EDGEWOOD INDEPENDENT SCHOOL DISTRICT et al., Alvarado Independent School District et al., Guadalupe Gutierrez et al., Carrollton-Farmers Branch Independent School District et al., Coppell Independent School District et al., Sterling City Independent School District et al., Stafford Municipal School District et al., Humble Independent School District et al., and Somerset Independent School District et al., Appellants, v. Lionel R. MENO et al., and Bexar County Education District et al., Appellees.
No. 94-0152.
Supreme Court of Texas.
Decided Jan. 30, 1995.
Rehearing Overruled March 2, 1995.
Argued May 25, 1994. As Modified Feb. 16, 1995.
893 S.W.2d 450
Dan Morales, Atty. Gen., Toni Hunter, Asst. Atty. Gen., Raymond Bonilla, Jr., Comptroller‘s Office, Kevin T. O‘Hanlon, Texas Educ. Agency, Austin, for appellees.
CORNYN, Justice, delivered the opinion of the Court, in which PHILLIPS, Chief Justice, and GONZALEZ, HIGHTOWER and GAMMAGE, Justices, joined. HECHT, ENOCH and OWEN, Justices, joined in Parts I, II, III, V, VI and VII.
Six years ago, this Court held that this State‘s system for financing public education violated
Following standard rules of constitutional interpretation, we begin with the presumption that Senate Bill 7 is constitutional; the burden of proof is on those parties challenging this presumption. Spring Branch Indep. Sch. Dist. v. Stamos, 695 S.W.2d 556, 558 (Tex.1985). On final analysis, we conclude that all parties claiming that Senate Bill 7 is unconstitutional have failed to meet that challenge.1 We accordingly affirm the constitutionality of the public school finance system enacted in Senate Bill 7. We emphasize, however, that the challenge to the school finance law based on inadequate provision for facilities fails only because of an evidentiary void. Our judgment in this case should not be interpreted as a signal that the school finance crisis in Texas has ended.
With the abiding conviction that it was “idle to expect the continuance of civil liberty, or the capacity of self-government” unless the people are educated and enlightened, the delegates of the Texas people declared their independence on March 2, 1836, at Washington-on-the-Brazos. Our first state constitution, adopted in connection with Texas’ annexation to the United States in 1845, provided:
A general diffusion of knowledge being essential to the preservation of the rights and liberties of the people, it shall be the duty of the Legislature of this State to make suitable provisions for the support and maintenance of public schools.
The present requirement, that public schools be part of “an efficient system,” was added to our Constitution in 1876, and has been the focus of litigation in Texas courts since 1984.
Plainly, it is the Legislature‘s duty to make suitable provision for an efficient system of
Yet sadly, the existence of more than 1000 independent school districts in Texas, each with duplicative administrative bureaucracies, combined with widely varying tax bases and an excessive reliance on local property taxes, has resulted in a state of affairs that can only charitably be called a “system.” For too long, the Legislature‘s response to its constitutional duty to provide for an efficient system has been little more than crisis management. The rationality behind such a complex and unwieldy system is not obvious. We conclude that the system becomes minimally acceptable only when viewed through the prism of history. Surely Texas can and must do better.
We do not presume that the framers and ratifiers of the
This Court‘s role under our Constitution‘s separation of powers provision should be one of restraint. We do not dictate to the Legislature how to discharge its duty. As prominent as this Court‘s role has been in recent years on this important issue, it is subsidiary to the constitutionally conferred role of the Legislature. The people of Texas have themselves set the standard for their schools. Our responsibility is to decide whether that standard has been satisfied, not to judge the wisdom of the policy choices of the Legislature, or to impose a different policy of our own choosing.
I
This litigation has a long history. In May 1984, numerous school districts sought a judicial declaration that the public school finance system violated the
The Legislature responded by passing Senate Bill 1 in June 1990. The school districts renewed their challenges in the district court, which held that the school finance system remained unconstitutional. On direct appeal, we also held that the system remained inefficient, noting the “overall failure to restructure the system.” Edgewood Indep. Sch. Dist. v. Kirby, 804 S.W.2d 491, 496 (Tex.1991) (Edgewood II). We therefore directed the district court to reinstate its original injunction, but again postponed the effective date to give the Legislature time to respond. Id. at 498-99.
The Legislature then passed Senate Bill 351, which created 188 county education districts (CEDs) to carry out taxing functions. Numerous school districts and individuals challenged the constitutionality of the new finance structures. This Court sustained two of those challenges, holding that Senate Bill 351 levied a state ad valorem tax in violation of
The Legislature‘s first response to Edgewood III was to propose a constitutional amendment that would have authorized the creation of CEDs with limited authority to levy, collect, and distribute ad valorem taxes. See Tex.S.J.Res. 7, 73rd Leg., R.S., 1993 Tex.Gen. Laws 5560. When the voters rejected that measure, the Legislature passed Senate Bill 7.2
Senate Bill 7 was immediately challenged by numerous groups of plaintiffs, representing hundreds of school districts, bоth property-rich and property-poor, as well as many parents and local officials. After a trial on the consolidated actions, the district court held that Senate Bill 7 was constitutional, but found that the Legislature had failed to provide efficiently for facilities. The district court accordingly denied most of the relief sought by the plaintiffs, but ordered that no bonds for any school district could be approved, registered, or guaranteed after September 1, 1995, unless the Legislature had provided for the efficient funding of educational facilities by that time.
Nine groups of plaintiffs and plaintiff-intervenors perfected direct appeals. The State also perfected its own appeal. We noted probable jurisdiction of all ten appeals.
For purposes of discussion, the present challenges are organized according to the parties bringing them. Two groups of appellants are composed mainly of property-poor school districts, whose complaints focus on the efficiency of Senate Bill 7.3 Five groups of appellants are composed largely of property-rich school districts; their com-
II
Like the systems reviewed in our previous opinions, Senate Bill 7 provides a two-tiered education finance structure known as the Foundation School Program. The stated purpose of Tier 1 is to guarantee “sufficient financing for all school districts to provide a basic program of education that meets accreditation and other legal standards.”
Tier 2 comprises a guaranteed yield system, the stated purpose of which is “to pro-
While this two-tiered structure is, for the most part, carried forward from prior systems, Senate Bill 7 does contain a significant new feature: it imposes a cap on a school district‘s taxable property at a level of $280,000 per student.
- consolidation with another district;
- detachment of territory;
- purchase of average daily attendance credit;
- contracting for the education of nonresident students; or
- tax base consolidation with another district.
If a district fails to successfully exercise one or more of the five options by a certain deadline, the Commissioner of Education must detach property from the district and annex it to another district.
The $280,000 cap is not effective immediately. To mitigate the impact on the wealthiest districts, Senate Bill 7 provides for a three-year phase-in period during which districts are allowed to keep some property in excess of $280,000 per student.
In addition to reforming the financing system, Senate Bill 7 makes significant educational reforms in Chapter 35 of the Texas Education Code, entitled “Public School System Accountability.” In this Chapter, the Legislature defines the contours of its constitutional duty to provide a “general diffusion of knowledge” by articulating seven public education goals.7 These goals emphasize ac-
III
The property-poor districts’ central argument is that Senate Bill 7 fails to provide an efficient system of public education, as required by
A general diffusion of knowledge being essential to the preservation of the liberties and rights of the people, it shall be the duty of the Legislature of the State to establish and make suitable provision for the support and maintenance of an efficient system of public free schools.
There must be a direct and close correlation between a district‘s tax effort and the educational resources available to it; in other words, districts must have substantially equal access to similar revenues per pupil at similar levels of tax effort.
Edgewood I, 777 S.W.2d at 397. In the same opinion, we also said that the constitutional requirement of efficiency does not preclude local communities “from supplementing an efficient system established by the legislature.” Id. at 398. In Edgewood I, we did not decide whether districts must be afforded equal access to such supplemental revenue.
We аddressed the issue of unequalized local supplementation on motion for rehearing in Edgewood II. In that case, we held that the Constitution permits school districts to generate and spend local taxes to enrich or supplement an efficient system, and that such enrichment need not be equalized. Edgewood II, 804 S.W.2d at 499. We concluded:
The current system remains unconstitutional not because any unequalized local supplementation is employed, but because the State relies so heavily on unequalized local funding in attempting to discharge its duty to ‘make suitable provision for the support and maintenance of an efficient system of public free schools.’
TEX. CONST. art. VII, § 1 . Once the Legislature provides an efficient system in compliance witharticle VII, section 1 , it may, so long as efficiency is maintained, authorize local school districts to supplement their education resources if local property owners approve an additional local property tax.
Edgewood II, 804 S.W.2d at 500 (footnote omitted).
It is apparent from the Court‘s opinions that we have recognized that an efficient system does not require equality of access to revenue at all levels. Otherwise, unequalized
The district court viewed efficiency as synonymous with equity, meaning that districts must have substantially equal revenue for substantially equal tax effort at all levels of funding. This interpretation ignores our holding in Edgewood II that unequalized local supplementation is not constitutionally prohibited. The effect of this “equity at all levels” theory of efficiency is to “level-down” the quality of our public school system, a consequence which is universally regarded as undesirable from an educational perspective. Under this theory, it would be constitutional for the Legislature to limit all districts to a funding level of $500 per student as long as there was equal access to this $500 per student, even if $3500 per student were required for a general diffusion of knowledge. Neither the Constitution nor our previous Edgewood decisions warrant such an interpretation. Rather, the question before us is whether the financing system established by Senate Bill 7 meets the financial and qualitative standards of
In Senate Bill 7, the Legislature equates the provision of a “general diffusion of knowledge” with the provision of an accredited education. The accountability regime set forth in Chapter 35, we conclude, meets the Legislature‘s constitutional obligation to provide for a general diffusion of knowledge statewide.8
Edgewood I and Edgewood II also require financial efficiency; that is, districts must have substantially equal access to funding up to the legislatively defined level that achieves the constitutional mandate of a general diffusion of knowledge.9 Unlike the school finance systems at issue in Edgewood I and Edgewood II, we conclude that the system established by Senate Bill 7 is financially efficient.
At the time of Edgewood I, vast disparities in school districts’ property wealth produced corresponding disparities in the districts’ ability to raise revenue. The wealthiest districts had more than $14,000,000 of taxable property wealth per student while the poorest had approximately $20,000, a 700 to 1 ratio. Edgewood I, 777 S.W.2d at 392. The State did little to mitigate these differences: the Foundation School Program did not cover even the cost of meeting state-mandated educational requirements, and virtually no effort was made to equalize yields at any level of tax effort. Thus, property-rich districts were able to tax low and spend high, while property-poor districts were forced to tax high to spend low. This basic disparity could be measured in terms of yield per cent of tax effort: the five percent of students in the poorest districts received only $26.82 per weighted student for every cent of tax effort, while the five percent of studеnts in the wealthiest districts enjoyed more than twice as much—$54.11—for the same effort.
Under the system established by Senate Bill 7, this picture has changed dramatically. Instead of a 700-to-1 ratio between the richest and poorest districts, there is now a 28-to-1 ratio. Furthermore, the $20.55 yield guarantee within Tier 2 effectively reduces this ratio further. The State meets its con-
The property-poor districts acknowledge that significant progress has been made since Edgewood I. They argue, though, that the revenue system remains inefficient because of numerous defects in Senate Bill 7. For the reasons explained below, we disagree.
