General Laws c. 64M, § 2, imposes a five per cent excise tax on video programming delivered by direct broadcast satellite (tax). The plaintiffs are two companies that provide services subject to the tax (satellite companies). They brought a complaint for declaratory and injunctive relief in the Superior Court, alleging that the tax violates the commerce clause of the United States Constitution. 2 The satellite companies contend that the tax discriminates against interstate commerce, both in its effect and in its purpose, by disfavoring them as compared with those companies that provide video programming via cable (cable companies). The satellite and cable companies that operate in Massachusetts are all incorporated and headquartered in other States; the satellite companies argue, however, that the cable companies represent in-State interests inasmuch as their in-State commercial operations are substantially greater than those of the satellite companies.
A Superior Court judge granted summary judgment in favor of the defendant, the Department of Revenue (department). The satellite companies appealed, and we allowed their application for direct appellate review.
We conclude that summary judgment was warranted. The cable companies and the satellite companies are subject to similar tax obligations, which differ primarily in the ways in which they are collected and calculated. These differences are grounded in important characteristics of the cable and satellite companies’ respective methods of operation, and in the different regulatory regimes to which they are subject. The satellite companies thus have raised no genuine issue as to the facts material to their claim of discrimination against interstate commerce, and the depart
1. Facts. We summarize the undisputed facts important to our analysis, focusing on the nature of the video programming industry; the similarities and differences between the methods of operation used by the participants in this industry, namely cable companies and satellite companies; these companies’ respective economic impacts on Massachusetts; their respective tax obligations; and the changes to those obligations introduced by the Legislature in 2010.
a. The video programming industry. The service that permits customers to view a variety of video channels on their television sets is known as multichannel video programming. The satellite companies compete in the market for video programming services primarily with cable companies, including Comcast Corporation (Comcast) and Charter Communications Inc. Verizon Communications, Inc. (Verizon), a telephone company, participates in this market as well. All of the major participants in the market for video programming services, including Verizon, are incorporated and headquartered outside of Massachusetts.
The cable companies and the satellite companies both offer several programming packages. These packages generally include local broadcasts, basic cable channels, premium cable channels, pay-per-view movies and events, and on-demand programming. Customers typically choose between cable and satellite on the basis of considerations such as price, customer service, reception quality, and program offerings.
b. Methods of operation. The methods of operation used by the cable and satellite companies overlap substantially. Both types of company purchase the rights to distribute programming from content providers. Both designate certain percentages of their channel capacity to public, educational, and government programming. 4 Both advertise their services using television, billboards, mail, newspapers, and the Internet. Both lease some equipment, such as set-top boxes (which convert signals for viewing on television sets) and recording devices, to their subscribers.
The satellite companies, by contrast, collect, process, and package their programming at “uplink centers.” Each of the satellite companies has two primary uplink centers nationally. These up-link centers are located outside Massachusetts. Programming signals are transmitted from the uplink centers to satellites orbiting the earth, and then relayed to small receiver dishes mounted on or near customers’ homes. The satellite companies maintain small, intermittently staffed “collection facilities,” which gather content from local broadcast stations and transmit it to the uplink centers.
c. Economic impact. The methods of assembly and delivery used by cable and satellite result in different impacts on the Commonwealth’s economy. From 2006 to 2010, the cable companies spent more than $1.6 billion in Massachusetts, including investments in headend facilities, cable networks, and vehicles. As of 2010, the cable companies employed approximately 5,500 people in Massachusetts.
The satellite companies, on the other hand, hire relatively few employees in Massachusetts. Their expenditures on facilities and equipment are concentrated primarily on their out-of-State uplink centers. The satellite companies also pay fees to the Federal government for the right to locate their satellites in outer space and to use certain transmission frequencies.
d. Tax obligations. Both the cable companies and the satellite companies are subject to real property taxes in Massachusetts, and both pay personal property taxes on possessions located in the Commonwealth. They both pay State income taxes, and they collect and remit sales tax on certain transactions.
The cable companies, in addition, pay “franchise fees” to local governments. The rates of these fees are determined in negotiated
e. Changes introduced in 2010. The Act mating appropriations for the fiscal year 2010, 7 St. 2009, c. 27 (2010 appropriations act), introduced two significant changes to the scheme of taxation that governs the video programming industry. First, the 2010 appropriations act established the excise tax. See St. 2009, c. 27, § 61, enacting G. L. c. 64M. The excise tax is imposed upon the satellite companies at a rate of five per cent of their gross revenues derived from the provision of video programming in Massachusetts. See G. L. c. 64M, §§ 1, 2. The satellite companies pass on the cost of the excise tax to their customers. See G. L. c. 64M, § 3. 8
The 2010 appropriations act also imposed a personal property
2.
