury trial in employment discrimination cases was long and hard fought. Congress failed to provide the right to a jury trial in 1964 when Title VII was first enacted, and subsequent Congresses rejected amendments that would have done so. When the 1991 Civil Rights bill with its provision for jury trials came before Congress, there was considerable opposition to the proposal. Up until the moment the Senate defeated a Republican substitute measure to allow employers to force compulsory arbitration on workers, the right to a jury trial in Title VII cases remained in doubt. Today, this en banc court enacts the failed Republican substitute, and by judicial action effectively deprives American workers of their hard-won legislative victory.
At the time Congress adopted the jury trial provisions of the 1991 Act and afforded victims of race and sex discrimination the remedy they had so long sought, it added a section that encourages the use of arbitration in appropriate circumstances. But Congress qualified its encouragement, explicitly instructing courts not to interpret its approval of some arbitration "to preclude rights and remedies that would otherwise be available." H.R.Rep. No. 40(1), at 97. Indeed, as Judge Pregerson irrefutably argues in dissent, Congress always intended arbitration to supplement, not supplant, jury trials. Today the majority announces precisely the type of callous anti-civil rights, pro-employer decision that Congress condemned when it enacted the Civil Rights Act of 1991; its decision transforms Congress's cautious and partial encouragement of arbitration into an unequivocal and all-encompassing invitation to employers to refuse to hire, and even to fire, workers who wish to exercise their jury trial rights. It makes no sense that Congress would have given civil rights victims their much desired victory only to have taken it away from them in the very same bill. Yet that is what the majority concludes. In doing so, my colleagues continue the current judicial trend of closing the doors tо the federal courts to those who most need our protection. This time the majority closes those doors to employees against whom employers discriminate on the basis of race or sex.
Regrettably, my colleagues in the majority have joined a number of other circuits in rewriting Title VII's mandates to comport with the judiciary's historic disregard for workers' rights and its elitist preference for fewer jury trials and less crowded appellate dockets. It is ironic that today's decision eliminates an important protection that Congress enacted when overturning anti-civil rights decisions of the very type we announce today. This time we hold that employers may compel their employees to surrender their rights to jury trial in race and sex discrimination cases; and that those who refuse to do so may be consigned to welfare or worse. Contrary to the views of the majority, this is surely not what Congress intended when it finally granted civil rights plaintiffs the right to a jury trial.
2. The majority claims that this case can be decided by looking to a few unambiguous words in a federal statute. It cannot. Despite repeated assurances to the contrary, the majority does not engage in a simple or obvious construction of the Civil Rights Act of 1991. Rather, my colleagues gloss over the unmistakable ambiguity of the 1991 Act's text and characterize it as if the words directly foreclose the result we reached in Duffield. This effort amounts to little more than sophistry — the text does no such thing.
Here is thе text that my colleagues contend states unambiguously that employers may force their workers to sign compulsory arbitration agreements or lose their opportunities for employment: "Where appropriate and to the extent authorized by law, the use of alternative means of dispute resolution, including . . . arbitration, is encouraged to resolve disputes arising under the Acts or provisions of Federal law amended by this title." Pub.L. No. 102-166 § 118, 105 Stat. 1071 (codified at Notes to 42 U.S.C. § 1981). Duffield did not dispute that employers could use arbitration in a variety of different circumstances; nor do I now. The relevant questions are when and how Congress intended to encourage the use of arbitration. Nowhere, of course, do the words mandatory or compulsory arbitration appear. The plain meaning of this statutory text is that Congress offered its encouragement to arbitration only when two conditions are met: in "appropriate" circumstances, and when legally authorized. I shall come later to the question of what Congress thought constituted an appropriate use of arbitration.
With respect to the phrase "the extent authorized by law," all seem to agree that the text refers to Congress's understanding of the law at the time. The majority asserts that Congress thought that compulsory arbitration agreements in general were authorized by law. My colleagues reach this conclusion almost entirely on the basis of a Supreme Court case decided shortly before the passage of the 1991 Civil Rights Act. See Gilmer v. Interstate/Johnson Lane Corp.,
In its effort to show that Congress actually considered Gilmer, the majority retreats to a legal fiction that is directly contrary to the facts: Congress, my colleagues say, "surely became aware[, in the few months between the Gilmer decision and the 1991 Act's passage,] that Gilmer, and not Alexander, provided the Supreme Court's prevailing assessment of employment arbitration agreements." Supra at 752. This argument is wrong for two principal reasons. First, all of the official written legislative history, in the form of two years worth of committee hearings and official committee reports, was written before Gilmer was decided on May 13, 1991.1 As Duffield explained, and as Judge Pregerson's dissent demonstrates, even a cursory search through the painstakingly thorough legislative history demonstrates Congress's belief that arbitration schemes such as the one at issue here were illegal under the law it perceived to be controlling.2 Second, despite Gilmer's seemingly obvious relevance to the Act, the majority is unable to point to a single statement in the statutory text or legislative history demonstrating Congress's recognition that Gilmer was controlling, or for that matter that it had been decided. Surely, if Gilmer were as obviously relevant to the meaning of the Act as the majority asserts it is, Congress wоuld have mentioned the legal standard adopted by the case.