A. The $600 gap
The property-poor districts point out that the $600 advantage enjoyed by the wealthiest districts at a $1.50 tax rate is an inherent, permanent part of the system established by Senate Bill 7. For each additional penny of tax effort between $0.86 and $1.50, the State guarantees school districts a yield of $20.55 per weighted student; but the wealthiest districts—those with property wealth of $280,000 per student—will be able to raise $28.00 per weighted student from their own tax bases. When multiplied over the full 64-cent range of Tier 2, this difference in yield, combined with the unequalized distribution of other funds,11 leads to a systemic gap of up to $600 per weighted student at a tax rate of $1.50 between the wealthiest districts and all other districts. The proper-
However, the property-poor districts’ complaint that the $600 gap renders Senate Bill 7 inefficient is premised on an erroneous view of the meaning of efficiency. The State‘s duty to provide districts with substantially equal access to revenue applies only to the provision of funding necessary for a general diffusion of knowledge. Although the Legislature has chosen to equalize funding up to a tax rate of $1.50, the evidence established that, currently, all districts can attain the funding for a general diffusion of knowledge at a lower tax rate. Property-poor and property-rich districts presently can attain the revenue necessary to provide suitably for a general diffusion of knowledge at tax rates of approximately $1.31 and $1.22, respectively.12 Thus, our constitutional inquiry must focus on that disparity, rather than on the $600 gap that occurs at a $1.50 tax rate.
The disparity in tax rates has been dramatically reduced since the time of Edgewood I. Furthermore, Tier 2 eliminates such tax rate disparity for 85 percent of the students in the State by providing all districts with a $20.55 guaranteed yield. All districts are able to provide for a general diffusion of knowledge, but property-poor districts must tax at a slightly higher rate than property-rich districts to do so. When the focus is placed on the rate differential rather than on the gap in funding, it becomes evident that
B. The $1.50 cap
The property-poor districts also point out that the $600 gap will become much greater to the extent that districts are allowed to tax at effective rates above $1.50. Because the State provides no Tier 2 funds at rates in excess of $1.50, any revenues generated from such higher rates (referred to as Tier 3) are completely unequalized. The wealthier districts, drawing on tax bases of up to $280,000 per student, are able to generаte as much as $28.00 per student with every one-cent tax increase, but the poorer districts, drawing on tax bases as low as $9,500 per student, are able to generate as little as $0.95 per student with the same tax increase. Section 20.09 limits the circumstances in which a district can impose a total tax rate that exceeds $1.50:
Except as provided by subsections (c) and (d) and unless specifically approved in an election called for that purpose, a school district may not impose a total tax rate on the $100 valuation of taxable property that exceeds $1.50.
The property-poor districts argue that the language in section 20.09 italicized above, which was added by an amendment during floor debate on Senate Bill 7 in the House of Representatives, allows a district to exceed a $1.50 total tax rate for any purpose whenever such a rate is approved by the district‘s voters in an election called for that purpose. Because this option would give property-rich districts much greater access to revenue for maintenance and operations purposes than property-poor districts would have at similar rates, the property-poor districts argue that the amendment makes the financing system inefficient.
First of all, we disagree with the property-poor districts’ interpretation of section 20.09. Under section 20.04(d), a district‘s authority to levy maintenance and operations taxes is generally capped at a rate of $1.50. The amendment to section 20.09 did not affect the independent limitation on maintenance and operations rates imposed by section 20.04(d).
Furthermore, even under the property-poor districts’ construction of section 20.09, Senate Bill 7 would not be rendered inefficient. It is within the Legislature‘s power to establish tax rate caps even though such caps are not constitutionally required. As long as efficiency is maintained, it is not unconstitutional for districts to supplement their programs with local funds, even if such funds are unmatched by state dollars and even if such funds are not subject to statewide recapture. We caution, however, that the amount of “supplementation” in the system cannot become so great that it, in effect, destroys the efficiency of the entire system. The danger is that what the Legislature today considers to be “supplementation” may tomorrow become necessary to satisfy the constitutional mandate for a general diffusion of knowledge.14
There are, in fact, a number of Texas Education Code Auxiliary Laws15 that presently permit some districts to levy a maintenance and operations tax in excess of
C. The transition period
The property-poor districts also raise several complaints involving the transition toward full implementation of Senate Bill 7. First, they note that the calculation of state aid will now be subject to a “biennium lag.” Senate Bill 7 limits a district‘s state aid to “the amount to which the district would be entitled at the district‘s tax rate for the final year of the preceding biennium.”
While the biennium lag does impact efficiency in the short term, there are considerations to be weighed against those concerns. If biennial funding decisions are based on assumptions regarding future tax rates, mid-year proration becomes necessary to adjust for any shortfall in appropriations caused by local tax decisions. The State argues that such proration is poor public policy, and its evidence at trial indicated that proration may actually be disequalizing. On this basis, we agree with the State that the Legislature‘s avoidance of proration is a legitimate exercise of legislative policy-making that does not compel the conclusion that the finance system is thereby rendered inefficient.
The property-poor districts also dispute changes made by Senate Bill 7 regarding tax rollback elections. Formerly, the voters of a school district could petition for a rollback election whenever the district raised its tax rate by $0.08 or more. A successful rollback election operated to limit the rate the district could adopt for the following year.
Senate Bill 7 changed these rules in several respects. See
These changes, taken together, will tend to make significant tax increases more difficult. There is no evidence, however, that the changes will significantly affect the implementation of Senate Bill 7. The record reflects that in 1992-93, the average tax rate statewide was already $1.28, and this rate had been rising over the past four years at an average of over $0.10 per year. Moreover, the new provisions allowed a district to adopt a 1993-94 tax rate—without fear of a rollback election—at whatever level was necessary to generate the revenue it received in 1992-93.
D. Funding formula reductions
The property-poor districts also criticize the changes that Senate Bill 7 made in the State‘s funding formulas. In 1992-93, under Senate Bill 351, the basic allotment in Tier 1 was $2,400; Senate Bill 7 reduces it to $2,300. The guaranteed yield in Tier 2 was previously $22.50 for tax effort from $0.83 to $1.27; under Senate Bill 7, it is $20.55 for tax effort between $0.87 and $1.50. The property-poor districts argue that these reductions in the basic allotment and guaranteed yield represent a retreat from previous efforts to achieve efficiency, which will have an especially detrimental effect on poorer districts.
Initially, we note that the Senate Bill 351 system is of limited usefulness as a basis for measuring the efficiency of the present system. We specifically noted in Edgewood III that the issue of efficiency was not then before the Court. 826 S.W.2d at 494.
The record establishes, moreover, that Senate Bill 7 continues the State‘s movement toward efficiency. For many of the poorer school districts, the immediate effect of Sen-
The property-poor districts’ concerns regarding the funding formulas in Senate Bill 7 are shared, in some respects, by the property-rich districts. We now turn to those districts’ specific complaints.
IV
As discussed above, the property-poor districts’ arguments focus primarily on efficiency problems: the disparities in districts’ access to revenue under Senate Bill 7. The property-rich districts, in contrast, focus primarily on revenue: the mechanism through which Senate Bill 7 provides the funds to achieve efficiency.
The cornerstone of Senate Bill 7‘s funding mechanism is the $280,000-per-student cap on a district‘s taxable property, described in Part II, supra. The cap allows the State to tap the reservoirs of taxable property situated in property-rich districts. This Court emphasized the significance of these reservoirs in Edgewood I:
Efficiency . . . does not allow concentrations of resources in property-rich districts that are taxing low when property-poor districts that are taxing high cannot generate sufficient revenues to meet even minimum standards.
[T]he current system insulates concentrated areas of property wealth from being taxed to support the public schools. The result is that substantial revenue is lost to the system. If the property in these and similar districts were taxed at substantially the same rate as the rest of the property in the state, the system could have hundreds of millions of additional dollars at its disposal. Whether this additional revenue were used to increase the attainable equalized funding level, ease the State‘s burden, or lower the tax rate each district must impose, the system would be made more efficient simply by utilizing the resources in the wealthy districts to the same extent that the remainder of the state‘s resources are utilized.
804 S.W.2d at 497. The $280,000 cap enforces the approach this language suggests; with the cap in place, the resources in the wealthiest districts are burdened to substantially the same extent as are the remainder of the State‘s resources. In 1993-94, the cap affected over $35 billion in property wealth and yielded some $400 million in additional revenue.
The State justifies the $280,000 cap on the basis of the Legislature‘s authority, under
The property-rich districts acknowledge the Legislature‘s broad authority in establishing school districts, but nonetheless argue that the State‘s implementation of the $280,000 cap violates a variety of constitutional provisions. The property-rich districts also argue that the State‘s heavy reliance on local funds, including funds drawn as a result of the $280,000 cap, represents an abdication of the State‘s responsibility to provide for edu-
A. Suitable provision
In Edgewood III, we recognized that “local ad valorem taxes now are expected to provide most of the basic needs of education.” 826 S.W.2d at 494. This fact, we wrote, does not in itself signify a constitutional violation:
[L]ocal revenue may play a role in achieving an efficient system of free public schools. . . . We have not attempted to dictate to the Legislature what part local revenue should play in funding public education, viewing that decision as properly the Legislature‘s prerogative in the first instance. Although the Constitution requires the Legislature to “establish and make suitable provision for” free public schools, it contains no specific requirement that public education be funded completely with state revenue.
The property-rich districts argue, however, that the State‘s reliance on local revenue is so great that it violates the Constitution. Under Senate Bill 7, locally-generated revenue accounts for about 57 percent of all state and local spending on education, as compared with about 54 percent at the time of Edgewood III.19 By providing only 43 percent of education costs, the property-rich districts argue, the State has violated its duty to “make suitable provision for” the public school system, as required by
By express constitutional mandate, the legislature must make “suitable” provision for an “efficient” system for the “essential” purpose of a “general diffusion of knowl-
edge.” While these are admittedly not precise terms, they do provide a standard by which this court must, when called upon to do so, measure the constitutionality of the legislature‘s actions. . . . If the system is not “efficient” or not “suitable,” the legislature has not discharged its constitutional duty and it is our duty to say so.
777 S.W.2d at 394. We have not, however, attempted to dictate to the Legislature the means by which this duty is to be fulfilled:
Since the Legislature has the mandatory duty to make suitable provision for the support and maintenance of an efficient system of public free schools, and has the power to pass any law relative thereto, not prohibited by the Constitution, it necessarily follows that it has a choice in the selection оf methods by which the object of the organic law may be effectuated. The Legislature alone is to judge what means are necessary and appropriate for a purpose which the Constitution makes legitimate. The legislative determination of the methods, restrictions, and regulations is final, except when so arbitrary as to be violative of the constitutional rights of the citizen. . . .
The word “suitable,” used in connection with the word “provision” in this section of the Constitution, is an elastic term, depending upon the necessities of changing times or conditions, and clearly leaves to the Legislature the right to determine what is suitable, and its determination will not be reviewed by the courts if the act has a real relation to the subject and object of the Constitution.
Mumme v. Marrs, 40 S.W.2d at 36.
The property-rich districts argue that the Legislature itself has established standards for measuring suitability and has failed to meet those standards. In particular, the districts point to two general provisions in the Texas Education Code: section
In a related argument, the Humble group of appellants asserts that the present finance system is unconstitutional because it fails to fund mandates imposed on local districts by state law. The district court rejected this argument on legal grounds, and severed related factual matters as “so-called adequacy questions” to be decided in a later trial if necessary.20 Even so, as noted in Part III, supra, the district court found that every district can meet accreditation and other legal standards from Tier 1 and Tier 2 funding. On this record, therefore, we reject Humble‘s argument. On the same basis, we reject the corollary argument that the Legislature‘s mandates are void until such time as the Legislature provides additional funding.