Legal framework,
a.
Summary judgment.
We review a grant of summary judgment de nova. See
Federal Nat’l Mtge. Ass’n
v.
Hendricks,
b.
The dormant commerce clause.
The commerce clause provides that “Congress shall have Power ... to regulate commerce with foreign nations, and among the several [Sjtates, and with the Indian Tribes.” Art. I, § 8, cl. 3 of the United States Constitution. The United States Supreme Court has “long interpreted the commerce clause as an implicit restraint on [Sjtate authority, even in the absence of a conflicting [Fjederal statute.”
United Haulers Ass’n
v.
Oneida-Herkimer Solid Waste Mgt. Auth.,
A
State tax is permissible under the dormant commerce clause if it “[1] is applied to an activity with a substantial nexus with the taxing State, [2] is fairly apportioned, [3] does not discriminate against interstate commerce, and [4] is fairly related to the services provided by the State.”
Complete Auto Transit, Inc.
v.
Brady,
c.
Discrimination against interstate commerce.
The ban on discrimination against interstate commerce is rooted in the “principle that our economic unit is the Nation, which alone has the gamut of powers necessary to control of the economy.”
Oregon Waste Sys., Inc.
v.
Department of Envtl. Quality of Or.,
In the context of the dormant commerce clause, “ ‘discrimination’ simply means differential treatment of in-[S]tote and out-of-[S]tate economic interests that benefits the former and burdens the latter.”
Oregon Waste,
A statute may be discriminatory on its face, in its effect, or in its underlying purpose. See
Amerada Hess Corp.
v.
Director, Div.
3. Analysis, a. Discriminatory effect. The satellite companies argue that the excise tax discriminates against interstate commerce in its effect by disadvantaging the satellite companies and benefiting the cable companies. The department responds, first, that the cable companies and the satellite companies do not represent in-State and out-of-State interests, respectively. The department argues also that the excise tax is not discriminatory because the cable and satellite companies are not similarly situated.
For the reasons we describe, we adopt the latter argument. In so doing, we follow the other courts that have considered and rejected the satellite companies’ challenges to the laws of other States. See
Directv, Inc.
v.
Treesh,
i.
The broader context.
The excise tax applies to satellite companies only. Our analysis must not be “divorced,” however, from the broader context of the act; we are required to consider the regulatory scheme “as a whole.” See
West Lynn Creamery, Inc.
v.
Healy,
The satellite companies suggest that the cable companies’ obligations toward local governments should play no part in our analysis of the ways in which the two types of company are treated. In the satellite companies’ view, these obligations are merely “rent” payments imposed on cable companies on the basis of the use that they, but not the satellite companies, make of public spaces. We do not agree.
The localities’ power to charge franchise fees as to cable companies but not satellite companies flows, not from the localities’ ownership of public property, but from statutory provisions.
Correspondingly, cable companies do not obtain leases or other property rights in return for their franchise fees. What they do receive in return are special privileges. See
Tolson,
Because of the method by which they deliver their programming, the satellite companies do not need to access public rights-of-way. The privilege of doing business with local consumers, on the other hand, is one that benefits the satellite companies no less than the cable companies. Consequently, if not for the Telecommunications Act’s prohibition on the imposition of local taxes on satellite services, the satellite companies “certainly could have been” subjected “to the tangled regime of local taxation and franchise fees” that applies to cable companies. See
Treesh I,
487
In our analysis of whether the cable and satellite companies are subjected to “differential treatment . . . that benefits the former and burdens the latter,”
Oregon Waste,
ii. Differences between the obligations of the cable and satellite companies. The cable companies’ local obligations and the excise tax imposed on the satellite companies are different in two ways. First, the cable companies’ obligations are collected piecemeal by an assortment of local authorities, whereas the satellite companies pay the entirety of the excise tax to the department. Second, the cable companies’ local obligations are made up of several components determined via negotiations with each locality, including franchise fees, additional payments to support public-oriented programming, and services in kind. The excise tax, on the other hand, is set at a uniform, flat rate.
These differences in the manners in which the cable and satellite companies are treated do not amount to actionable discrimination if they do not impose a greater burden on the satellite companies. See
Oregon Waste,
A. Method of collection. We examine first the divergent manners by which payments for the privilege of doing business in Massachusetts are collected from cable and satellite companies, respectively. As previously described, the excise tax is collected in its entirety by the department, whereas the cable companies owe varying obligations to each of the localities in which they operate. This instance of differential treatment, rather than burdening the satellite companies, is advantageous to them. The excise tax provides a streamlined method of collection, far less cumbersome than the cable companies’ assortment of local obligations.
