DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA et al., Appellants, v. The WASHINGTON HOME OWNERSHIP COUNCIL, INC., Appellee.
No. 79-1053.
District of Columbia Court of Appeals.
Argued En Banc Nov. 26, 1979. Decided May 28, 1980.
415 A.2d 1349
Jerry D. Anker, Washington, D. C., with whom Leslie D. Michelson and Kerry Alan Scanlon, Washington, D. C., were on brief, for appellants Metropolitan Washington Planning and Housing Association, Inc., et al.
Stephen M. Sacks, Washington, D. C., with whom Thomas E. Silfen and Linda G. Moore, Washington, D. C., were on brief, for appellee.
Before NEWMAN, Chief Judge, and KELLY,* KERN, GALLAGHER, NEBEKER, HARRIS, MACK, FERREN, and PRYOR, Associate Judges.
FERREN, Associate Judge:
This case presents one question: under the District of Columbia Self-Government
I.
On occasion we have interpreted the Home Rule Act to determine whether the Council had exceeded its authority. For example, in McIntosh v. Washington, D.C. App., 395 A.2d 744 (1978), we upheld the Council‘s authority to enact the Firearms Control Regulations Act of 1975, whereas in
In exercising our review function, we have acknowledged that “the core and primary purpose of the Home Rule Act . . . was to relieve Congress of the burden of legislating upon essentially local matters ‘to the greatest extent possible, consistent with the constitutional mandate.’
II.
Under the Home Rule Act, the District of Columbia Council is empowered to pass legislation by a majority vote after two readings, at least 13 days apart.
In contrast, the Council may pass “emergency” legislation by a vote of two-thirds of the members if “emergency circumstances make it necessary that an act be passed after a single reading, or that it take effect immediately upon enactment.”
The Council considers a situation to be an emergency when immediate legislative action is required for “[t]he preservation of the public peace, health, safety and general welfare.” Emergency Condominium and Cooperative Control Resolution of 1979, Res. 3-126, 25 D.C.Reg. 10370, 10372 (June 1, 1979); accord, Lifschitz v. City of Miami Beach, 339 So.2d 232, 234 (Fla.App.1976),
Faced with a serious shortage of rental housing in the District because of widespread conversion of rental housing to condominium and cooperative property, the Council perceived a need “to impose temporary controls on the conversion of rental properties to condominium or cooperative status and thus to stabilize rental housing in the District of Columbia.” Res. 3-126, supra. Accordingly, to preserve to status quo until permanent legislation could be devised, the Council passed three series of emergency acts imposing moratoriums on such conversion and regulating the sale of converted units.10
WHOC does not dispute that the Council acted in response to a genuine emergency.11 Nor does the District contend that different emergencies prompted adoption of the acts within each count of WHOC‘s complaint; each count admittedly reflects substantially identical, successive measures directed at the same, ongoing emergency.12 Thus, all parties agree on the statement of the issue.
The dispute stems from the District‘s position that the only procedural limitation in
The trial court rejected this construction. It held “that the Council may not, through its emergency power, continue in effect substantially the same substantive provisions of law for more than ninety days without a second reading of the act.” Washington Home Ownership Council, Inc. v. District of Columbia, 107 Wash.D.L.Rptr. 1985, 1993 (Nov. 9, 1979). This interpretation accords more closely with the concept announced in the House of Representatives Committee Report on the proposed Home Rule Act, which stated that “[w]hen the Council acts in an emergency fashion, . . . its action shall be effective for not more than ninety days.” Home Rule History at 1462 (emphasis added). Nonetheless, because the statutory language is not conclusive, we examine the scheme of the Home Rule Act, as illuminated by additional legislative history.
III.
A. According to WHOC, the Council‘s “emergency” power in
In reply, the District concedes that under its reading of the statute, the Council could pass an unbroken succession of emergency acts extending over years—as in this case—limited only by the requirement that the Council find an “emergency.” The District, therefore, argues in effect that Congress intended two alternative legislative tracks; the Council can choose between regular or emergency legislative procedures solely by reference to its own perception of the circumstances.
The District premises its argument not only on its literal reading of the “such act” clause in
Contrary to the District‘s argument, we conclude that WHOC‘s view of the statutory scheme comports more closely with the structure of the Home Rule Act, reflecting the common-sense notion that an “emergency” prerogative and procedure is extraordinary and should not be substituted freely for the regular procedure. Because the District‘s position is not wholly implausible, however, we turn to the legislative history.
B. Section 146(a) of the Home Rule Act, as finally adopted, incorporated an amendment offered by Representative Thomas M. Rees, who had initiated the “emergency” concept. See Home Rule History at 1042. Rep. Rees originally proposed that emergency legislation could be enacted “[i]f the Council determines that emergency circumstances make it necessary that an act be adopted at a single reading or that it take effect immediately upon enactment.” Id. Representative Gilbert Gude then suggested requiring a two-thirds vote of the Council for enactment of such measures. Rep. Rees replied:
Mr. Rees. What I think you‘re suggesting is a good suggestion. . . . I think that you might amend this to say “if the Council determines by a two-thirds vote that emergency circumstances make it necessary that an act be adopted at a single reading or that it take effect immediately upon enactment, such act shall be effective for a period of not to exceed ninety days.” Usually by a ninety day period, you ascertain whether the act is necessary on a continuing basis and then follow the second and third reading rule and adopt the act which will be a permanent part of the municipal regulations.
Mr. Washington. Can the majority of the Council determine if an emergency exists?
Mr. Rees. I think in the emergency situation, it would be best to have a two-thirds majority vote. I think there could be some chain hanky-panky. We think there is an emergency, they could say
Several aspects of this exchange are significant. First, Rep. Rees believed that “usually” 90 days would be a sufficient period for emergency legislation, i.e., for “ascertain[ing] whether the act is necessary on a continuing basis.” Id. Second, he implicitly acknowledged that emergencies could last beyond 90 days, but in that case, he asserted, the problem should be resolved by tacking permanent legislation onto a single emergency act. In the event the Council “want[s] to extend the act past the ninety days, they could obviously follow the second reading rule.” Id. Third, Rep. Rees also apparently assumed that any problem could be addressed legislatively without a gap between emergency and permanent legislation, although there is no evidence in the Home Rule History that he—or anyone else—knew at the time how realistic that belief actually might turn out to be.13 Finally, the reference to possible “chain hanky-panky” reinforces the view that a second, substantially identical emergency act in lieu of a second reading was not to be permitted.
The District argues, to the contrary, that Rep. Rees’ acceptance of “a two-thirds majority vote” in the sentence immediately preceding his remarks about “chain hanky-panky” supports its view that Congress contemplated successive emergency acts, subject only to the limitation inherent in the more difficult, two-thirds voting requirement. We do not agree. The two-thirds requirement, suggested initially by Rep. Gude, was directed fundamentally against the Council‘s precipitous use of emergency power in any situation; a two-thirds vote is required even for passage of a single emergency act. Given Rep. Rees’ own conclusion that if the Council “want[s] to extend the [emergency] act past the ninety days, they could obviously follow the second reading rule,” we do not believe his acceptance of the two-thirds voting requirement was an endorsement of a potentially unlimited number of successive emergency acts. To the contrary, in context, Rep. Rees’ reference to “chain hanky-panky” is best interpreted as a general concern about overuse of the emergency power in ways that bypass the second-reading rule.