The majority's assertion that Gilmer obviously defined the meaning of "authorized by law" in the 1991 Act is equally erroneous. Even though the language describing the remedy is the same in Title VII as it was in the ADEA, the levels of protection sought to be achieved by the two statutes are different. As the Supreme Court has recently recognized, statutes regulating race and gender discrimination implicate much graver constitutional concerns than statutes dealing with the disabled or the elderly, see Nev. Dep't of Human Res. v. Hibbs, ___ U.S. ___, ___ _ ___,
Moreover, even assuming that the majority's assumption were true, it is worth noting that the assumption by necessity recognizes that the meaning of the statute cannot be deduced through its words alone. Faced with words ("authorized by law") that by themselves do not lead to obvious and immediate conclusions, the majority has turned to contemporaneous evidence — in the form of a perceived congressional reaction to a Supreme Court case — in order to add context to words that without context are unquestionably ambiguous. Yet the majority pretends that it has merely picked up the statute, read those words, and come to an obvious and undeniable conclusion.
The majority's suggestion that the plain meaning of the 1991 Act compels its conclusion is plainly absurd. This is not a case in which the majority has looked tо other parts of the statute to determine statutory coherence; the majority cites none of the traditional canons of statutory construction. Instead, solely by virtue of its assumption — without any supporting evidence — that Congress intended to incorporate the legal standard adopted in Gilmer, my colleagues today decide that the words "authorized by law" are completely unambiguous in a bill designed to protect workers against race and sex discrimination. In truth, there can be no doubt that the majority is inferring meaning about ambiguous words in a text by examining historical context. In such circumstance, the numerous cases cited in the majority opinion, all of which forbid courts from searching for additional context when confronted by plain meaning, are simply inapposite.3 If judges may guess as to what Congress might have thought about a particular Supreme Court case, we surely may not ignore what members of Congress and official committee reports actually said about those cases in the legislative history.4
Even worse is the manner in which the majority has distorted Gilmer to reach its result. According to the majority, Gilmer created a specific method by which Congress could outlaw compulsory arbitration agreements. Congress, they say, simply failed to add the necessary statutory text. See also Desiderio v. Nat'l Ass'n of Sec. Dealers, Inc.,
Assuming for a moment that Congress had learned of Gilmer by the time the Committee Reports were written, then one would have to examine the Act's exhaustive legislative record to determine whether Congress had responded to the Court's invitation to express its intent via legislative history. Duffield quoted the legislative history at length, as does Judge Pregerson's dissent. I do not wish to repeat material cited in either. But there is one passage worth reexamining now that it is plain that the Court invited Congress to prohibit compulsory arbitration either through the text of the statute or by clarifying statutory text in the legislative history.
H.R. 1 includes a provision encouraging the use of alternative means of dispute resolution to supplеment, rather than supplant, the rights and remedies provided by Title VII. The Republican substitute, however, encourages the use of such mechanisms "in place of judicial resolution." Thus, under the latter proposal employers could refuse to hire workers unless they signed a binding statement waiving all rights to file Title VII complaints. Such a rule would fly in the face of Supreme Court decisions holding that workers have the right to go to court, rather than being forced into compulsory arbitration, to resolve important statutory and constitutional rights, including employment opportunity rights. See, e.g., Alexander v. Gardner-Denver Co.,
102 H. Rpt. 40(I), at 104 reprinted in 1991 U.S.C.C.A.N. 549, 553-54. It would be difficult to imagine a clearer expression of legislative intent. Far from viewing the Gilmer standard as governing in Title VII cases, and far from agreeing with the Supreme Court's later pronouncements that arbitration is substantively no different from resolution of claims in a judicial forum, the majority in Congress who voted for the 1991 Civil Rights Act plainly thought that the Act did not allow employers to force their workers to sign compulsory arbitration clauses forfeiting their right to trial by jury in Title VII cases.
My colleagues may not like legislative history. They may agree with various academics that what Congress intended is irrelevant to determining the meaning of what Congress said. No matter, for the point on which the majority, Judge Pregerson, and I all seem to agree is that the Gilmer Court told Congress how to express its intent. The majority opinion asserts that Congress knew of Gilmer, yet pretends that the Court's invitation to specify intent through legislative history never existed. Acting in a manner that accords fully — even if unwittingly — with Gilmer's instructions, Congress used its official committee reports (agreed upon by majority votes in the authoring committees) to declare unambiguously that Title VII does not permit employers to force their workers to sign compulsory arbitration clauses as a condition of employment. Such was our holding in Duffield. Today, the majority overrules Duffield by reading out of Gilmer the portion that instructed Congress to consider both statutory text and legislative history as possible sources of intent. The majority's reliance on one part of Gilmer and utter disregard of another may be a necessary step in its mystifying interpretive routine, but it is no way to make good law.