Congress conferred this benefit on the satellite companies by design in the Telecommunications Act. Section 602(a) of that statute states that “[a] provider of . . . satellite service shall be exempt from . . . any tax or fee imposed by any local taxing jurisdiction on direct-to-home satellite service.”
The decision to excuse the satellite companies from burdensome dealings with local authorities was rooted in the characteristics of their operations. “Congress’s intent. . . was not to spare the [satellite] providers from taxation as such, but to spare national businesses with little impact on local resources from the administrative costs and burdens of local taxation.”
DirecTV, Inc.
v.
Treesh,
“[Satellite companies] utilize satellites to provide programming to their subscribers in every jurisdiction. To permit thousands of local taxing jurisdictions to tax such anational service would create an unnecessary and undue burden on the providers of such services. . . . The power of the States to tax this service is not affected by [Telecommunications Act §] 602.”
142 .Cong. Rec. H1145, H1158 (Feb. 1,1996). See W. Hellerstein, State Taxation ][ 4.25[1][1] (3d ed. 2014) (“Congress was concerned with burdening [satellite] providers with the requirement of complying with taxes in thousands of local taxing jurisdictions. This was the rationale for preempting local, but not [SJtate, taxing authority” [emphasis in original]). In sum, the divergent methods by which payment for the privilege of doing local business is collected from the cable and satellite companies are both advantageous to the satellite companies and rooted in the different operational methods employed by the two types of company.
B.
Method of calculation.
We turn to the different methods by which the obligations of the cable and satellite companies are calculated. Whereas the satellite companies’ services are subject to a flat tax rate of five per cent of gross revenues, the cable companies’ obligations are composed of (a) franchise fees, running to approximately three to five per cent of gross revenues; (b) additional fees, used to support public-oriented programming, averaging 1.09% of gross revenues; (c) services, facilities, and equipment for the use of public, educational, and governmental channels; (d) free video programming services delivered to municipal buildings, schools, and libraries; and (e) requirements imposed by local governments concerning service quality and customer service. On the basis of these facts, the satellite companies do not have a “reasonable expectation” of proving that their obligations are more burdensome than those of the cable companies.
15
See
HipSaver,
For one, franchise fees are, as noted, capped by Federal law at five per cent of gross revenue. See 47 U.S.C. § 542(b) (2012). Massachusetts law does not require that cable’s franchise fees be any lower. It follows that if the cable companies’ obligations to local governments amount to a lighter burden than the satellite companies’ excise tax, this discrepancy results from certain localities’ consent to reduce franchise fees from the statutory maximum. In this sense, any benefit to the cable companies results from the fact that they are required, unlike the satellite companies, to negotiate separate arrangements with an array of local governments. In turn, this difference between the treatment of the cable and satellite companies is rooted, as we have explained, in the different nature of these businesses, namely in the fact that the cable companies, unlike the satellite companies, cannot avoid interface with local governments. See
Treesh II,
As the department argues, another difference between the cable and satellite companies’ respective operations would support the imposition of a somewhat lower tax rate on cable. This difference lies in the respective regulatory regimes to which the two types of company are subject.
When the technology for satellite provision of video programming became available in the 1980s, the Federal government “concluded that the public interest is best served by a flexible regulatory approach.” 2 D.L. Brenner, M.E. Price, & M.I. Meyer-son, Cable Television and Other Nonbroadcast Video, Law and Policy, § 15:5 (2014). Accordingly, the satellite industry was subjected to “regulatory requirements [that are] minimal .... This approach allows [satellite] operations to experiment with service offerings and methods of financing. Few rules exist.” Id. See 2 C.D. Ferris & F.W. Lloyd, Telecommunications Regulation: Cable, Broadcasting, Satellite, and the Internet ][ 20.04[5][b], at 20-9 (rev. ed. 2014).
Cable, on the other hand, a veteran industry with well-established methods of operation, has long been subject to an extensive scheme of Federal regulation. See 1 C.D. Ferris & F.W. Lloyd,
In addition, the rates for the provision of basic cable services are determined by Federal regulations, unless the Federal Communications Commission finds that these services are subject to “effective competition.” See 47 U.S.C. § 543(a)(2) (2012); 47 C.F.R. §§ 76.901-76.990 (2013). Cable companies may not discriminate between different “tiers” of subscribers in the provision of programming offered on a per-channel or per-program basis. See 47 U.S.C. § 543(b)(8)(A) (2012). With some exceptions, cable companies are required to operate a geographically uniform rate structure. See 47 U.S.C. § 543(d) (2012). 16
The divergent regulatory regimes that govern the cable and satellite companies’ respective operations are relevant to the selection of the tax obligations to which these companies are subjected. Cf.