In summary, based on Rep. Rees’ remarks and the House Committee report that an emergency “action shall be effective for not more than ninety days,” Home Rule History at 1462, we conclude that the legislative history supports WHOC, not the District.
C. The District argues that whatever the structure of the Home Rule Act or its legislative history otherwise might suggest, a congressional intent to permit successive 90-day acts must be inferred from the addition of the congressional layover requirement—one of the later legislative developments. See note 13 supra.
The District points out that, in the Council‘s experience, emergency situations com-
This contention is substantially premised on the assumption that the only acceptable “permanent legislation” that can succeed an emergency act is a thoughtfully developed, “permanent” solution to the problem. Obviously, the Council‘s hearing procedures, careful study in committee, the process of amendment, the Mayor‘s role, and the congressional layover make it doubtful that, in a situation as complex as the wave of condominium conversions, a definitive solution can be designed and implemented within 90 days. But this argument overlooks a crucial point: as the Council itself has recognized, it can use its regular legislative authority to deal with the problem on an interim basis.15 There is no reason why the solution adopted in the first emergency act
It is true that in order to adopt permanent legislation within 90 days, the Council first would have to adopt abbreviated hearing procedures for use on those occasions when it declares emergency circumstances, in order to assure that a second reading and passage could occur not long after 13 days from the first reading. Compare note 16 supra with note 14 supra. The need to abbreviate hearing procedures in emergency circumstances, however, does not detract from the reasonableness of this alternative to successive emergency enactments, since there is no statutory requirement that binds the Council to any particular hearings. See
We agree with the District that this approach puts a premium on pushing temporary solutions through the full legislative
process, and that it may detract from the most orderly legislative consideration of a problem by forcing the Council and Mayor to spend time on legislation known to be an incomplete, even flawed response to the problem. But this does not make the approach so unworkable that we can infer Congress must have intended (by virtue of the layover provision or otherwise) to permit consecutive emergency acts. The fact is, the succession of emergency acts at issue in this case imposed solutions over a long period of time that were no more complete than those available through the suggested combination of emergency and regular procedures. The District, therefore, is not in a position to argue that its sustained “emergency” approach to the problem, without a second reading or congressional layover, necessarily brings such a superior legislative response that Congress manifestly intended it as a valid alternative to permanent legislation. Cf. SEC v. Sloan, 436 U.S. 103, 115, 98 S.Ct. 1702, 1710, 56 L.Ed.2d 148 (1978) (SEC is not empowered to impose successive suspensions of trading although alternative remedies were “more cumbersome“).
We conclude that Congress, fundamentally, required a second reading and congres-
D. The District argues, finally, that despite any adverse implication from the initial legislative history, Congress made clear its intent, favoring the District‘s interpretation, in adopting the 1978 amendments to the Home Rule Act. These allegedly show that Congress was aware of, and thus implicitly approved, the Council‘s regular use of consecutive, nearly identical emergency acts.18
We cannot agree. It is true the House committee report acknowledged that “[t]he unpredictability [of the congressional review process] has forced the District to enact an inordinate amount of temporary (90-day) ‘emergency legislation,‘” note 18 supra; but the report did not focus on the legality of successive emergency acts and did not express approval of the District‘s actions. See Sloan, supra at 120-21, 98 S.Ct. at 1713-14. More importantly, Congress responded to the acknowledged problem of delay in final passage of Council acts by affirmatively rejecting a recommendation that, in the interest of Congress, the layover should be increased to 60 days; instead, Congress retained a 30 legislative-day layover and even adjusted the calculation of legislative days in the District‘s favor. See
IV.
We have reviewed the language of
We conclude, in summary, that Congress intended the Council‘s emergency power to be an exception to the fundamental legislative process requiring a second reading and congressional layover; it is not an alternative legislative track to be used repeatedly whenever the Council perceives an ongoing emergency. We read the legislative history, especially as elaborated by Rep. Rees, to underscore that the Council must follow the “permanent” legislative route whenever it concludes that emergency circumstances demand legislative protection beyond a 90-day emergency act. The fact that Congress, even when adopting the 1978 amendments to the Home Rule Act, may not fully have appreciated the difficulties it had imposed on the District, does not alter our reading of what Congress has required.
Finally, the District has not shown that a 90-day limit on substantive legislation enacted by way of the Council‘s emergency power under
We therefore hold that when the Council, by a two-thirds vote after a single reading, enacts legislation in response to emergency circumstances, as authorized by
Consistent with the declaratory relief inherent in our construction of
Recognizing, therefore, that the District requires an appropriate interval in which to deal with its emergency legislation, we shall stay for 90 days the mandate to be issued upon this opinion and order. See Buckley v. Valeo, 424 U.S. 1, 142-43, 96 S.Ct. 612, 693-94, 46 L.Ed.2d 659 (1976); Junghans v. Department of Human Resources, D.C. App., 289 A.2d 17, 26 (1972); American Bankers Association, supra.
So ordered.
APPENDIX
The emergency enactments challenged in WHOC‘s complaint are: *
A. Count One
On December 4, 1979, after two readings, the Council passed the Condominium and Cooperative Conversion Stabilization Act No. 3-143, which was signed by the Mayor on December 21, 1979. The act imposes a 180-day moratorium on cooperative and condominium conversions, with specified exemptions to be determined by the Mayor. The act became D.C.Law 3-53 upon expiration of the congressional review period on February 23, 1980.
This permanent legislation was preceded by the following emergency acts:
- Emergency Condominium and Cooperative Stabilization Act of 1979, E.A. 3-44, approved May 29, 1979. [25 D.C.Reg. 10363]
Accompanied by Resolution 3-126, May 22, 1979, this act imposed a 90-day moratorium on condominium and cooperative conversions, and established the Emergency Condominium and Cooperative Conversion Commission to study the subject and recommend permanent legislation to address problems of low-moderate income tenants who would experience difficulty buying units upon conversion. In setting forth the circumstances deemed to constitute an emergency, the resolution stated:
The preservation of the public peace, health, safety and general welfare necessitates an emergency act to impose temporary controls on the conversion of rental properties to condominium or cooperative status and thus to stabilize rental housing in the District of Columbia.
- Emergency Condominium and Cooperative Conversion Stabilization Act of 1979, E.A. 3-95, approved August 27, 1979. [26 D.C.Reg. 1014]
This act was accompanied by Resolution 3-201, July 31, 1979, which is identical to Resolution 3-126, supra.