Even if Congress thought that compulsory arbitration agreements were authorized by law, we must still inquire whether Congress thought that it was appropriate to allow employers to demand such agreements from all employees. The majority appears to believe that these two questions are coterminous. They are not. We must give meaning to all words in the statute, not just the ones that support our chosen result. And certainly it is at least plausible that Congress believed that certain types of agreements were constitutional and legal under acts like the Federal Arbitration Act yet still not appropriate if for use with respect to Title VII claims. Indeed, had Congress desired to authorize all arbitration authorized by law, it would not have needed to include the word "appropriate" at the start of § 118.
It is utterly implausible that Congress considered it appropriate to encourage the system the majority approves today — a system in which no applicant will be able to get a job unless he first signs away his rights to pursue a Title VII claim in the federal courts. It simply makes no sense to assume that Congress went through the trouble of finally granting workers their hard won right to trial by jury only then, in the same bill, to render that provision nugatory by authorizing employers to require all potential employees to forfeit that right and choose between a job and access to the federal courts. Indeed, it seems obvious to me that Congress perceived compulsory arbitration to be entirely inappropriate for claims of employer discrimination on the basis of race or sex.
We held in Duffield that any measure of "appropriateness" must consider the overall purposes of the Act. The majority casts aside those purposes, accusing the Duffield Court of resting its decision on "the faulty presumption that arbitration undermines the 1991 Act's purpose." This is simply not true. Duffield did not arise out of distrust of arbitral forums or of federal arbitrators. Rather, Duffield's holding had its genesis in Congress's unmistakable desire to expand, rather than to contract, the remedies available to workers under the nation's civil rights laws. See Duffield,
It is no answer to say that requiring arbitration does not affect workers' "substantive rights." Indeed, the question whether arbitration is a more or less effective forum than the federal courts through which to pursue discrimination claims is immaterial. The point we made in Duffield, a point which is no less true today than it was then, is that federal courts may not allow employers to eliminate a right — even a procedural right — guaranteed by Title VII simply because of a general federal policy favoring the resolution of some disputes via arbitration. This would be true even if the procedural right were not deemed important both by Congress and the victims of racial and sexual discrimination to whose benefit it inured. And even if one thinks that compulsory arbitration was "authorized by law" in 1991, there is no support for the claim that Congress thought that arbitration agreements were "appropriate" when they forced victims of discrimination to give up the right of access to the federal courts.
By allowing employers to require all workers to enter into compulsory arbitration agreements, the majority today erases the choice-enhancing aspects of the 1991 Act that Congress enacted to overturn regressive judicial decisions such аs today's. What is more, the majority has discarded the only interpretation of Title VII that can honestly claim to construe faithfully the statute's language in accordance with Congress's will. And it has done so despite Congress's explicit instruction to interpret statutory terms "susceptible to alternative interpretations. . . [by] select[ing] the construction which most effectively advances the underlying congressional purpose." H.R.Rep. No. 40(I) at 88. My colleagues today inexplicably emulate the same type of statutory revisionism that provoked Congress in 1991 to do what it does on only the rarest of occasions — overturn decisions of our nation's highest Court.
Today's decision by this en banc court constitutes a wilful judicial rebuke of Congress's effort to protect the rights of American workers to trial by jury in race and sex discrimination cases. Contrary to the clear will of Congress, my respected colleagues invite employers to discharge (and/or not to hire) any woman, or any African American, Hispanic, Native American, or other minority group member, who has the courage to refuse to surrender his hard won right to confront, and thereby hold liable, his persecutor in the federal courts. After today, we have a little less of a dream. I dissent.
Notes:
See, e.g., S. REP. No. 101-315 (June 8, 1990); H.R.REP. No. 101-644(I) (July 30, 1990); H.R. REP. No. 101-644(II) (July 31, 1990); H.R. REP. No. 101-755 (Sept. 26, 1990); H.R. REP. No. 101-856 (Oct. 12, 1990); H.R. REP. No. 102-40(I) (Apr. 24, 1991); H.R. REP. No. 102-40(II) (May 17, 1991). Only the last of these reports was published after Gilmer came down, and it is certain that it was written long before the Gilmer slip opinion made its way to Capitol Hill.
That case wasAlexander v. Gardner-Denver Co.,
Desert Palace, Inc. v. Costa, ___ U.S. ___,
It is sometimes argued that committee reports and floor statements by individual members of Congress are not democratically approved by a majority of Congress. But the majority does not make this argument here. Nor could it; for examining the legislative history asevidence of congressional intent is far more democratic than imposing our own view of how Congress might have interpreted a Supreme Court case. Committee reports in particular are the product of democratic compromise; they require a vote by majority and allow for expressions of concurrence and dissent. "In surveying legislative history[, the Supreme Court has] repeatedly stated that the authoritative source for finding the Legislature's intent lies in the Committee Reports on the bill, which `represent the considered and collective understanding of those [members of Congress] involved in drafting and studying proposed legislation.'" Eldred v. Ashcroft,