Certainly, if the Legislature substantially defaulted on its responsibility such that Texas school children were denied access to that education needed to participate fully in the social, economic, and educational opportunities available in Texas, the “suitable provision” clause would be violated. The
B. State ad valorem tax
The property-rich districts also argue that the new finance system, viewed as a whole, effectively imposes a statewide ad valorem tax in violation of article VIII, section 1-e of the Texas Constitution. In Edgewood III, this Court set out the following test for determining whether a particular ad valorem tax is a statewide tax in violation of
An ad valorem tax is a state tax when it is imposed directly by the State or when the State so completely controls thе levy, assessment and disbursement of revenue, either directly or indirectly, that the authority employed is without meaningful discretion.
826 S.W.2d at 502. In doing so, we recognized that the boundary between a state-encouraged local tax and a statewide tax was “difficult to delineate:”
Clearly, if the State merely authorized a tax but left the decision whether to levy it entirely up to local authorities, to be approved by the voters if necessary, then the tax would not be a state tax. The local authority could freely choose whether to levy the tax or not. To the other extreme, if the State mandates the levy of a tax at a set rate and prescribes the distribution of the proceeds, the tax is a state tax, irrespective of whether the State acts in its own behalf or through an intermediary. Between these two extremes lies a spectrum of possibilities.
Id. at 502-03. The tax in the present case lies somewhere in that “spectrum of possibilities.” Senate Bill 7 does not leave the imposition of a property tax entirely up to local authorities, to be approved “if necessary.” To receive any Foundation School Fund payments at all, a district must tax at an effective rate of at least $0.86. See
If the State required local authorities to levy an ad valorem tax but allowed them discretion on setting the rate and disbursing the proceeds, the State‘s conduct might not violate
article VIII, section 1-e .
The property-rich districts insist that Senate Bill 7 gives the State such complete control over the finance system that local districts are left with no meaningful discretion. They complain, in particular, that Senate Bill 7 requires rollback elections for rate increases of more than $0.06, places extensive restrictions on each of the five options that may be used to lower district wealth, and sets minimum and maximum tax rates.
The requirement of rollback elections imposes no such limits. At worst, it may only slow a district‘s efforts to reach a desired rate. Nor is a district‘s taxing discretion reduced by restrictions on the five options. While the exercise of certain options may affect the disbursement of tax proceeds, any such effects are attributable to the district‘s own selection of particular options.21
The property-rich districts are correct, however, that Senate Bill 7 does, to some extent, limit the districts’ discretion in choosing a tax rate by imposing minimum and maximum tax rates; however, the imposition of such limits does not render Senate Bill 7 unconstitutional. Districts are still
However, if the cost of providing for a general diffusion of knowledge continues to rise, as it surely will, the minimum rate at which a district must tax will also rise. Eventually, some districts may be forced to tax at the maximum allowable rate just to provide a general diffusion of knowledge. If a cap on tax rates were to become in effect a floor as well аs a ceiling, the conclusion that the Legislature had set a statewide ad valorem tax would appear to be unavoidable because the districts would then have lost all meaningful discretion in setting the tax rate.
Taken together, these restrictions do not at this time approach the level of control exercised in Senate Bill 351, which set uniform tax rates and prescribed the distribution of all tax proceeds. We accordingly conclude that the State‘s control under Senate Bill 7 is not presently so great as to fall within the prohibition of
The Stafford appellants emphasize the Legislature‘s heavy reliance on local ad valorem taxes and urge that the use of such taxes to fulfill a state obligation amounts to the imposition of a state tax. We recognized in Edgewood III that the framers and ratifiers of
C. Love v. City of Dallas
A closely-related argument involves the limitations on the Legislature‘s authority over school districts established in Love v. City of Dallas, 120 Tex. 351, 40 S.W.2d 20 (1931). In Love, this Court held that the Legislature could not compel a school district to use its resources for the education of students who resided outside the district because both
In Love, this Court upheld the constitutionality of the High School Tuition Law by construing it in a manner that left discretion with local school boards. If a school board determined, in its sound discretion, that admission of nonresident students would not be prejudicial to resident students, the act would allow their admission at the statutory rate of compensation. 40 S.W.2d at 30-31. Because the act did not compel local school districts to accept nonresident students without reasonable compensation, we held that it was not necessarily unconstitutional.
Senate Bill 7 does not violate the principles set forth in Love. The Bill does not compel any district to pay for the education of nonresident students. A district with wealth in excess of $280,000 per student may choose any of three options to avoid paying for the education of nonresidents: it may consolidate with another district (option 1); detach a portion of its territory (option 2); or consoli
Like the High School Tuition Law, Senate Bill 7 allows taxpayers to choose, at their disсretion, to pay for the education of nonresident students. Option 3 allows a district to reduce its property wealth by purchasing average daily attendance credit, while option 4 allows it to contract for the education of nonresident students. Both options require approval by the voters of the district.
The property-rich districts argue that the selection of a wealth-reducing option is not a free choice at all, because the various alternatives are all undesirable. Thus, invoking the doctrine of unconstitutional conditions, the property-wealthy districts assert that Senate Bill 7 represents an unlawful attempt to force voters to surrender their constitutional rights under Love. This argument suffers from two defects. First, it finds a “constitutional right” where none exists.
Second, assuming such rights did exist, the school districts do not have the right to spend tax revenue derived from property in excess of the $280,000 cap. Under Senate Bill 7, the Legislature has effectively withdrawn the school districts’ right to tax property values in excess of the cap. If the Legislature gives districts the right to tax in the first place, it is certainly within the Legislature‘s power to limit such authority. There is clearly some tension between school districts’ interest in retaining locally-generated funds and the Legislature‘s interest in fulfilling its constitutional duty to establish an efficient system of public schools through local taxation. That tension must be resolved, though, in a manner that allows the Legislature to fulfill its obligation:
The Constitution, having made it the mandatory duty of the Legislature to “make suitable provision for the support and maintenance of an efficient system of public free schools,” necessarily conferred the power to make it effective.
Mumme v. Marrs, 120 Tex. 383, 40 S.W.2d 31, 36 (1931). For the reasons discussed in our prior opinions, the Texas finance system under Senate Bill 7 could not be efficient as long as it denied access to the pools of wealth concentrated in the wealthiest districts. With that fact in view, we decline to hold that the access Senate Bill 7 allows to such wealth violates Love.
D. Lending of credit or grant of public money
The Sterling City and Crockett County districts argue that the Senate Bill 7 financing system is invalid because it authorizes or requires districts to lend credit or grant public funds in violation of
Chapter 36 of the Texas Education Code, as amended by Senate Bill 7, doеs not authorize the use of public funds for private purposes, or any gratuitous grant of public funds. When a district with wealth in excess of $280,000 per student chooses to reduce its wealth through either option 3 (purchasing of average daily attendance credits) or option 4 (contracting for the education of nonresident students), some funds must be transferred outside the district. See
E. Delegation of power
The Carrollton-Farmers Branch appellants argue that Senate Bill 7 is an unconstitutional delegation of power to the Commissioner of Education. They point out that the bill gives the Commissioner extensive rulemaking authority, as well as powers of detachment, annexation, and consolidation. See
The Texas Legislature may delegate its powers to agencies established to carry out legislative purposes, as long as it establishes “reasonable standards to guide the entity to which the powers are delegated.” Railroad Comm‘n v. Lone Star Gas Co., 844 S.W.2d 679, 689 (Tex. 1992) (quoting State v. Texas Mun. Power Agency, 565 S.W.2d 258, 273 (Tex. Civ. App.—Houston [1st Dist.] 1978, writ dism‘d)). “Requiring the legislature to include every detail and anticipate unforeseen circumstances would... defeat the purpose of delegating legislative authority.” Id.
The broadest delegation of authority in Senate Bill 7 is in
necessary to match such funding elements with appropriations. We agree that this administrative function, which the State refers to as “merely a ministerial calculation,” does not involve the sort of discretion that would require more extensive standards. Cf. Jordan v. State Bd. of Ins., 160 Tex. 506, 334 S.W.2d 278, 280 (1960) (noting that reasonable certainty in the statutory standard is not always dependent on detailed rules).24
With regard to the Commissioner‘s powers of detachment, annexation, and consolidation, the Carrollton-Farmers Branch appellants argue not that the Commissioner‘s discretion is too broad, but rather that it is too narrow. Senate Bill 7 includes specific, objective criteria for the Commissioner to apply in making these determinations. See
The separation of powers clause requires that the standards of delegation be “reasonably clear and hence acceptable as a standard of measurement.” Jordan v. State Bd. of Ins., 334 S.W.2d at 280. Criteria of the sort suggested by appellants would tend to reduce the precision of the standards, making the Commissioner‘s role more legislative in character, not less. Thus, whether or not such additional criteria would be beneficial, they are not requirеd by
F. Judicial review
Both the Carrollton-Farmers Branch appellants and the Sterling City appellants challenge two provisions in Senate Bill 7 that limit judicial review of decisions by the Commissioner of Education. The majority of the Commissioner‘s decisions under
The Carrollton-Farmers Branch appellants assert that
All of these arguments are premature. The appellants do not attack any existing order of the Commissioner. When the Commissioner does act, the availability of judicial review is dependent on whether the Commissioner‘s decision affects vested property rights or violates a constitutional provision. See City of Amarillo v. Hancock, 150 Tex. 231, 239 S.W.2d 788, 790 (1951); see also Lyford Indep. Sch. Dist. v. Willamar Indep. Sch. Dist., 34 S.W.2d 854, 856 (Tex. Comm‘n App. 1931, judgm‘t adopted) (holding that a school district has no vested right in laws fixing its boundaries). While it is possible that sections
G. Impairment of contracts
The Carrollton-Farmers Branch appellants also argue that Senate Bill 7 unconstitutionally impairs the obligation of contracts. Under the bill, when a property-rich district fails to reduce its taxable property to $280,000 per student, the Commissioner of Education must detach property from the district and annex it to another district.
This Court has held that when the Legislature provides for the creation of a certain fund for the payment of a bond issue, the provision “cannot be repealed by subsequent legislation without the substitution of something of equal efficacy.” City of Aransas Pass v. Keeling, 112 Tex. 339, 247 S.W. 818, 821 (1923). A lower court has applied this rule to strike down a six-percent limitation on a city‘s annual tax increases, because such a limitation increased the likelihood that the city‘s tax rate would be insufficient to meet its debt service requirements. Determan v. City of Irving, 609 S.W.2d 565, 570 (Tex. Civ. App.—Dallas 1980, no writ).
The rule stated in Keeling, however, does not prohibit every act affecting a bond-issuing entity‘s ability to repay its obligations; rather, it proscribes the unmitigated repeal of a funding source. As long as the entity is clearly able to repay its obligations within statutory and constitutional limitations, legislation reducing the entity‘s tax base does not impair the obligation of contracts. See Lyford Indep. Sch. Dist. v. Willamar Indep. Sch. Dist., 34 S.W.2d 854, 856 (Tex. Comm‘n App. 1931, judgm‘t adopted); El Dorado Indep. Sch. Dist. v. Tisdale, 3 S.W.2d 420, 422 (Tex. Comm‘n App. 1928, judgm‘t adopted). We disapprove any suggestion in Determan that is inconsistent with our holdings in Lyford and El Dorado.