Condominium and Cooperative Conversion Stabilization Emergency Act of 1979, E.A. 3-132, approved November 23, 1979.** [26 D.C.Reg. 2436]
This act was accompanied by Resolution 3-277, November 20, 1979, stating that permanent legislation has been favorably reported out of committee, but that it could not be made effective until 1980. The provisions are otherwise substantially identical to those contained in Act No. 3-95 and Resolution 3-201, supra.
- Condominium and Cooperative Stabilization Emergency Act of 1980, E.A. 3-151, approved February 20, 1980.** [27 D.C.Reg. 849]
This act was accompanied by Resolution 3-335, February 20, 1980, stating that permanent legislation would not become effective until after the expiration of E.A. 3-132. The provisions are otherwise substantially identical to those contained in Act No. 3-95 and Resolution 3-201, supra.
B. Count Two
Following enactment of two emergency moratorium acts,*** the Council, after two readings, enacted and submitted to Congress the Cooperative Conversion Moratorium Act, D.C.Law 1-71,
Following expiration of the 180-day moratorium, the Council passed and the Mayor approved 10 successive emergency acts which continued the moratorium in force:
- Emergency Cooperative Regulation Act of 1976, E.A. 1-189, approved January 3, 1977. [23 D.C.Reg. 4941]
This act was accompanied by Resolution 1-434, December 7, 1976, finding emergency circumstances in the fact that the congressionally-approved 180-day moratorium would expire before the Council (given its “legislative schedule“) could enact “comprehensive legislation,” and that “chaos . . . in the housing market” would result from termination of the moratorium prior to enactment of comprehensive legislation. 23 D.C.Reg. 4275.
- Emergency Cooperative Regulation Act of 1977, E.A. 2-13, approved March 18, 1977. [23 D.C.Reg. 7683]
Accompanied by Resolution 2-33, March 8, 1977, 23 D.C.Reg. 7699, this act follows the language of the first emergency moratorium (E.A. 1-189, supra), and is based on the same emergency circumstances.
- Second Emergency Cooperative Regulation Act of 1977, E.A. 2-47, approved June 17, 1977. [24 D.C.Reg. 207]
This Act and accompanying Resolution 2-100, June 14, 1977, 24 D.C.Reg. 111, are the same as their predecessors, except that the act adds provisions for housing and relocation assistance to persons displaced by conversions occurring within the limited exceptions to the moratorium.
- Third Emergency Cooperative Regulation Act of 1977, E.A. 2-88, approved October 12, 1977. [24 D.C. Reg. 3177]
This act and accompanying Resolution 2-165, September 13, 1977, 24 D.C.Reg.
On December 6, 1977, the Council enacted the First Emergency Cooperative Conversion Regulation Act of 1978, E.A. 2-70, following adoption of Resolution 2-224. The provisions of that act and resolution were virtually the same as E.A. 2-88 and Resolution 2-165 supra. On January 20, 1978, the Mayor disapproved E.A. 2-70 because of technical deficiencies in the language (and in the language of the similarly-worded permanent legislation then pending on the same subject). In his statement of reasons, the Mayor stated that his action would not adversely affect tenants in the District.
- Second Emergency Cooperative Regulation Act of 1978 E.A. 2-171, approved April 3, 1978. [24 D.C.Reg. 9265]
This act was accompanied by Resolution 2-258, February 21, 1978, which notes that the Mayor‘s disapproval of E.A. 2-70 left a gap in regulation of cooperative conversions, resulting in an emergency because a continued moratorium is needed to prevent chaos. 24 D.C.Reg. 8231. The Act is a revised version of E.A. 2-88, supra.
- Third Emergency Cooperative Regulation Act of 1978, E.A. 2-239, approved July 17, 1978. [25 D.C.Reg. 1430]
This act was accompanied by Resolution 2-389, which recites that comprehensive legislation is under consideration in committee and scheduled for public hearings, and that the moratorium must continue to avoid chaos. 25 D.C.Reg. 1786. The Act is identical to Act No. 2-171, supra.
- Fourth Emergency Cooperative Regulation Act of 1978, E.A. 2-290, approved October 25, 1978. [25 D.C. Reg. 4332]
This act was accompanied by Resolution 2-447, October 3, 1978. 25 D.C.Reg. 3565. The act and resolution are virtually identical to E.A. 2-239 and Resolution 2-389, supra.
- First Emergency Cooperative Regulation Act of 1979, E.A. 3-2, approved January 25, 1979. [25 D.C.Reg. 7630]
Accompanied by Resolution 3-12, January 16, 1979, 25 D.C.Reg. 7837, this act is identical to its predecessor, E.A. 2-290, except that additional amendments were made to the code provisions governing the Relocation Assistance Office. The resolution is identical to Resolution 2-447, supra.
- Second Emergency Cooperative Regulation Act of 1979, E.A. 3-37, approved May 4, 1979. [25 D.C.Reg. 9918]
This act was accompanied by Resolution 3-73, April 10, 1979. 25 D.C.Reg. 9937. The act and the resolution are virtually identical to their immediate predecessors.
- Third Emergency Cooperative Regulation Act of 1979, E.A. 3-79, approved August 3, 1979. [26 D.C.Reg. 642]
This act was accompanied by Resolution 3-170, July 17, 1979, which recites that permanent legislation is before the Mayor and that the moratorium meanwhile must remain in effect to avoid chaos. 26 D.C. Reg. 662. Provisions of this act are virtually identical to E.A. 3-37, supra.
On June 5, 1979, the Council adopted permanent legislation in the Cooperative Regulation Act of 1979, which became D.C.Law 3-19 on September 28, 1979, upon expiration of the 30-day congressional review period. 26 D.C.Reg. 1649. This law, containing essentially the same provisions as those included in the preceding emergency act, was adopted by the Council almost three years after enactment of D.C.Law 1-71, the 180-day moratorium which had been intended to gain time for the Council to develop and enact permanent legislation.
C. Count Three
On November 29, 1977, the Council passed the Rental Housing Act of 1977, Act
During the interim between the enactment of the Rental Housing Act of 1977 and the two permanent amendments in 1979, the substance of these amendments was enacted in the form of 10 emergency measures:
- Emergency Offer to Purchase Act of 1978, E.A. 2-273, approved September 1, 1978. [25 D.C.Reg. 2545]
Accompanied by Resolution 2-425, August 10, 1978, 25 D.C.Reg. 2078, this act amended sections 601 and 602 of the Rental Housing Act of 1977. The resolution describes inadequacies in the 1977 act and states that an emergency exists in that immediate amendment is needed to prevent tenant evictions and to protect purchase rights of tenants.
- Emergency Multi-Family Rental Housing Purchase Act of 1978, E.A. 2-277, approved October 3, 1978. [25 D.C.Reg. 3419]
Accompanied by Resolution 2-434, September 19, 1978, 25 D.C.Reg. 3450, this act addresses an emergency in the fact that tenants are at a disadvantage in attempting to buy their buildings in the absence of an amendment to section 602(b) of the 1977 act.
- Second Emergency Offer to Purchase Act of 1978, E.A. 2-315, approved December 15, 1978. [25 D.C.Reg. 6120]
This act was accompanied by Resolution 2-471, November 14, 1978, which notes that permanent legislation had been introduced in the Council. 25 D.C.Reg. 5557. This act and resolution are otherwise identical, respectively, to Act No. 2-273 and Resolution 2-425, supra.
- Emergency Multi-Family Rental Housing Purchase Act of 1979, E.A. 2-314, approved December 14, 1978. [25 D.C.Reg. 6118]
Accompanied by Resolution 2-465, November 15, 1978, 25 D.C.Reg. 5552, this act deletes section 602(b) of the Rental Housing Act of 1977 and substitutes a new section 602(b). The resolution notes that permanent legislation is under consideration in committee, but that a scheduled recess would prevent enactment of permanent legislation before expiration of the previous emergency act (E.A. 2-277). This situation was said to constitute an emergency.
- Second Emergency Multi-Family Rental Housing Purchase Act of 1979, E.A. 3-15, approved March 13, 1979. [25 D.C.Reg. 8787]
This act was accompanied by Resolution 3-39, 25 D.C.Reg. 8790, which states that committee consideration of permanent legislation continues, and that permanent legislation cannot be enacted before expiration of E.A. 2-314, supra. This Act is identical to E.A. 2-314, supra.
- First Emergency Offer to Purchase Act of 1979, E.A. 3-16, approved March 16, 1979. [25 D.C.Reg. 8793]
This act was accompanied by Resolution 3-42, 25 D.C.Reg. 8796, noting that permanent legislation had been introduced in
- Third Emergency Multi-Family Rental Housing Purchase Act of 1979, E.A. 3-53, June 11, 1979. [25 D.C. Reg. 10880]
This act was accompanied by Resolution 3-119, May 22, 1979, 25 D.C.Reg. 10883, recognizing the same emergency as its predecessor (E.A. 3-15, supra) and noting that a permanent bill had been reported out of committee.
- Second Emergency Offer to Purchase Act of 1979, E.A. 3-54, approved June 12, 1979. [25 D.C.Reg. 10886]
This act was accompanied by Resolution 3-120, May 22, 1979. 25 D.C.Reg. 10889. This act and resolution are substantially identical to E.A. 3-16 and Resolution 3-42, supra.
- Fourth Emergency Multi-Family Rental Housing Purchase Act of 1979, E.A. 3-90, approved August 27, 1979. [26 D.C.Reg. 986]
Accompanied by Resolution 3-179, July 31, 1979, 26 D.C.Reg. 989, this act was adopted after submission of the Multi-Family Housing Purchase Act of 1979, Act No. 3-62, to Congress on July 12, 1979. The Council stated in Resolution 3-179 that the permanent legislation would not become effective before the expiration of E.A. 3-53, supra, in September. This was the case because Congress adjourned for a district work period for most of the month of August. This emergency act was intended, therefore, to “fill the gap” between enactment of the permanent bill and expiration of the congressional review period.
- Latest Conforming Emergency Offer to Purchase Act of 1979, E.A. 3-96, approved August 27, 1979. [26 D.C.Reg. 1022]
Accompanied by Resolution 3-205, 26 D.C.Reg. 1026, this act includes the provisions of the previously-enacted emergency bills on this subject, as well as a provision requiring an owner to allow no fewer than 60 days for settlement with a tenant purchaser after the effective date of the purchase contract. Resolution 3-205 noted that the Mayor was expected to sign the permanent Offer to Purchase Act on July 31, 1979, but that, like the Multi-Family Rental Housing Purchase Act, it would not clear congressional review before the expiration of E.A. 3-54, supra, in September.
GALLAGHER, Associate Judge, with whom KERN, NEBEKER and HARRIS, Associate Judges, join, concurring:
I concur and wish to add a few comments to the court‘s holding that the District of Columbia Self-Government and Governmental Reorganization Act (Home Rule Act)
Article I, Section 8 of the United States Constitution commands Congress
To exercise exclusive Legislation in all Cases whatsoever, over such District . . . as may, by Cession of particular States, and the Acceptance of Congress, become the Seat of the Government of the United States . . .
First, repeated enactments of numerous “emergency” measures would effectively result in permanent legislation in force in the District of Columbia which had never been subjected to Congressional review, a result directly in contravention of the requirements of the Home Rule Act (
A second unwarranted consequence of the District‘s position is that, as a practical matter, a substantial body of laws in force in the District might be effectively insulated from both Congressional and judicial scrutiny. Taken altogether, the District‘s position results in the proposition that the Council can pass successive emergency acts ad infinitum, constrained only by the necessity of obtaining a two-thirds vote every 90 days and the possibility that Congress might step in sua sponte and overrule the emergency legislation. Furthermore, says the District, the Council‘s finding of an
I agree with our dissenting colleagues that in deciding this case the court should first examine the construction which the Council has placed on the Act of Congress we are interpreting.6 In doing so, however, we should not take a narrow approach, ignoring the vast amount of documentary history before us of the Council‘s utilization of the Emergency Legislation.7 After all, in deciding a case of this nature we “need not be blind to what all others know.” Cullinane v. Geisha House, Inc., D.C.App., 354 A.2d 515, 518 n.12 (1976).8 It is only fair to the Council that the broad spectrum of its actions on emergency legislation available to us in this record be examined lest we obtain a false picture from a restricted inspection.
In this court, in this case, the parties have stipulated to 84 instances of the successive use of emergency powers. A perusal of the stipulation filed with this court relating to these 84 instances shows the Council has been utilizing emergency legislation to deal with such dubious social emergencies as: regulations relating to ice cream vendors, public alley closings, rental vehicle tax, merit personnel legislation, senior citizen residences sales tax on meals exemptions, and household and dependent care services deduction. In some instances, there have been emergencies declared on the same problem every three months for a period of two and three years.
In a characteristically learned opinion, then Corporation Counsel John R. Risher, Jr. stated not long ago that “while prior to consideration of a proposed act as an emergency measure, the Council as a matter of practice adopts a resolution containing findings purporting to establish the necessary emergency circumstances, often these findings on their face reveal the absence of ‘emergency circumstances,’ and that the proposed act[s] are not the proper subjects for enactment as emergency measures.” Opinion of the Corporation Counsel, The Emergency Legislation Authority of the Council, 1 Op.C.C.D.C. 457, 9 (1977) (emphasis added).
Corporation Counsel Risher had this to say on the subject of repeated enactment of emergency legislation on the same problem
I submit that . . . enacting a fourth bill on basically the same problem on an emergency basis tends to circumvent the intent and purpose of the authority delegated in section 412(a)9 provisions. As I view section 412(a), it was designed to give the Council power to meet certain crises head on, and thus avoid the lengthier process involved in permanent legislation which cannot become effective until it is first presented to Congress and a period of thirty legislative days have expired. However, section 412(a) is in this instance being used to continue the effectiveness of “permanent” legislation on an “emergency” basis, a device which strikes me as an obvious circumvention of the Charter. For these reasons, and the further reason that I do not believe that the Mayor as the Chief Executive should become a party to such procedures, it is my recommendation that the act not be approved. [Opinion of the Corporation Counsel, Emergency Cooperative Regulation Act of 1976, 1 Op.C. C.D.C. 424, 2 (1978) (emphasis added).]