Senate Bill 7 poses no serious threat to any district‘s ability to repay its bonded indebtedness.
H. Noncontiguity
The Carrollton-Farmers Branch appellants and the Sterling City and Crockett County appellants complain of several provisions in Senate Bill 7 under which a school district may include property that is not contiguous to the remainder of the district. These provisions, the appellants argue, violate the Legislature‘s obligations under
The appellants’ complaints are directed primarily at the mandatory actions to be taken when a property-rich district fails to reduce its wealth to $280,000 per student.25 When the Commissioner of Education de-
The appellants assert that these procedures are inherently inefficient because they preclude consideration of the educational effects of proposed boundary changes, and will produce a “crazy-quilt” pattern of districts across the state. In rural areas, the appellants argue, the practical effects will be particularly harsh; islands of property may be annexed to districts hundreds of miles away, undermining the ability of property owners and elected officials to participate in school affairs. In the appellants’ view,
In a related argument, Sterling and Crockett urge that the provisions at issue are invalid as applied to countywide school districts. They point out the constitutional significance of the county unit in various areas, including education, and argue that
We note, initially, that a district may avoid all of the problems described by exercising one of the five options to reduce its wealth to $280,000 per student.28 Presumably, the district will weigh the costs of the various alternatives, and will subject itself to mandatory detachment only if that alternative would be less damaging to the district than any of the five options.
There is still the danger that owners of valuable property will prefer one of the five options, but will be outvoted by others in the district. Parcels of property might consequently be detached from the district and annexed to distant, noncontiguous districts. As the appellants point out, such an arrangement would produce a crazy-quilt pattern of districts and could pose a number of practical problems.
In constitutional terms, however, such an arrangement would not be significantly different from the present system. As recently as Edgewood III, we noted that “the crazy-quilt pattern of small schоol districts remains a significant feature of the Texas public education system.” 826 S.W.2d at 495. There is little indication that this pattern was created on the basis of educational considerations. See Edgewood I, 777 S.W.2d at 393.
There is presently no constitutional basis for reaching a different result with regard to countywide school districts. At one time, this Court did hold that
I. Situs rule
Sterling and Crockett also challenge Senate Bill 7‘s detachment and annexation provisions on the basis of
Under
Under Senate Bill 7, detached real property is deemed to be placed within the district to which the property is annexed. When this occurs, the taxable situs of the property attached is within the limits of the taxing district‘s boundaries. We hold, therefore, that the detachment and annexation provisions of Senate Bill 7 do not violate
J. Voting Rights Act and Equal Protection Clause
The Carrollton-Farmers Branch appellants argue that Senate Bill 7 violates the federal
The Sterling City and Crockett County appellants assert numerous related challenges involving Senate Bill 7‘s involuntary detachment and annexation provisions. All of these challenges concern the possibility that residential property may be annexed to a distant district. The appellants assert that such annexation would violate the rights of voters, candidates, students, parents, and taxpayers residing on the annexed property.
We reject the argument that Senate Bill 7 is an unlawful attempt to interfere with the right to vote. As indicated previously, the Texas Constitution gives the Legislature a “free hand” in establishing school districts, “including the abolition and consolidation of districts.” Edgewood III, 826 S.W.2d at 511. Far from interfering with the right to vote, Senate Bill 7 provides an opportunity to vote that would not otherwise exist.
We likewise reject the argument that Senate Bill 7, on its face, violates the rights of individuals residing on property that may be detached. Senate Bill 7 exempts from involuntary detachment property used primarily for residential purposes.
K. Local or special law
Finally, the Carrollton-Farmers Branch appellants argue that Senate Bill 7 is a local or special law in violation of
A special or local law is one that applies to a limited class of persons as distinguished by geography or some other special characteristic. Edgewood III, 826 S.W.2d at 510 (citing Clark v. Finley, 93 Tex. 171, 54 S.W. 343, 345 (1899)). The ultimate test for determining whether a law is general or special is whether there is a reasonable basis for the classification it makes and whether the law operates equally on all members within the class. Robinson v. Hill, 507 S.W.2d 521, 525 (Tex. 1974).
V
Although there is no “separate” facilities component, all districts have access to equalized funding for facilities purposеs under Tier 2. Tier 2 was designed to provide “a guaranteed yield system of financing to provide all districts with substantially equal access to funds to provide an enriched program and additional funds for facilities.”
The plaintiffs offered in evidence a 1992 Texas Education Agency report, which generally concluded that the facilities in property-poor districts are older and in greater need of repair. But the report also concludes that “more than 90% of all districts statewide received average ratings of fair or good for their rooms and building systems.”34
The plaintiffs further point to the fact that debt service rates in property-poor districts are generally higher than those in property-rich districts. Debt service taxes in the property-poor districts, however, generate far more revenue than required for actual debt service allocations, which leaves the districts with a considerable amount of revenue available for either facilities or operations purposes.35 Our search of the record reveals that the plaintiffs have not demonstrated that there is even one district that cannot presently provide the facilities necessary for a general diffusion of knowledge within the equalized program. To the contrary, the
We acknowledge, and the State concedes, that if the cost of providing a general diffusion of knowledge rises to the point that a district cannot meet its operations and facilities needs within the equalized program, the State will, at that time, have abdicated its constitutional duty to provide an efficient school system. See supra notes 10 and 14. From the evidence, it appears that this point is near.37 However, under the present record, plaintiffs have not yet proved that the State has breached its duty to efficiently provide for a general diffusion of knowledge simply because Senate Bill 7 does not include a separate facilities component.
VI
Another group of appellants includes Guadalupe and Margie Gutierrez, individually and as next friends of their two minor children, along with two other sets of parents and children. As plaintiff-intervenors in the district court, the Gutierrez group alleged that the present system of public education denies them a constitutionally suitable and efficient education. They further alleged a constitutional right to select the schools of their choice and to receive state reimbursement for their tuition. Thus, they sought an immediate remedy ordering their school districts to contract with private entities of the parents’ choosing for the education of their children.
The State filed special exceptions to the petition in intervention, asserting, among other things, that it “prays for a political remedy rather than alleging a statutory or constitutional right.” At a hearing, the district court stated that it was granting the State‘s special exceptions, and explained its ruling as follows:
What I am saying is, is that the courts of the State of Texas have no authority to order a hybrid voucher system.
And it doesn‘t matter what state of facts you show with regard to suitability or efficiency, that we have got no authority to order a hybrid voucher system. And that that‘s what you are requesting and we have got no authority to do it.
After providing an opportunity to amend the petition, the district court dismissed the claims with prejudice.
The Gutierrez appellants assert that the district court erred in sustaining the special exceptions because the petition in intervention asserted justiciable claims. We disagree.
In Edgewood I, we held that
[W]e do not prescribe the structure for “an efficient system of public free schools.” The duty to establish and provide for such a system is committed by the Constitution
Edgewood III, 826 S.W.2d at 523. The Gutierrez appellants now ask the Court to go beyond this role, and to prescribe the structure of this state‘s public school system. For the reasons stated in our prior opinions, we decline to do so.
VII
In a separate proceeding, Somerset Independent School District and ten other school districts brought suit challenging a rule issued by the Commissioner of Education regarding the redistribution of certain funds held by CEDs. The district court consolidated the suit with those brought by the other districts, and subsequently upheld the Commissioner‘s rule. We affirm.
The parties stipulated to the relevant facts. Senate Bill 351 required each CED to levy a tax at a rate necessary to collect its local fund assignment. The CED was then to distribute the funds collected to the CED‘s component school districts pursuant to a statutory formula. When the total amount available for distribution by the CED exceeded its local fund assignment, the CED was required to retain the excess amount for distribution in succeeding years. After Senate Bill 351 took effect, some CEDs had excess funds, some had no excess, and some a deficit.
In January 1992, this Court held Senate Bill 351 invalid, but we deferred the effect of our ruling so as not to interfere with the collection of 1991 and 1992 CED taxes. Edgewood III, 826 S.W.2d at 522. We noted that our ruling was not to be used as a defense to the payment of any such taxes. Id.
Senate Bill 7 abolished the CEDs created by Senate Bill 351.
Pursuant to section 4.15, the Commissioner of Education adopted a rule providing for the management of assets, liabilities, and records of former CEDs.
The Somerset districts challenge the rule‘s provisions regarding excess funds, delinquent taxes, and the designation of successors-in-interest. We consider each in turn.
A. Excess CED funds
The Somerset districts argue that the Commissioner‘s rule is invalid because its provisions for the distribution of excess CED funds are inconsistent with, or contrary to, section 4.15 of Senate Bill 7.39 The districts point out that section 4.15(a) requires the transfer of excess funds “in the manner” provided by the Commissioner, while section 4.15(b), which governs other assets, and section 4.15(c), which governs contracts and other liabilities, both require transfer “in the manner and amounts” provided by the Commissioner (emphasis added). We must presume, the districts argue, that the omission of the phrase “and amounts” in section 4.15 was deliberate. See Cameron v. Terrell & Garrett, Inc., 618 S.W.2d 535, 540 (Tex. 1981). According to the districts, the Legislature intended the excess funds to be transferred in the amounts determined by applying Senate Bill 351, because this Court‘s injunction allowed Senate Bill 351 to remain in place until September 1, 1993—the day after the excess funds were to be distributed. See Edgewood III, 826 S.W.2d at 523 n. 42.
We disagree. Although section 4.15(a) does not use the word “amounts,” it clearly contemplates that the “manner provided” for the distribution of funds will include the determination of amounts because the latter part of the section sets out an exception for the allocation of penalties. If the Commissioner had no discretion regarding the determination of amounts, the restriction regarding penalties would not be an exception at all; it would be a wholly separate responsibility. The more plausible interpretation is that the Commissioner has discretion in adopting a rule for the allocation of excess funds among school districts, except that penalties must be allocated in the manner specified.
The other language in section 4.15 does not justify the Somerset districts’ reading of the statute. The words “and amounts” were apparently included in paragraphs (b) and (c) to clarify that the Commissioner was authorized to determine the value of all items transferred. Non-monetary assets, contracts, and other liabilities may lack clear monetary values—unlike funds, which are necessarily expressed in dollar amounts. In regard to the date specified for the transfer of funds, the statute must be read in light of the immediately preceding provision, section 4.14 of Senate Bill 7, which abolished every CED effective September 1, 1993. Section 4.15(a) simply provides that the last act required of CEDs—the transfer of their funds—was to take place on the last day of their existence.
B. Delinquent CED taxes
The Commissioner‘s rule required the governing board of each CED to designate a successor-in-interest to the assets, liabilities, and records of the CED.
The terms of section 4.15 do give the Commissioner broad discretion in adopting a rule. That discretion is limited, however, by other provisions concerning state policy with regard to school finance. In particular, the
The public school finance system of the State of Texas shall adhere to a standard of neutrality which provides for substantially equal access to similar revenue per student at similar tax effort, considering all state and local tax revenues of districts after acknowledging all legitimate student and district cost differences.
We likewise hold that section 4.15 does not represent an unconstitutional delegation of legislative authority.
C. CEDs’ successors-in-interest
Finally, the Somerset districts assert that the Commissioner‘s rule is invalid insofar as it required the governing board of each CED to designate a successor-in-interest. Noting that section 4.15 of Senate Bill 7 does not mention any successor-in-interest, the Somerset districts argue that the Commissioner‘s rule is invalid because it imposes40 additional burdens, conditions, or restrictions in excess of the statute. See generally Kelly v. Industrial Accident Bd., 358 S.W.2d 874, 876-77 (Tex. Civ. App.—Austin 1962, writ ref‘d).
In deciding whether an administrative agency has exceeded its rulemaking powers, the determinative factor is whether the rule‘s provisions are in harmony with the general objectives of the act involved. Gerst v. Oak Cliff Sav. & Loan Ass‘n, 432 S.W.2d 702, 706 (Tex. 1968). The designation of successors-in-interest promotes the orderly winding-up of CEDs, as well as the other goals of Senate Bill 7, by allowing the State‘s interests to be protected after the CEDs are abolished. We hold, therefore, that the Commissioner did not exceed his rulemaking powers by enacting the rule.
VIII
We conclude that Senate Bill 7 is constitutional in all respects. We also hold that the district court properly dismissed the Gutierrez group‘s claims and rejected the Somerset group‘s claims. Therefore, the judgment of the district court is modified to provide that the relief requested by Edgewood Independent School District, et al., and Alvarado Independent School District, et al. is denied.40 The district court‘s injunction of January 26, 1994, is vacated. The judgment of the district court is in all other respects affirmed.
ENOCH, Justice, concurring and dissenting.
I agree with the Court today that Senate Bill 7 establishes an efficient system of public schools.1 I also agree with the Court‘s anal-
Yet while I agree that Senate Bill 7 is constitutionally efficient under article VII, section 1, I cannot join in that part of the Court‘s judgment upholding Senate Bill 7 because I find other constitutional infirmities in the legislation. In achieving efficiency, the State has so expanded its reliance on local property taxes to fund the entire public school system that the State has abdicated its constitutional duty to make suitable provision for public schools in violation of article VII, section 1 and has enacted a state ad valorem tax prohibited by article VIII, section 1-e. Consequently, I dissent.
I. Historical Failings
The principal education clause of our Constitution mandates that the State establish and make suitable provision for our public schools:
A general diffusion of knowledge being essential to the preservation of the liberties and rights of the people, it shall be the duty of the Legislature of the State to establish and make suitable provision for the support and maintenance of an efficient system of public free schools.
The burden placed on the State to provide for public education derives from the Constitution of the Republic of Texas of 1836:
It shall be the duty of Congress, as soon as circumstances will permit, to provide by law a general system of education.
Constitution of the Republic of Texas, General Provisions § 5 (1836), reprinted in TEX. CONST. app. 482, 490 (Vernon 1993). Although over four million acres of land were set aside by the Legislature at that time to establish a primary school system, the Legislature never established any state-wide educational system. STEWART & CLARK, THE CONSTITUTION AND GOVERNMENT OF TEXAS 103 (1933); Stern, Comment, Judicial Promulgation of Legislative Policy: Efficiency at the Expense of Democracy, 45 Sw. L.J. 977, 981 (1991).
When Texas joined the Union in 1845, Texans adopted a new state constitution with a stronger education clause that called for preserving liberties through education:
A general diffusion of knowledge being essential to the preservation of the rights and liberties of the people, it shall be the duty of the Legislature of this State to make suitable provision for the support and maintenance of public schools.
TEX. CONST. of 1845, art. X, § 1, reprinted in TEX. CONST. app. at 521. Again, the Legislature did not follow through on its constitutional obligations to public education and failed, until 1854, to establish a permanent school fund as required by article X, section 2 of the 1845 Constitution. Stern, supra, at 981. Even then, the first money invested in the permanent school fund, two million dollars, was subsequently loaned to the railroads. See FUNKHOUSER, EDUCATION IN TEXAS: POLICIES, PRACTICES, AND PERSPECTIVES 175 (6th Ed. 1992); JOURNAL OF THE SECES-
Texans adopted our current Constitution after Reconstruction in 1876. Once more, Texans placed the burden on the State‘s Legislature to provide for the public schools. This time it was mandated that the State provide for the support and maintenance of an efficient system of public free schools.3
Our current Constitution initially provided for only state funding of public education on a per student basis.
The State‘s lackluster commitment to provide for the public schools is borne out by the numbers. Under the first comprehensive attempt at school finance reform in 1949, the Legislature established the Minimum Foundation Program, the predecessor of our current Foundation School Program, envisioning a guaranteed amount of resources per student with the State funding 80% and local taxes funding only 20%. Edgewood III, 826 S.W.2d at 495. Under this system, however, local districts were not required to raise any local funds to receive state funding for education. Id. at 496. By the mid-1980‘s, state funding of the total educational costs had dwindled to only 42%, with local property taxes accounting for 50% and the remainder
Senate Bill 7 is merely the same song, sеcond verse. As has been the case for nearly 150 years, the State again has failed to adequately provide for the State‘s public schools. The evidence is undisputed that the State‘s Tier 1 funding, the $2,300 basic allotment, is insufficient for districts to provide a basic program of education that meets accreditation and other legal standards. See
More troublesome than the State‘s failure to adequately fund a basic program of education, however, is the State‘s reliance on and manipulation of local property taxes under the current system. Under Senate Bill 7, local property taxes continue to be the cornerstone of the State‘s educational financing system with the State contributing only 43% of the funding for our public schools. Unlike prior financing schemes, Senate Bill 7 attempts to mask the State‘s failure to adequately fund education by increasing the system‘s reliance on local property taxes and then capturing those dollars under the guise of state funding. This unprecedented reliance on local property taxes under Senate Bill 7 renders the school finance system unconstitutional.
II. Unsuitability
The Court today reconfirms that suitability under article VII, section 1 is a justiciable issue. 917 S.W.2d at 735-37; Edgewood I, 777 S.W.2d at 394. However, the Court effectively precludes any judicial review of suitability by giving the Legislature the virtually unfettered discretion to implement school financing schemes. The Court notes only that if the Legislature “substantially defaulted on” its responsibility to provide for education
By reducing the constitutional standard of suitability to total dollars spent, the Court has not only rendered that provision meaningless, but has also misconstrued the object of our review. The duty to establish and suitably provide for an efficient system of public schools is committed by the Constitution to the Legislature. Edgewood III, 826 S.W.2d at 489. Our role is to determine whether the Legislature has complied with that duty. Id. Thus, our responsibility is to review the financing scheme in its entirety and determine whether the State has fulfilled its constitutionally mandated duty to suitably provide for the system of public schools. The Court‘s analysis of suitability, focusing solely on total dollars spent, ignores the substantive provisions of the financing scheme enacted under Senate Bill 7.
Suitability, we have said, is an elastic term, depending upon the necessities of changing times or conditions. Mumme v. Marrs, 120 Tex. 383, 40 S.W.2d 31, 36 (1931). The constitutional obligation to suitably provide for public schools leaves to the Legislature the right to determine what is suitable; its determination will not be reviewed by the courts if the act has a real relation to the subject and object of the Constitution. Id. This standard of suitability gives the Legislature broad discretion, but limits that discretion by requiring a real relationship between the fi-
To determine suitability first requires us to identify the basic educational program prescribed by the State as “essential” to the “general diffusion of knоwledge.” We must then examine the scheme established by the State under Senate Bill 7 to suitably provide for the basic education program and determine if the financing system has a real relationship to the constitutional mandate. Reviewed accordingly, the financing scheme enacted under Senate Bill 7 fails to satisfy the suitability clause of article VII, section 1 because it shifts the burden to provide for the State‘s public school system to local taxpayers.
The basic program of education prescribed by the State as essential is represented by Tier 1. Tier 1 purportedly guarantees sufficient financing for all school districts to provide a basic program of education that meets accreditation and other legal standards.
Tier 1 represents the constitutionally minimum basic education program required by article VII, section 1 of the Constitution. Rather than fund what it has stated is the basic minimum educational program, however, the State has left Tier 1 to be funded first by local districts through local property tax-
Tier 2 similarly is premised on significant local tax effort. Under Senate Bill 7, the State will guarantee a yield of $20.55 per student for each penny of additional local tax effort over $.86.
The system adopted under Senate Bill 7 thus has turned the school finance system envisioned under our Constitution on its head. Our Constitution has imposed a mandatory duty on the State to suitably provide for the system of public schools and only permits local property taxes to supplement state funding.
Although it is significant that under Senate Bill 7 state funding accounts for only 43% of total education dollars, the exact percentage sрlit between state and local funding is not determinative of constitutional suitability under article VII, section 1. The Court has stated before, and correctly so, that the Constitution contains no requirement that public education be funded solely by state revenue and that local property tax revenues may play a role in financing an efficient system of public schools. Edgewood III, 826 S.W.2d at 503; Edgewood II, 804 S.W.2d at 500; Edgewood I, 777 S.W.2d at 398. Accordingly, our Constitution permits joint state and local funding. Just as it is improper to measure suitability by looking solely at total state dollars spent, it would also be improper to evaluate suitability based solely on the percentage split between state and local funding. What is at issue is the substantive structure of the financing scheme adopted under Sen-
The State‘s over-reliance on local property taxes under Senate Bill 7 is made more blatantly obvious through the capture10 provisions of Chapter 36.
Because the State has abdicated its constitutional duty to establish and to suitably provide for an efficient system of public schools to the local districts, I would hold
III. State Ad Valorem Tax
The State‘s reliance on local property taxes in Senate Bill 7 leads to a second insurmountable constitutional obstacle: article VIII, section 1-e. The reliance on local property taxes is so great that Senate Bill 7 amounts to nothing more than a transparent attempt to circumvent the prohibition against a state ad valorem tax. See
Under Senate Bill 7 the State so completely controls the levy, assessment, and disbursement of tax revenue as to leave local districts virtually no meaningful discretion in deciding whether to tax or at what rate to tax. Edgewood III, 826 S.W.2d at 502. The State mandates that all districts levy a tax of at least $.86 per hundred valuation to participate at all in the Foundation School Program and must tax at that rate to attempt to raise their own Tier 1 basic allotment funds.
The Court stretches to avoid the conclusion that Senate Bill 7 imposes a state ad valorem tax by erroneously concluding that local districts have some discretion to tax at a rate less than $1.50. There is certainly no dispute among the parties that Senate Bill 7 contemplates full implementation with all districts taxing at $1.50 as soon as possible. This certainty is simply the result of the economic incentives built into Senate Bill 7. Property poor districts will tax at $1.50 to obtain the full benefit of the guaranteed yield.14 Since every penny of tax effort up to $1.50 by these districts generates $20.55 from the State, they will tax at $1.50 as soon as they can. Likewise, wealthy districts, losing a portion of their tax base due to the $280,000 cap, will be forced to raise their tax rate to $1.50 simply to maintain the revenue
The State does not even attempt to defend Senate Bill 7 on the grounds that districts have discretion to tax at some rate less than $1.50. Rather, all of the State‘s evidence at trial conceded and assumed that Senate Bill 7 would force all districts to tax at $1.50 at full implementation. While Senate Bill 7 may not set out expressly that all districts must tax at $1.50, the system enacted under Senate Bill 7 nevertheless requires all districts to tax at that level. In failing to recognize the economic realities to which the parties have acceded, the Court engages in a fiction that elevates form over substance.