In a subsequent opinion, then Acting Corporation Counsel Louis P. Robbins felt
The second factor is the substantial likelihood that EA 2-133 will be extended by another emergency act if Bill 2-333 is sent to Congress for the 30-day layover period. In that event, we would be called upon to remind you that this Office considers successive emergency acts to be presumptively invalid. See Mr. McCally‘s Memorandum to you dated April 27, 1978. This presumption will attain greater force if the Council again declines to carefully establish a factual basis for such an emergency declaration. [Opinion of the Corporation Counsel, First Emergency Housing Discontinuance Regulation Act of 1978, 3 Op.C.C.D.C. 258 (July 27, 1978) (emphasis added).]
It was doubtless utilization such as this of the emergency acts that led former Corporation Counsel Risher to make the prescient observation that
the continued abuse of the emergency legislation authority will inevitably lead to judicial invalidation and, perhaps, a precedent which restricts the District‘s emergency legislation authority. [Opinion of the Corporation Counsel, The Emergency Legislation Authority of the Council, 1 Op.C.C.D.C. 457, 9 (1977) (emphasis added).]
It is evident that to construe the Home Rule Act as permitting indefinite successive utilization of emergency legislation on the same problem would enable the Council to avoid the Congressional supervision which is crucial to the statutory scheme. It would be, effectively, a basic amendment of the Home Rule Act.
Another reason I am motivated to write, however, is to state my disagreement with views in the dissenting opinion on the scope of our review in this case, which I hope do not later obtain currency. I might say preliminarily that in several previous cases, we have exercised our jurisdiction to decide whether the Council exceeded its authority by passing legislation which arguably violated the specific limitations contained in the Home Rule Act.
The dissent says that principles of separation of powers and of statutory construction require deference to the Council‘s interpretation of its power under the Home Rule Act. Specifically, it draws an analogy to a state court (this court) reviewing the validity of a state legislature‘s (the Council‘s) action (the emergency legislation) under the state constitution (the Home Rule Act). This analogy is of questionable usefulness and in any event is misapplied. In most of the cases cited by the dissent, the courts rejected a particular reading or application of the legislature‘s action to save it under the constitution. See e. g., United States v. Vuitch, 402 U.S. 62, 91 S.Ct. 1294, 28 L.Ed.2d 601 (1971); Flemming v. Nestor, 363 U.S. 603, 80 S.Ct. 1367, 4 L.Ed.2d 1435 (1960); Anniston Manufacturing Co. v. Davis, 301 U.S. 337, 57 S.Ct. 816, 81 L.Ed. 1143 (1937). In these cases, the principle of presumptive validity of a legislative action is applied when it is the action itself which is declared to be ambiguous and given a constitutionally saving construction. That is not the case here. In this case, it is the Home Rule Act—the “constitutional” analog—which is found by the dissent to be ambiguous. It attempts to apply the analogy in reverse, i. e., to construe the “constitution” (the Home Rule Act) to save the legislature‘s action. Deference to the legislative body is not appropriate, however, when the issue is interpretation of the “constitution.”
Our dissenting colleagues draw attention to the statement in United States v. Nixon,
Many decisions of this Court, however, have unequivocally reaffirmed the holding of Marbury v. Madison, 1 Cranch 137 [2 L.Ed. 60] (1803), that “[i]t is emphatically the province and duty of the judicial department to say what the law is.” Id. at 177 [2 L.Ed. 60].
* * * * *
Our system of government “requires that federal courts on occasion interpret the Constitution in a manner at variance with the construction given the document by another branch.” Powell v. McCormack, supra [395 U.S. 486] at 549, 89 S.Ct. 1944, at 1978 [23 L.Ed.2d 491]. And in Baker v. Carr, 369 U.S. [186] at 211, 82 S.Ct. 691, at 706 [7 L.Ed.2d 663], the Court stated:
“Deciding whether a matter has in any measure been committed by the Constitution to another branch of government, or whether the action of that branch exceeds whatever authority has been committed, is itself a delicate exercise in constitutional interpretation, and is a responsibility of this Court as ultimate interpreter of the Constitution.”
Notwithstanding the deference each branch must accord the others, the “judicial Power of the United States” vested in the federal courts by Art III, § 1, of the Constitution can no more be shared with the Executive Branch than the Chief Executive, for example, can share with the Judiciary the veto power, or the Congress share with the Judiciary the power to override a Presidential veto. Any other conclusion would be contrary to the basic concept of separation of powers and the checks and balances that flow from the scheme of a tripartite government. The Federalist, No. 47, p. 313 (S. Mittell ed. 1938). We therefore reaffirm that it is the province and duty of this Court “to say what the law is” with respect to the claim of privilege presented in this case. Marbury v. Madison, supra, 1 Cranch at 177 [2 L.Ed. 60]. [United States v. Nixon, supra at 703-05, 94 S.Ct. at 3105 (emphasis added).]
It seems to me the fundamental difference between the majority and dissenting view in this case is there discussed. The dissenting opinion here is preoccupied with a doctrine of deference; and the majority view is concerned principally with the proposition that, in the final analysis, it is “the province and duty of this Court ‘to say what the law is . . . ,‘” the historical doctrine of Marbury v. Madison.10
Deference to the legislature is appropriate when a legislative action is capable of two readings, one which would invalidate it and one of which would uphold it. See Flemming v. Nestor, supra, 363 U.S. at 617, 80 S.Ct. at 1376. But when the meaning of a statute is questioned it is the duty of the courts, not the legislature, to resolve the issue. In the past, this court did not display any particular reluctance in declaring an Act of Congress unconstitutional. To illustrate, in Estate of French, D.C.App., 365 A.2d 621 (1976),11 this court declared unconstitutional an Act of Congress popularly known as the Mortmain statute, on the ground that it created an unreasonable classification and had no rational legislative purpose. (id. at 624-25). I call that a rather strong holding. I see no reason why the court should now be reticent in dealing with actions of the City Council.
If we were to derogate the traditional role of the court in the early stages of this new government, it would bode ill for the expectation of a confident, able, indepen-
MACK, Associate Judge, dissenting, with whom NEWMAN, Chief Judge and PRYOR, Associate Judge, join:
The language of the Home Rule Act relating to the issue of successive emergency enactments is ambiguous. The legislative history is both meager and inconclusive. Nevertheless, based on this paucity of congressional direction, the majority has construed the Act as a very restrictive grant of legislative power. I submit such a narrow interpretation should only be made when the legislative history compels the conclusion that this was the explicit intent of Congress.
We are concerned here with the statutory construction of a small but vitally important segment of the legislative authority of the District of Columbia Council. There is complete agreement by the parties that a genuine emergency existed necessitating the emergency legislation at issue. We are not therefore faced with a charge of abuse of power. We are asked simply to define the limits of power. Specifically, we are asked to interpret whether the phrase “such act shall be effective for a period of not to exceed ninety days” means only one substantive legislative response per emergency or rather is a temporal limitation on each exercise of legislative power without regard to the substantive terms.
Ordinarily, use of the word “act” in the context of legislation means the exercise of power rather than the content of the legislation. Witness the fact that many statutes of Congress are referenced as Acts—for instance, the “Act of October 15, 1972.” And the language of the statute at issue here simply does not restrict the Council from “acting” where there is a finding of emergency circumstances by two-thirds vote. Accordingly, at the very least one must conclude that the statute is not sufficiently clear to warrant a definitive interpretation without turning to the legislative history. There too, we find only brief and inconclusive mention of the issue of successive emergency enactment from which, I submit, no clear statement of congressional intent is discernible. I am convinced that, under basic principles of statutory construction, the Council‘s legislation can, and should, be upheld. Moreover, in view of the context in which this case arises, I believe we are compelled to rule for the District of Columbia when we apply not only rules of statutory construction, but also principles and presumptions attendant to state constitutional interpretations of the gravest nature.
I.
There is a fundamental canon of statutory construction which mandates that if a statute is fairly susceptible of two constructions, one which will give it effect, the other which would defeat it, the former is preferred. Anniston Manufacturing Co. v. Davis, 301 U.S. 337, 351, 57 S.Ct. 816, 823, 81 L.Ed. 1143 (1937). Coupled with this canon is the strong presumption in favor of the validity of actions by the legislature (in this case the District Council). Flemming v. Nestor, 363 U.S. 603, 617, 80 S.Ct. 1367, 1376, 4 L.Ed.2d 1435 (1960); Cobb v. Bynum, D.C.App., 387 A.2d 1095, 1097 (1978). This presumption attaches not because the
The purpose of these time-honored principles is to avoid the situation the majority may have wrought here. The determination of legislative intent from a cold record is a difficult, imprecise task. If a court errs in invalidating a legislative act, the error cannot be corrected. The legislature can pass a new statute, but the court‘s decision is final as to impact and scope. It is a troubling thought that we, in interpreting an ambiguous statute, may have forever foreclosed operation of a valid act. This is a high price to pay for guessing wrong.
And the statute is ambiguous. The language of the Home Rule Act authorizing 90-day legislation by a two-thirds vote of Council members if “emergency circumstances make it necessary” is susceptible to two interpretations. Looking to the interpretation which would give validity to what the Council has done, the language of the Act can be read as a procedural requirement of a two-thirds vote for each exercise of power throughout an emergency (as opposed to one exercise). Similarly, the meager legislative history relevant to this section can be read to support this construction.1 Thus Representative Rees’ comments expressing a concern over “hanky-panky” abuse can fairly be construed as indicating that the procedural safeguard of a two-thirds vote was the solution to this potential abuse, rather than a prohibition against dealing with an emergency more than one time.2
Given the ambiguity in both the statute and its history, the direction which this court should take is clear. Having found nothing in the statutory language or its history to mandate otherwise, and I submit there is nothing there, we should choose the construction that would give effect to the Council‘s actions. See United States v. Vuitch, 402 U.S. 62, 70, 91 S.Ct. 1294, 1298, 28 L.Ed.2d 601 (1971). Instead, the majority has devised an alternative “solution” (for itself, I might say, as well as the Council). It has concluded that we can all avoid the problem of the “second time around” by requiring the Council to enact emergency legislation using permanent legislative procedures. I suggest that the majority, itself, has engaged in legislating and is treading on dangerous ground.
The proposed “solution” is not a solution at all. It begs the issue.3 It requires the Council, faced with a crisis, to apply a cumbersome procedure, antithetical to the very nature of emergency responses, which Congress could not have intended. It obliterates the difference between “temporary” and “permanent” since the Council, faced with the impossible duty of forecasting the length of an emergency, will be encouraged
In arguing the feasibility of its approach, the majority relies on the Council‘s regulations, which, of course, were not in effect when the Home Rule Act was passed. It relies, erroneously, on speculative comments by Representative Rees that the “permanent procedures” could be followed if an emergency exceeds 90 days. The fact is that the “permanent procedures” Representative Rees referred to did not include the 30 legislative-day layover for congressional review. The layover provision was added subsequent to the time of the comments by the Congressman. There is no suggestion anywhere in the legislative history that the permanent procedure in the Act as finally passed would be adequate to accommodate continuing emergencies. Absent such a clear statement, we should be very hesitant to impose this construction. The truth of the matter is—and the majority‘s disposition confirms this—that we simply do not know whether the Council, even under ideal circumstances, could operate effectively by placing emergency matters on a permanent procedural track.4
I submit this difficulty could be easily avoided. When a court reaches an impasse in statutory interpretation, it should turn to certain concepts of long standing for guidance. Some of these judicial guidelines are repeated so often as to appear to be “generalities.” Yet, I cannot think of a set of circumstances that demonstrates more graphically the importance of a court‘s adherence to such generalities than the present circumstances. Nor can I think of circumstances demonstrating more graphically the folly of devising innovative legislative solutions. The issue here—lost sight of by the majority—is whether the Home Rule Act, as passed by Congress, allows successive emergency enactment. The answer is simple under judicial guidelines—given the circumstances here of ambiguous statutory language, not definitively resolved by the legislative history, we give effect to the challenged enactment. The majority, in refusing to meet the issue head-on, has read something into the Home Rule Act that is not there, contrary to principles of statutory construction. See FTC v. Simplicity Pattern Co., Inc., 360 U.S. 55, 67, 79 S.Ct. 1005, 1012, 3 L.Ed.2d 1079 (1959). It has done so without according due weight to the Council‘s interpretation of its authority to act under the Act—again contrary to principles of statutory construction. Cf. Udall v. Tallman, 380 U.S. 1, 16, 85 S.Ct. 792, 801, 13 L.Ed.2d 616 (1965); Lange v. United States, 143 U.S.App.D.C. 305, 309, 443 F.2d 720, 724 (1971).
It has acted with only a dim perception of yet another venerable judicial principle: a court must not interpret a statutory provision so as to bring about undesirable or unjust consequences. United States v. American Trucking Associations, Inc., 310 U.S. 534, 543, 60 S.Ct. 1059, 1063, 84 L.Ed. 1345 (1940); Quinn v. Butz, 166 U.S.App. D.C. 363, 373, 510 F.2d 743, 753 (1975). The
In any task of statutory construction, particularly one as important as is presented here, we must do more than examine the legislative history of the narrow section at
issue. Kokoszka v. Belford, 417 U.S. 642, 650, 94 S.Ct. 2431, 2436, 41 L.Ed.2d 374 (1974). Acts of Congress must be interpreted in light of the spirit in which they were written and the reasons for enactment. General Service Employees Union v. NLRB, 188 U.S.App.D.C. 119, 124, 578 F.2d 361, 366 (1978). This court has a duty to favor that interpretation of the Home Rule Act that will make its purpose effective, and avoid one which would make its purpose more difficult to fulfill. See United States v. General Motors Corp., 171 U.S.App.D.C. 27, 45, 518 F.2d 420, 438 (1975). We should construe ambiguous provisions with reference to the manifest purpose of the Act. Zeigler Coal Co. v. Kleppe, 175 U.S.App. D.C. 371, 381-82, 536 F.2d 398, 408-09 (1976).