The fact that
Moreover, simply because some districts have some discretion in setting their rates, even rates as high as $2.00, does not change the inevitable conclusion that Senate Bill 7 enacts a state property tax. Senate Bill 7 is wholly dependent upon local districts raising and contributing their local property taxes to fund in the first instance the State‘s obligation to make suitable provision for primary education. In capping districts’ wealth at $280,000, Senate Bill 7 distributes local property taxes and local property tax wealth throughout the State to fund the State‘s constitutional obligation to make this educational system efficient. The forced levy, at whatever tax rate, and distribution of local taxes or property tax wealth outside the district in satisfaction of the State‘s constitutional obligation to provide for public schools amounts to an unconstitutional state ad valorem tax.15
Although scarcely mentioned by the Court, the State‘s primary argument that the tax is not a state ad valorem tax is that participation in the Foundation School Program is not mandatory, and therefore, a local district need not levy any tax if it does not want to receive state funds for education. Perhaps the Court ignores this argument because it has so little merit.
The State cannot legitimately argue that Edgewood I.S.D. has any choice in deciding whether to participate in the Foundation School Program. Edgewood, with a taxable wealth per student of only $25,873, can generate only $2.59 per penny of local tax effort. Taxing at $.86, Edgewood can generate only $222.74 per student; taxing at the maximum $1.50, they can generate only $388.50 per student. When $3,000 to $3,500 is needed per student to meet the Tier 1 accreditation and other legal standards, it is clear that Edgewood must participate in the Foundation School Program and must levy the requisite taxes to provide the basic education to its students.16
Moreover, the State clearly views the local tax as mandatory as it concedes that fiscal neutrality is achieved only at all districts taxing at $1.50. If, as the State suggests, participation in the Foundation School Program were voluntary, those 104 school districts funding the equalization component of Senate Bill 7 could simply opt out of the
Senate Bill 7 varies little from its predecessor Senate Bill 351. Senate Bill 7 has simply exchanged County Education Districts for local school districts, but with local tax revenues redistributed state-wide instead of county-wide. Senate Bill 7 mandates that districts levy a tax at a given rate, limits the local districts’ discretion to increase that rate to $.06 per year, caps the maximum rate at $1.50, envisions full implementation only when all districts are taxing at $1.50, and prescribes the distribution of the proceeds through the local fund assignment and capture provisions. Under Senate Bill 7, the State‘s control over the levy, assessment, and distribution of local taxes is so great as to divest local districts of any meaningful discretion. Like its predecessor, Senate Bill 7 adopts a state ad valorem tax and violates
IV. Conclusion
Although Senate Bill 7 actually closes the educational funding gap17 throughout the State, it does so at the expense of other constitutional provisions. We cannot shrink from our constitutional obligations and when, as here, there are several constitutional provisions at issue, we should be loathe to tolerate a violation of one provision in preference of another, no matter how lofty the goals of the legislation. The Legislature must establish and make suitable provision for the maintenance and support of an efficient system of public free schools and must do so without enacting a constitutionally prohibited state ad valorem tax. As long as the Legislature continues its inordinate reliance on local property taxes as the primary funding
Why the Court today chooses to reject its prior calls for systemic change and accepts as constitutional what we said was unconstitutional only three years ago is unclear. The Court‘s action appears to be nothing more than an expression of frustration at its inability to extricate itself from this litigation. While I too find it unfortunate that after over ten years of litigation in Texas Courts we are no closer to a constitutional system of public education that provides for a general diffusion of knowledge, I am unwilling to sacrifice other of this State‘s citizens’ constitutional rights to achieve efficiency in our schools.
* * * * * *
Senate Bill 7 violates both
HECHT, Justice, joined by OWEN, Justice, concurring and dissenting.
I join in all but Part IV of the Court‘s opinion, and in the Court‘s judgment denying relief to Edgewood Independent School District, et al., and Alvarado Independent School District, et al.
I agree with the Court that the public school finance system structured by the current law, Senate Bill 7,1 as implemented at the time of the district court‘s judgment now on appeal, and taken as a whole, does not violate
I also agree with the Court that the evidence does not show that statutory provisions for funding school facilities cause the system as a whole to violate
I disagree with the Court in two principal respects. First, I believe that the provisions of Senate Bill 7 which permit—in reality coerce—some school districts to pay the cost of education in other districts in lieu of forced consolidation of districts or property detachment violate
For these reasons, which I now explain more fully, I respectfully dissent.
I
If one set about to devise the ideal system for financing public schools in a major state at the end of the twentieth century, it is highly unlikely that Senate Bill 7 would be the result. Texas’ public school finance system is not the product of careful study and planning, but of historical anomalies and political pressures over the course of more than a century.
In Edgewood I this Court held that the system violated
Because these constitutional problems inhered in the very structure of the public school finance system and could not be corrected simply by reallocating available state funds, Edgewood I concluded, “the system itself must be changed.” 777 S.W.2d at 397. Although we left the method of rectifying the system to the Legislature, its options were relatively clear. One was to adopt an entirely new way of financing public schools, such as with vouchers. Although this proposal has been advocated by a number of legislators and others, and by parties to this case, it does not appear to have received serious consideration in the Legislature. Another option was to consolidate school district tax bases without consolidating the districts entirely, leaving their respective governments independent but providing a broader and more uniform source of ad valorem tax revenue. After Edgewood II, the Legislature attempted this by creating county education districts (“CEDs“), which we reviewed in Edgewood III. However, because the Legislature gave CEDs no meaningful discretion in exercising their taxing power, we held that the tax authorized was in effect a state ad valorem tax prohibited by
The Legislature also had options which did not involve structural changes to the public school finance system. One was to propose an amendment to the Constitution to remove any impediment to the finance system it chose. It attempted this following Edgewood III, see
Today, despite the Court‘s admonition that systemic change is essential, made in Edgewood I, 777 S.W.2d at 397, and repeated in Edgewood II, 804 S.W.2d at 496, and the Legislature‘s three opportunities in as many years to comply with constitutional requirements, the basic system with its fundamental flaws remains intact. There are about as many school districts as there were before Edgewood I, the disparities among them in taxable property per student are just as great, and the State has increased its reliance on local ad valorem taxes. It is a telling point that while the finance system had its defenders in each of the forms we reviewed in Edgewood I, Edgewood II and Edgewood III, the only defender of Senate Bill 7 is the State.
Senate Bill 7 is among the most complex laws in Texas. Central to its operation is the following scheme. When fully implemented, the law prohibits a school district from having more than $280,000 in “taxable property” per “student“,
If involuntary detachment were used in every case, many districts would lose over half their property tax base. Voters would pay taxes in districts hundreds of miles from their residences. Involuntary consolidation could also result in schools far apart being included in noncontiguous districts. These possible consequences of Senate Bill 7, which no one disputes, can all be avoided, however, if the taxpayers in the nearly 100 districts with more than $280,000 property per student simply help pay to educate students in other districts. At the time of trial, not surprisingly, every “rich” district but one had “chosen” this course.
The “rich” districts argue that Senate Bill 7 violates eleven separate provisions of the
II
Two of the options Senate Bill 7 affords school districts to avoid forced consolidation or property detachment,
the Legislature may also provide for the formation of school district [sic] by general laws . . . and the Legislature shall be authorized to pass laws for the assessment and collection of taxes in all said districts and for the management and control of the public school or schools of such districts, . . . and the Legislature may authorize an additional ad valorem tax to be levied and collected within all school districts heretofore formed or hereafter formed, for the further maintenance of public free schools, and for the erection and equipment of school buildings therein. . . .
(Emphasis added.) The express language of this provision restricts the use of a district‘s tax revenues to schools in the district.
Thus, construing this provision in Love v. City of Dallas, 120 Tex. 351, 40 S.W.2d 20 (1931), this Court held:
it is plain, we think, that the property and funds of the public schools are held in trust by the city, district, county, or other statutory agency, to be used for the benefit of the school children of the community or district in which the properties exist, or to which the school funds have been allocated. We think these properties and funds are so plainly and clearly impressed with a trust in favor of the local public schools of the city or district that they are within the protective claims of both the state and federal Constitutions, and that the Legislature is without power to devote them to any other purpose or to the use of any other beneficiary or beneficiaries.
The State argued in Love that the Legislature‘s power to create, abolish, and change the boundaries of school districts authorized it to impose obligations on districts to educate nonresident students. This is the very same argument the State makes now, and we clearly rejected it in Love. We said:
Since the Constitution, art. 7, § 3, contemplates that districts shall be organized and taxes levied for the education of scholastics within the districts, it is obvious that the education of nonresident scholastics is not within their ordinary functions as quasi-municipal corporations; and under the authorities cited the Legislature is without power to impose such an obligation on them, without just compensation. Aside from this rule, the necessary implication from the constitutional provision is that the Legislature cannot compel one district to construct buildings and levy taxes for the education of nonresident pupils. The Legislature, by section 3, art. 7, is only authorized to permit school districts to impose taxes for these purposes for schools within the district, and to say that the Legislature can compel a district to admit nonresidents without just compensation would be permitting that department to do indirectly what it admittedly cannot do directly.
* * * * * *
Since the Constitution does not permit the taxation of the people of a school district for the support of that district, except upon a vote of the people of the district, it is not debatable that the Legislature cannot compel one district to use its funds and properties for the education of scholastics from another district, without just compensation. . . . [W]here a school district has facilities and teachers in excess of those necessary for its own scholastics, the state has the power to require it to accept transfers from another district, but only upon the payment of reasonable compensation therefor. . . . The Legislature, however, is without power to compel any district to provide additional facilities, teachers, etc.,
for the education of scholastics from another district.
Id. 40 S.W.2d at 27, 29-30 (citations omitted).
In Edgewood II the State made the same argument and urged the Court to overturn Love. We refused, explaining:
On motion for rehearing, plaintiff-intervenors request that we modify our opinion to overrule Love v. City of Dallas, 120 Tex. 351, 40 S.W.2d 20 (1931), or interprеt that case “in a manner that would permit the [state-wide] recapture of local ad valorem revenues for purposes of equalization.” We believe Love is sound and decline to overrule or modify it. Moreover, the interpretation requested by plaintiff-intervenors would violate the Texas Constitution. . . .
In Love, this Court held that the City of Dallas could not be compelled to educate students who resided outside of the city‘s school district. We held that
Plaintiff-intervenors now urge us to go further. They argue that all school districts are mere creatures of the state, and “in reality, all taxes raised at the local level are indeed State taxes subject to state-wide recapture for purposes of equalization.” Their position raises the question of whether the Legislature may constitutionally authorize school districts to generate and spend local taxes to enrich or supplement an efficient system. Because the Constitution does permit such enrichment, without equalization, local taxes cannot be considered “State taxes subject to state-wide recapture.”