The “core and primary purpose of the Home Rule Act”8 is to “grant to the inhabitants of the District of Columbia powers of local self-government; . . . and, to the greatest extent possible consistent with the constitutional mandate, relieve Congress of the burden of legislating upon essentially local District matters.”
II.
I am troubled by a more basic problem with the majority decision. I think the court has been presented with something more than a task of statutory construction. We have been asked to interpret the enactment from which the District derives its governmental existence. I view the problem therefore as one analogous to constitutional interpretation. The District of Co-
The legislative history of Home Rule manifests a congressional intent to delegate to the District powers as broad as its own. The House Committee Report, in explaining the Act‘s general delegation of legislative powers, noted:
Congress, in legislating for the District, has all the powers of a state legislature, and Congress may delegate to the District government that “full legislative power, subject of course to constitutional limitations to which all lawmaking is subservient and subject also to the power of Congress at any time to revise, alter, or revoke the authority granted.”
Firemen‘s Insurance Co. of Washington, D.C. v. Washington, 157 U.S.App.D.C. 320, 324, 483 F.2d 1323, 1327 (1973) citing District of Columbia v. Thompson Co., 346 U.S. 100, 109, 73 S.Ct. 1007, 1012, 97 L.Ed. 1480 (1953); quoted with approval in Staff of the House Committee on the District of Columbia, 93d Cong., 2d Sess., Home Rule for the District of Columbia 1973-1974 at 1448 (Comm. Print 1974). We may accordingly view the Charter as a broad and undefined grant of authority to the Council, similar to the power of a state, and subject only to the specific limitations enumerated in the Act. [
But whether we characterize the District of Columbia as a municipal corporation, a state government, or something uniquely in between, its lawmaking body is entitled to certain presumptions in reviewing its action. The foremost of these is that every lawmaking body is entitled to a presumption in favor of the constitutionality of its actions. McDonald v. Board of Election Commissioners of Chicago, 394 U.S. 802, 809, 89 S.Ct. 1404, 1408, 22 L.Ed.2d 739 (1969); Flemming v. Nestor, supra; Monarski v. Alexandrides, 80 Misc.2d 260, 262 N.Y.S.2d 976, 982 (1974). This principle is based on a view of separation of powers which operates to prevent one branch from encroaching on the powers of another. Union Pacific Railroad Co. v. United States, 99 U.S. 700, 718, 25 L.Ed. 496, 504 (1879). As a corollary, it is never presumed that a legislative body exceeded its authority or intended to violate the constitution. Anniston Manufacturing Co. v. Davis, supra, 301 U.S. at 351-52, 57 S.Ct. at 822-23. Lastly, a general presumption of good faith is attributed to all lawmaking bodies. I think all these presumptions should operate here as we interpret the bounds of the authority within which the Council can function under the Charter.
Placed in this framework, other principles of analysis come into focus in the instant case. Courts should adhere to the principles of judicial restraint when called upon to review the validity of the authority under which a coordinate branch of government acts. Any restriction on broad authority should be read narrowly and no limitations not expressly imposed by Congress should be inferred. The interpretation of its powers by any branch is to be given great respect. United States v. Nixon, 418 U.S. 683, 703, 94 S.Ct. 3090, 3105, 41 L.Ed.2d 1039 (1974). Adherence to these principles
In light of the dictates of these principles, I would view our task as completed once we were assured that the acts in question had met the Charter‘s technical requirements: that two-thirds of the Council members had voted in its favor, that it was signed by the Mayor, and that it was substantively valid. The Home Rule Act on its face does not impose any additional limitation. I would not search further for a basis to invalidate the Council‘s actions.
I would take this approach because of the “checks” found in the overall legislative process that are a safeguard against potential abuse. The existence of these “checks” provides a persuasive basis from which to conclude that this limited judicial review of another branch‘s authority was also Congress’ intent. Each act by the Council requires an absolute two-thirds majority vote, an extraordinary requirement, higher even than the vote required to overturn a mayoral veto. Each act expires automatically after 90 days, requiring that the entire enactment process be reexecuted, including a new two-thirds vote. Each act is subject to judicial review for substantive validity. By its terms, the Charter contains an additional “check” on the possibility of legislative abuse by making emergency enactments subject to mayoral veto. Should there be any remaining doubt, the Act reserves for Congress the power to take any action respecting the District.
I think one of the consequences of unnecessarily holding that many of the Council‘s acts are ultra vires is to undermine the effectiveness of the Council. Until Congress provides us with a clear direction that it intended to limit the Council‘s powers in the manner adopted by the majority, I think we should carefully exercise our authority to encourage the development of the responsible and independent government envisioned by the Charter, accountable most directly to the residents of the District.
No. 13887.
District of Columbia Court of Appeals.
Argued April 10, 1980. Decided May 29, 1980.
Notes
Notwithstanding any other provision of this Act the Congress of the United States reserves the right, at any time, to exercise its constitutional authority as legislature for the District, by enacting legislation for the District on any subject, whether within or without the scope of legislative power granted to the Council by this Act, including legislation to amend or repeal any law in force in the District prior to or after enactment of this Act and any act passed by the Council. [
Similarly, the purpose section of the statute provides in part:
Subject to the retention by Congress of the ultimate legislative authority over the Nation‘s Capital granted by article I, section 8, of the Constitution, the intent of Congress is to delegate certain legislative powers to the government of the District of Columbia; authorize the election of certain local officials by the registered qualified electors in the District of Columbia; grant to the inhabitants of the District of Columbia powers to local self-government; to modernize, reorganize, and otherwise improve the governmental structure of the District of Columbia; and, to the greatest extent possible, consistent with the constitutional mandate, relieve Congress of the burden of legislating upon essentially local District matters. [
We cannot agree that these premises help the analysis. As to the first, given the fact that we are dealing with two legislatures, Congress and the District Council, it begs the question to say that the Council‘s own interpretation of the Home Rule Act should be presumed valid. The Council itself is the result, not the initiator, of the Home Rule Act. The Council‘s interpretation of its own authority obviously commands great respect, but neither the Council‘s interpretation nor any opposed to it, is entitled to weight beyond the inherent persuasiveness of the position taken in a particular instance.[1] There is a fundamental canon of statutory construction which mandates that if a statute is fairly susceptible of two constructions, one which will give it effect, the other which would defeat it, the former is preferred. Coupled with this canon is the strong presumption in favor of the validity of actions by the legislature (in this case the District Council).
* * * * *
[2] Courts should adhere to the principles of judicial restraint when called upon to review the validity of the authority under which a coordinate branch of government acts. Any restriction on broad authority should be read narrowly and no limitations not expressly imposed by Congress should be inferred. The interpretation of its powers by any branch is to be given great respect. [Post at 49, 58 (Citations omitted).]
As to the second premise, our dissenting colleagues do not question this court‘s authority—and responsibility—to review the Council‘s actions here. The cases cited in support of judicial restraint, however, rely substantially on the same proposition advanced to support the dissenters’ first argument: the presumed validity of a legislative act. Yet, as already indicated, we are confronted by the potentially conflicting positions of two legislative bodies—Congress and the Council—and it is this court‘s duty to determine whether they can be reconciled. We perceive no principled basis for deferring to the Council‘s interpretation of the Home Rule Act, apart from the merits of the Council‘s argument. Although “the interpretation of its powers by any branch is due great respect from the others [,] . . . ‘[i]t is emphatically the province and duty of the judicial department to say what the law is.‘” United States v. Nixon, 418 U.S. 683, 703, 94 S.Ct. 3090, 3105, 41 L.Ed.2d 1039 (1974) (quoting Marbury v. Madison, 1 Cranch 137, 177, 2 L.Ed. 60 (1803)). 5. I doubt the merit of this contention if, for example, the finding on its face reveals the absence of genuine emergency circumstances. 5. Most troublesome of all, the majority‘s conclusion relies heavily on the provisions in the permanent track for full public review and participation before an enactment becomes final. Yet, later in the opinion the majority suggests that these very procedures for public participation be abbreviated so as to pass emergency measures within 90 days. In an effort to fit the square peg of emergency acts into the round hole of permanent legislation, the majority suggests that the procedures for permanent legislation be altered.
6. I do not agree, however with the second step, viz., the deference doctrine, which the dissent espouses. 6. The majority, in essence, has added a sentence to the statute: “If the emergency lasts longer than 90 days, the procedures for permanent legislation are to be followed.”The Council, to discharge the powers and duties imposed herein, shall pass acts and adopt resolutions, upon a vote of a majority of the members of the Council present and voting, unless otherwise provided in this Act or by the Council. The Council shall use acts for all legislative purposes. Each proposed act (other than an act to which section 47-224 applies) shall be read twice in substantially the same form, with at least thirteen days intervening between each reading. Upon final adoption by the Council each act shall be made immediately available to the public in a manner which the Council shall determine. If the Council determines, by a vote of two-thirds of the members, that emergency circumstances make it necessary that an act be passed after a single reading, or that it take effect immediately upon enactment, such act shall be effective for a period of not to exceed ninety days. Resolutions shall be used to express simple determinations, decisions, or directions of the Council of a special or temporary character.
Except acts of the Council which are submitted to the President in accordance with the Budget and Accounting Act, 1921 (31 U.S.C. 1 et seq.) [,] any act which the Council determines according to section 1-146(a), should take effect immediately because of emergency circumstances, and acts proposing amendments to title IV of this chapter, the Chairman of the Council shall transmit to the Speaker of the House of Representatives, and the President of the Senate a copy of each act passed by the Council and signed by the Mayor, or vetoed by the Mayor and repassed by two-thirds of the Council present and voting, each act passed by the Council and allowed to become effective by the Mayor without his signature, and each initiated act and act subject to referendum which has been ratified by a majority of the registered qualified electors voting on the initiative or referendum. Except as provided in paragraph (2), no such act shall take effect until the end of the 30-day period (excluding Saturdays, Sundays, and holidays, and any day on which neither House is in session because of an adjournment sine die, a recess of more than 3 days, or an adjournment of more than 3 days) beginning on the day such act is transmitted by the Chairman to the Speaker of the House of Representatives and the President of the Senate and then only if during such 30-day period both Houses of Congress do not adopt a concurrent resolution disapproving such act. The provisions of section 1-127, except subsections (d), (e), and (f) of such section, shall apply with respect to any concurrent resolution disapproving any act pursuant to this paragraph. [Emphasis added.]
Rule 709 requires a 15 day period for publication of the proposed enactment (25 DCR 9376). Moreover, if hearings are contemplated, Rule 902 requires an additional notice of ‘not less than fifteen (15) days prior to the date of the hearing’ (25 DCR 9384). Following hearings and/or citizen input, and deliberation by the appropriate Committee of the Council, a report is prepared and filed with the Council‘s Secretary. (See Rules 502(a), 506, 25 DCR 9362, 9367-9368.) The Secretary then schedules the proposed bill for review at a ‘work session’ by the Committee of the Whole (COW) which consists of the entire Council. Work sessions of this kind are held every other week, i.e., alternating with legislative sessions (Rule 404, 25 DCR 9354). Following COW review and approval, the proposed measure is scheduled for consideration at ensuing legislative sessions at which it must ‘be read twice in substantially the same form with at least thirteen days intervening between each reading’ (§ 412(a) supra). If passed following the second reading, the act is transmitted to the Mayor, who in turn has ten calendar days (excluding Saturdays, Sundays, and holidays) after it is presented to him’ to consider it with a view to approval or disapproval (§ 404(e)). If vetoed by the Mayor, the Council is given 30 days to override his veto by a vote of two-thirds of the members present and voting. Id. If the Mayor approves the measure, it is then transmitted to Congress where it must lie for a 30-day review period before taking effect. This layover period is far more lengthy than 30 calendar days because it excludes ‘Saturdays, Sundays, holidays and any day on which neither House is in session because of an adjournment sine die, a recess for more than 3 days, or an adjournment of more than 3 days.’ § 602(c), as amended,
Action Day
Emergency act (first reading) 1
Second reading; submission to Mayor 15*
Approval by Mayor; submission to Congress 29 **
End of congressional layover without disapproval 71 ***
* Assumes the required 13-day interval and no substantial changes, which would require an additional reading.
** Assumes 10 days plus two weekends: the full “ten calendar days (excluding Saturdays, Sundays, and holidays) after the act is presented to him.”
*** Assumes 30 days plus six weekends and no recesses or adjournments of more than three days; i. e., the full 30 days “excluding Saturdays, Sundays, and holidays, and any day on which neither House is in session because of an adjournment sine die, a recess of more than 3 days, or an adjournment of more than 3 days.”
Although the Task Force recommended a review period of 60 calendar days, the committee feels that 30 calendar days, excluding weekends, holidays and recesses or adjournments over three days, will allow sufficient time for Congress to act on a disapproving resolution if one were introduced. This span of time would have accommodated any disapproving resolutions previously introduced.Perhaps the most difficult and burdensome aspect of section 602(c), the congressional review process, is the uncertainty of when an act passed by the Council will become law. . . . At its worst, as in the case of the Condominium Act of 1976 (D.C.Act 1-151), seven months elapsed before the act became law. The unpredictability has forced the District to enact an inordinate amount of temporary (90-day) “emergency legislation” that requires no congressional review and takes effect immediately.