Our Constitution clearly recognizes the distinction between state and local taxes, and the latter are not mere creatures of the former. The provision that “[n]o State ad valorem taxes shall be levied upon any property in this State,”
804 S.W.2d at 499 (footnote omitted).
To avoid the limitation of
The State‘s argument that Senate Bill 7 does not coerce districts to choose options (3) and (4) in
The fact that the voters of a district must approve option (3) or (4) is inconsequential. Senate Bill 7 is no less coercive to the voters of a district than to its governing board, and the voters have no more authority under
The second argument the State makes is that
The reasons why are obvious. Suppose, for example, the Legislature required school districts to choose between forced consolidation and payment of a portion of their revenues to finance the juvenile justice system, or state highway construction, or general state expenses. The first alternative arguably bears an indirect, albeit tenuous, relation to education; the other two bear no relation at all. The Court‘s opinion would allow all three. Neither the purpose nor the language of
The State recognized in Edgewood II that Love prohibits a redistribution of local tax revenues among school districts. That is why the State urged the Court to modify or overrule Love. Reiterating the same argument now a third time, the State has finally achieved what Love and Edgewood II denied it in the plainest terms. The Court‘s conclusion that
The Court suggests that a modified view of Love is necessary if the Legislature is to fulfill its responsibility to provide for an efficient school finance system. This was, of course, the same argument the State made in Edgewood II, which the Court rejected. The argument has no merit since, as I have noted above, the State has a number of options open to it which do not violate
I would hold that
III
The $280,000 cap and the five options for meeting it have a single, transparent purpose: to force statewide redistribution of local ad valorem taxes. Having chosen not to alter district boundaries and to continue to rely upon local tax revenues for well over half the cost of public education, the State must find a way of spreading those revenues around in order to achieve the efficiency required by
In Edgewood III, we stated the test for determining whether an ad valorem tax is a state tax:
An ad valorem tax is a state tax when it is imposed directly by the State or when the State so completely controls the levy, assessment and disbursement of revenue, either directly or indirectly, that the authority employed is without meaningful discretion. How far the State can go toward encouraging a local taxing authority to levy an ad valorem tax before the tax becomes a state tax is difficult to delineate.
Clearly, if the State merely authorized a tax but left the decision whether to levy it entirely up to local authorities, to be approved by the voters if necessary, then the tax would not be a state tax. The local authority could freely choose whether to levy the tax or not. To the other extreme, if the State mandates the levy of a tax at a set rate and prescribes the distribution of the proceeds, the tax is a state tax, irrespective of whether the State acts in its own behalf or through an intermediary. Between these two extremes lies a spectrum of other possibilities. If the State required local authorities to levy an ad valorem tax but allowed them discretion on setting the rate and disbursing the proceeds, the State‘s conduct might not violate article VIII, section 1-e . It is difficult, perhaps impossible, to define for every conceivable hypothetical precisely where along this continuum such taxes become state taxes. . . . Each case must necessarily turn on its own particulars.
826 S.W.2d at 502-503. Senate Bill 7 fails this test.
First, Senate Bill 7 controls local tax rates. While
Both the district court and all parties acknowledge that every school district in Texas will move as quickly as possible to the maximum $1.50 rate because of the provisions of Senate Bill 7. The Court‘s view of this is that while the statute “may encourage districts to tax at the maximum allowable rate, the State in no way requires them to do so.” Ante at 738. This view, and the Court‘s characterization of a district‘s decision in these circumstances as “an exercise of discretion“, ante at 738, blinks reality. The local ad valorem tax rate in every school district would hardly be more certain if the Legislature simply prescribed it, as did Senate Bill 351,4 which we reviewed in Edgewood III. This is a factual matter about which there is absolutely no disagreement in this case.
Second, Senate Bill 7 controls the distribution of local tax revenues in excess of those allowed under the $280,000 cap. Payments to the State are reallocated to other districts according to specified formulae in order to help equalize school funds. The remitting district has no voice in this reallocation. The State‘s control of redistributing local revenues is no different than it was under Senate Bill 351.
Under the test of Edgewood III, Senate Bill 7 levies a state ad valorem tax. A simpler test yields the same result: it operates no differently and has no other effect than a state ad valorem tax. Even the Court acknowledges that when the cost of a basic education approaches the revenue available at the maximum $1.50 rate, as the evidence indicates it will within a very few years at most, “the conclusion that the Legislature had set a statewide ad valorem tax would appear to be unavoidable“. Ante at 738. I agree with the Court that this conclusion is both imminent and inexorable. I disagree that the constitutional defect in Senate Bill 7 should be tolerated while we await the inevitable.
In Edgewood III, we observed: “The history of
* * * * * *
For these reasons, I would hold that the public school finance system violates
SPECTOR, Justice, dissenting.
This case is about a court that has come full circle. Just six years ago, faced with gross disparities in the school financing system, we unanimously decided that every school district must have similar revenues for similar tax effort. Today‘s cobbled-together opinion rejects that mandate, and instead sanctions dissimilar revenues for similar tax effort. This holding is not based on any matters that were tried in the district court. Instead, it is based on the previously-rejected premise that the state‘s constitutional responsibility is satisfied by providing most schoolchildren with the very least, and the favored few with the best money can buy. Because I believe this doctrine has no place in the field of public education, nor in the jurisprudence of this state, I dissent.
I.
Until today, there was a clear, simple test for determining whether the public school finance system was “efficient,” as required by
There must be a direct and close correlation between a district‘s tax effort and the educational resources available to it; in other words, districts must have substantially equal access to similar revenues per pupil at similar levels of tax effort.
Edgewood Indep. Sch. Dist. v. Kirby, 777 S.W.2d 391, 397 (Tex. 1989) (“Edgewood I“). Applying this test in Edgewood I, we held that the school finance system was inefficient because it failed to provide rich and poor districts with substantially-similar access to revenues. Id.
We also noted in Edgewood I that the finance system was inefficient in the sense that it failed to provide a “general diffusion of knowledge statewide.” Id. We made plain, however, that this failure was simply another result of the disparity in access to revenue:
Children who live in poor districts and children who live in rich districts must be afforded a substantially equal opportunity to have access to educational funds. Certainly, this much is required if the state is to educate its populace efficiently and provide for a general diffusion of knowledge statewide.
Id. (emphasis added).
We applied the same standard two years later, holding that the school finance system remained inefficient because it still failed to provide a “direct and close correlation between a district‘s tax effort and the educational resources available to it.” Edgewood Indep. Sch. Dist. v. Kirby, 804 S.W.2d 491, 496 (Tex. 1991) (“Edgewood II“) (quoting Edgewood I, 777 S.W.2d at 397). There is no mention in Edgewood II of any requirement that the Legislature provide for a “general diffusion of knowledge“; our decision was based solely on the continuing disparity in access to revenue between rich districts and poor districts. Id.
The standard adopted in Edgewood I, and applied in Edgewood II, does not require equal spending in every district. Rather, the standard recognized the importance of local control: some districts might choose to tax and spend at higher levels than others. Thus, in both opinions, we noted that a local community could choose to supplement the financing of education. Edgewood II (on rehearing), 804 S.W.2d at 500; Edgewood I, 777 S.W.2d at 398. We emphasized, however, that all districts must have the opportunity to provide such supplementation on a similar basis. In Edgewood I, we explained that a district‘s ability to supplement must not depend on its property wealth; instead, “any local enrichment must derive solely from local tax effort.” 777 S.W.2d at 398 (emphasis added).1 Similarly, in Edgewood II,
In accordance with our prior opinions, the trial of this case focused solely on the issue of whether Senate Bill 7 provides all districts with substantially-similar access to revenue at similar tax rates. The property-wealthy districts tried to shift the focus away from this standard; but the district court was steadfast, calling the issue “very simple“:
THE COURT: . . . This is the equity test of Edgewood I, does the bill meet it or not meet it. We‘re not going to back up and retry all these issues that you lost on and that the Supreme Court has written on.
So I am not going to let us back up. If you have anything on what we‘re here on today which is substantially the same revenue for substantially the same tax effort, then you need to ask that.
All you did, Mr. Olson, was articulate the whole theory of the first trial which was that there is some basic foundation that everybody is entitled to and over that it‘s enrichment, and we don‘t have to worry about it—
MR. OLSON: Your honor—
THE COURT: —and we‘ve already crossed that bridge.
. . . .
That is not what this trial is about. This trial is about substantially equal revenue for substantially equal tax effort. That‘s what we‘re trying to figure out.
The State shared the district court‘s view of “efficiency.” The State‘s lead expert, who provided the bulk of the State‘s evidence, testified that he understood this Court‘s opinions to require very similar yields for equal tax effort across all wealth levels.
Neither the district court nor the parties could have foreseen that this Court would abruptly change the ground rules for determining “efficiency.” An examination of the majority‘s opinion shows how dramatically those rules have changed.
II.
The last time this case was before this Court, one justice authored an opinion criticizing the Edgewood I standard. Carrollton-Farmers Branch Indep. Sch. Dist. v. Edgewood Indep. Sch. Dist., 826 S.W.2d 489, 524 (Tex. 1992) (Edgewood III) (Cornyn, J., concurring and dissenting). The opinion urged this Court to decide “the substantive level of education our constitution requires“; and it repeatedly referred to this level as “a minimally adequate education.” Id. at 526-27. The opinion was especially critical of our unanimous holding in Edgewood I that “[t]he amount of money spent on a student‘s education has a real and meaningful impact on the educational opportunity offered to that student.” Id. at 529-31 (quoting Edgewood I, 777 S.W.2d at 393).
The position taken in this one-justice opinion, which advocated a standard very different from the one set out in Edgewood I, has now been adopted by a majority of this Court. According to the majority, the constitution requires the Legislature to provide a minimally-adequate education, which the majority describes as a “general diffusion of knowledge.” The majority concludes that Senate Bill 7 meets this requirement:
In Senate Bill 7, the Legislature equates the provision of a “general diffusion of knowledge” with the provision of an accredited education. By instituting the accountability regime set forth in
Chapter 35 , the Legislature has, we conclude, met its constitutional obligation to provide suitably for a general diffusion of knowledge.
917 S.W.2d at 730. The majority then recasts our Edgewood I standard as applying only to the provision of this minimally-adequate education:
The State‘s duty to provide districts with substantially equal access to revenue ap-
plies only to the provision of funding necessary for a general diffusion of knowledge.
917 S.W.2d at 731 (emphasis in original).2 Because the present finance system enables every district to meet accreditation requirements, the majority necessarily concludes that Senate Bill 7 is efficient.
All of this will come as a surprise to the litigants. The “general diffusion of knowledge” requirement has never been a part of this case. Because the district court was applying the original Edgewood I standard, it severed out what it called “adequacy issues,” including the issue of “whether the legislature appropriates sufficient funds for districts to provide a constitutionally, minimally acceptable education.” Thus, there is virtually no evidence on this issue in the record.
The little evidence that did come in indicates that Senate Bill 7‘s accreditation requirements do not even satisfy any previously-articulated concept of a “minimally acceptable education.” The author of today‘s opinion has previously construed the constitution to require “an essential level of learning by which each child in Texas is enabled to live a full and productive life in an increasingly complex world.” Edgewood III, 826 S.W.2d at 525-26 (Cornyn, J., concurring and dissenting). At the trial of the present case, the Texas Commissioner of Education testified, in regard to Senate Bill 7, that “our present accreditation criteria at the acceptable level . . . does not match up with what the real world requirements are.”
But the majority shows no interest in any evidence on this issue. Nor is it concerned about input from the parties: in all of the voluminous briefing before this Court, no party makes any argument based on a “general diffusion of knowledge” requirement. On its own initiative, the majority simply seizes upon these four words; equates them with accreditation requirements; and decides that our constitution requires no more.
The consequence of this holding is obvious. Accreditation requirements may be so lax that any school district in the state, no matter how underfunded and lacking in facilities, will meet those requirements. The poorest districts will have no practical means of improvement, because the State is now excused from providing any funding above the bare minimal level. Wealthier districts, meanwhile, will have access to enormous revenues with even the slightest marginal tax effort.
The majority‘s only defense against this problem places the Court in an inherently untenable role. The majority asserts that “the State‘s provision of a general diffusion of knowledge must reflect changing times, needs, and public expectations.” 917 S.W.2d at 732 n. 14. Evidently this Court is to continually reassess the state‘s accreditation requirements to determine whether they are satisfactory. The Court is to make this critical determination based on its own collective wisdom, without regard to any evidence or briefing. Even the expert opinion of the Commissioner of Education will be dismissed as irrelevant.
Until recent years, the enormous complexity of the school system was thought to make efficiency a political question not suitable for judicial review. See Kirby v. Edgewood Indep. Sch. Dist., 761 S.W.2d 859, 867 (Tex. App.—Austin 1988) (reversed by Edgewood I). Under Edgewood I, though, this Court was able to assess the efficiency of the school finance system by reference to a clear standard: similar access to similar revenues at similar levels of tax effort. The simplicity of this standard is what made the enforcement of
Today‘s departure from the strict Edgewood I standard will mire the judiciary in deciding purely political questions. Even if we could speak coherently on such issues, addressing them at all is inconsistent with the proper role of the judiciary.
III.
Senate Bill 7, as construed by the majority, plainly violates the standard set out in Edgewood I. Under the majority‘s writing, Senate Bill 7 places no meaningful cap on tax
Given this reading, Senate Bill 7 does not provide districts with substantially-equal access to similar revenues per pupil at similar levels of tax effort. Because the state provides no funds at rates in excess of $1.50, every additional penny of tax effort above that level generates 28 times more in the wealthiest districts than it does in the poorest. Thus, at a $2.00 tax rate, the richest districts will enjoy $6,146 per weighted student, while the poorest can only generate $3,608 per weighted student.
The majority defends Senate Bill 7 by asserting that districts in the three lowest wealth groups will be able to provide a “general diffusion of knowledge” with a $1.31 tax rate, while districts in the three highest wealth groups must tax at approximately $1.22. 917 S.W.2d at 731 & n. 12. These figures are skewed in two important respects. First, even accepting all of the majority‘s assumptions, the wealthiest group of districts will actually be able to meet accreditation requirements at a rate of $1.12.4 Thus, the majority is tolerating a 19-cent difference—rather than a 9-cent difference—in the tax rates that rich and poor districts must levy to meet accreditation requirements.
Second, though the majority does not say so, its yield figures are based on the assumption that districts will still be maintaining their 1993 tax rates in 1996-97. The record shows that this assumption is groundless. In the five years before trial, districts raised their tax rates by an average of about 12 cents per year; and all parties agreed that districts would continue to raise their rates to at least $1.50. The average tax rate in 1992-93 was already $1.29. Thus, we may safely assume that many districts are presently on the edge of the “equalized system,” if not outside it, so the disparity in yield is undoubtedly far greater than the majority suggests.
The inescapable truth is that poor districts will now be much worse off than rich districts, even if tax rates do not go far beyond $1.50. At full implementation of Senate Bill 7, a $1.50 tax rate in the richest school districts will generate $4,421 per weighted student. That level of revenue is simply beyond the reach of the poorest school districts; even if they were to tax at a rate of $3.00, they could only generate $4,317 per weighted student.
The unfairness of this system is exacerbated by Senate Bill 7‘s failure to include any provisions for facilities. With operations and maintenance taxes approaching $1.50 already, there is little room left in Tier 2 for meeting facilities needs. This is not a significant problem for the wealthiest districts, since they are able to generate significant additiоnal funds from their own tax bases by levying debt taxes. Poor districts, however, are able to generate only a small fraction of those amounts. Poor districts are thus forced to choose between funding current operations and funding capital expenditures.
The record demonstrates that this problem is as pervasive now as it was at the time of Edgewood I. Expert testimony established that $3 billion was needed to upgrade facilities to meet minimum standards, and that the poorer districts were in greater disarray than others. A 1992 Texas Education Agency study introduced at trial confirms this appraisal;5 it concludes that poor districts have older buildings, and have proportionate-
Given this $3 billion need, poorer districts will not be able to carry the necessary debt service within a $1.50 tax rate. As of 1992-93, the poorest districts in the state already had debt tax rates averaging 33 cents. Testimony at trial established that a poor district would have to double or triple its rate to 66 or 99 cents to have the same level of funding for facilities as districts from average wealth on up.
Several experts testified that meeting facilities needs would impair the ability of poorer districts to provide for current operations. The district court accordingly found that a poor district that diverts Tier 2 funds from operations to facilities might be unable to meet accreditation requirements. Thus, under either the Edgewood I standard or the standard adopted today, this Court has the constitutional responsibility to leave the present injunction in place.
* * * * * *
Like another court did twenty-two years ago, the majority today leaves this state with only the hope that the Legislature will voluntarily choose to provide all children with similar educational opportunity. Unfortunately,
in the meantime, countless children unjustifiably receive inferior educations that ‘may affect their hearts and minds in a way unlikely ever to be undone.’
San Antonio Indep. Sch. Dist. v. Rodriguez, 411 U.S. 1, 71-72, 93 S.Ct. 1278, 1316, 36 L.Ed.2d 16 (1973) (Marshall, J., dissenting) (quoting Brown v. Board of Education, 347 U.S. 483, 494, 74 S.Ct. 686, 691, 98 L.Ed. 873 (1954)).
Margarito ORTIZ, Petitioner,
v.
Dawn JONES and her husband Thomas E. Jones, Respondent.
No. 95-1152.
Supreme Court of Texas.
Feb. 9, 1996.
Rehearing Overruled April 12, 1996.
Notes
[T]he Legislature may also provide for the formation of school district [sic] by general laws; and all such school districts may embrace parts of two or more counties, and the Legislature shall be authorized to pass laws for the assessment and collection of taxes in all said districts and for the management and control of the public school or schools of such districts, ... and the Legislature may authorize an additional ad valorem tax to be levied and collected within all school districts heretofore formed or hereafter formed, for the further maintenance of public free schools, and for the erection and equipment of school buildings therein....
GOAL A: All students shall have access to an education of high quality that will prepare them to participate fully now and in the future in the social, economic, and educational opportunities available in Texas.
GOAL B: The achievement gap between educationally disadvantaged students and other populations will be closed. Through enhanced dropout prevention efforts, the graduation rate will be raised to 95 percent of students who enter the seventh grade.
GOAL C: The state shall demonstrate exemplary performance in comparison to national and international standards for student performance.
GOAL D: A well-balanced and appropriate curriculum will be provided to all students.
GOAL E: Qualified and effective personnel will be attracted and retained. Adequate and competitive compensation commensurate with responsibilities will be ensured. Qualified staff in critical shortage areas will be recruited, trained, and retained.
GOAL F: The organization and management of all levels of the education system will be productive, efficient, and accountable.
GOAL G: Instruction and administration will be improved through research that identifies creative and effective methods. Demonstration programs will be developed and local initiatives encouraged for new instructional arrangements and management techniques. Technology will be used to increase the equity, efficiency, and effectiveness of student learning, instructional management, staff development, and administration.
This is not to say that the Legislature may define what constitutes a general diffusion of knowledge so low as to avoid its obligation to make suitable provision imposed by
Obviously, future legal challenges may be brought if a general diffusion of knowledge can no longer be provided within the equalized system because of changed legal or factual circumstances.
The Court, the trial court below, and the State all refer to the provisions of Chapter 36 as “recapture.” This is incorrect. Recapture presupposes that whatever is captured once belonged to or was owned by the person or entity that has recaptured the item. The use of the term “recapture” continues the false pretense that the $400 million to $600 million in local property tax revenues brought into the system from the wealthiest districts constitute state funds. A more honest designation for these funds is “captured” local tax revenues.The Court additionally falls into a far more dangerous trap. The Court approves the capture provisions of Senate Bill 7 by concluding that the $280,000 cap permits the State to utilize the “excess resources in the wealthiest districts.” 917 S.W.2d at 735-37. Excess of what? The property within a district has whatever value it has by virtue of market forces. The notion that the State may determine that an individual or entity has some level of wealth that is “excess” and that must be distributed to others is certainly new to Texas law and is contrary to the fundamental principles of private property upon which this Country was founded.
- whether the legislature appropriates sufficient funds to pay a majority of the cost of education;
- whether the legislature pays for state mandated costs in each school district; and
- whether the legislature appropriates sufficient funds for districts to provide a constitutionally, minimally acceptable education.
(a) The commissioner of education may adopt rules necessary for the implementation of this chapter. The rules may provide for the commissioner to make necessary adjustments to the provisions of Chapter 16, including providing for the commissioner, with the approval of the foundation school fund budget committee, to make an adjustment in the funding element established by
(b) As necessary for the effective and efficient administration of this chapter, the commissioner of education may modify effective dates and time periods for actions described by this chapter.
(1) first, to the contiguous district that has the lowest wealth per student and is located in the same county;
(2) second, to the district that has the lowest wealth per student and is located in the same county;
(3) third, to a contiguous district with a property wealth below the equalized wealth level that has requested the commissioner that it be considered in a consolidation plan;
(4) fourth, to include as few districts as possible that fall below the equalized wealth level within the consolidation order that have not requested the commissioner to be included;
(5) fifth, to the district that has the lowest wealth per student and is located in the same regional education service center area; and
(6) sixth, to a district that has a tax rate similar to that of the district that has a property wealth greater than the equalized wealth level.
All property, whether owned by persons or corporations shall be assessed for taxation, and the taxes paid in the county where situated, but the Legislature may, by a two-thirds vote, authorize the payment of taxes of non-residents of counties to be made at the office of the Comptroller of Public Accounts. And all lands and other property not rendered for taxation by the owner thereof shall be assessed at its fair value by the proper officer.
(1) a mineral property;
(2) real property used in the operation of a public utility, including a pipeline, pipeline gathering system, or railroad or other rail system; and
(3) real property used primarily for industrial or other commercial purposes, other than property used primarily for agricultural or for residential purposes.
The Legislature shall not, except as otherwise provided in this Constitution, pass any local or special law, authorizing:
The creation, extension or impairing of liens;
Regulating the affairs of counties, cities, towns, wards or school districts;
Regulating the management of public schools, the building or repairing of school houses, and the raising of money for such purposes;
And in all other cases where a general law can be made applicable, no local or special law shall be enacted....
(a) On August 31, 1993, each county education district shall transfer its funds to its component school districts in the manner provided by rule of the commissioner of education, except any penalties paid to a county education district in 1993 shall be allocated to the school district that is the situs of the property that incurred the penalties.
(b) On September 1, 1993, any assets of a county education district other than funds are transferred to its component school districts in the manner and amounts provided by rule of the commissioner of education.
(c) On September 1, 1993, the contracts and other liabilities of a county education district are transferred to its component school districts in the manner and amounts, including joint obligations, provided by rule of the commissioner of education.
(d) The records of the board of a county education district shall be maintained as provided by rule of the commissioner of education.
(e) The component school districts of a county education district abolished by this Act may collect and use or distribute taxes imposed by a county education district that are delinquent in the manner provided by rule of the commissioner of education.
S.B. 7, 73rd Leg., R.S., ch. 347, § 4.15, 1993 Tex. Gen. Laws 1479, 1526.1. S.B. 7 is repealed without a substitution that produces substantial equity;
2. S.B. 7 is amended in a manner that significantly reduces equity;
3. S.B. 7 is not sufficiently funded in future bienniums to produce substantial equity;
4. The $1.50 tax cap on the local M & O rate in S.B. 7 is abandoned or raised without a corresponding increase in the guaranteed equalized yield.
We nonetheless consider the district court‘s judgment to be a final judgment, and to the extent that any future trials on these issues are not altogether foreclosed, we trust such proceedings will be conducted in accordance with our judgment and opinion today.