Tracy,
In summary, given the nuances of the divergence between the ways in which the cable and satellite companies are treated, examined in light of the differences between the ways in which these two types of company do business, the satellite companies have no reasonable expectation of proving that the excise tax discriminates against interstate commerce in its effect. See HipSaver, 464 Mass, at 522. No genuine issue of material fact was presented, therefore, and the department was entitled to judgment as a matter of law.
b. Discriminatory purpose. The satellite companies contend also that the excise tax is unconstitutional because it is discriminatory in its purpose. This argument relies almost entirely on lobbying materials prepared on behalf of the cable industry. 17 For instance, a letter sent by cable lobbyists to members of the Legislature read, in part:
“Satellite TV companies have long enjoyed a one-way relationship with Massachusetts, selling their service here but giving almost nothing back. Unlike cable companies, satellite providers pay no personal property or real estate taxes .... Nor do satellite companies make investments in the economy or community, as cable providers do. Comcast alone, for example, employs more than 5,000 people in Massachusetts who collect more than $336 million in salary and benefits.”
The satellite companies assert that lobbying efforts of this nature indicate that the excise tax was intended to reward the cable
“It is well settled that a statute is presumed to be constitutional, and every rational presumption in favor of its validity is to be made.”
Cote-Whitacre
v.
Department of Pub. Health,
The evidence offered by the satellite companies does not suffice to carry this burden. In the context of statutory interpretation, we have cautioned against “confusing] the intention of the private proponents of legislation with the intentions of the legislative body that enacted the statutory change, to the extent we may ascertain them. They are not necessarily the same.”
Commonwealth
v.
Ray,
“Legislative history is problematic even when the attempt is to draw inferences from the intent of duly appointed committees of the [Legislature], It becomes far more so when we consult sources still more steps removed . . . and speculate upon the significance of the fact that a certain interest group sponsored or opposed particular legislation.”
Circuit City Stores, Inc.
v.
Adams,
Moreover, the lobbying materials identified by the satellite companies also make repeated reference to the goal of “tax parity.” Written testimony by a cable industry executive before a committee of the Legislature stated, for instance, that the excise tax would “ensure[ ] that the overall level of taxation is equal among video providers, so that all multichannel video providers operate on a level playing field .... Tax parity ensures fair competition and true consumer choice.” Other communications stressed that, before the 2010 appropriations act was passed, the satellite companies paid no tax corresponding to the franchise fees paid by cable companies. A letter to legislators from the New England Cable and Telecommunications Association stated that the excise tax would create a “competitively neutral tax policy for the delivery of video signals,” and described the tax as “expanding the [five per cent] franchise fee to include satellite companies.” These facts further weaken the suggestion that the Legislature was motivated by sympathy for in-State interests as such.
The conclusion that the excise tax was not intended to confer a special disadvantage on the satellite companies is reinforced by the context in which the tax was enacted. As mentioned, in addition to creating the excise tax, the 2010 appropriations act also imposed a personal property tax on “[p]oles, underground conduits, wires and pipes of telecommunications companies.” St. 2009, c. 27, § 25, amending G. L. c. 59, § 18. This provision increased Comcast’s annual tax obligations by approximately $5.1 million. It also resulted, in 2010, in a tax assessment of approximately $29.8 million against Verizon. Verizon employs approximately 9,500 people in Massachusetts, 4,000 more than the cable companies. These facts support the conclusion that the excise tax was not intended to discriminate against interstate commerce, but rather was part of an effort to increase, across the board, the amount of tax revenue collected from the video programming industry.
Judgment affirmed.
Notes
The companies that provide video programming delivered by direct broadcast satellite (satellite companies) also argued below that the excise tax violates their right to equal protection. They do not pursue this claim on appeal.
We acknowledge the amicus briefs submitted by Public Knowledge, the Satellite Broadcasting and Communications Association, and the National Association of Wine Retailers on behalf of the satellite companies; and the briefs by the National Governors Association, the Multistate Tax Commission, and the New England Cable and Telecommunications Association on behalf of the Department of Revenue.
See note 16, infra.
Telephone companies like Verizon Communications, Inc., use similar technology.
The agreements between the local governments and the companies that provide video programming via cable (cable companies) also typically require that the companies set aside channels for public, educational, and governmental programming. These obligations apparently augment the requirement of Federal law that the cable companies designate a percentage of their channel capacity to public-oriented programming. See note 16, infra.
The full title of the act is “An Act making appropriations for the fiscal year 2010 for the maintenance of the departments, boards, commissions, institutions and certain activities of the Commonwealth, for interest, sinldng fund and serial bond requirements and for certain permanent improvements.”
The cable companies also pass on the cost of the franchise fees to their customers.
Notwithstanding the stated simplicity of this test, the United States Supreme Court has recognized that its “case-by-case” approach to the dormant commerce clause “has left ‘much room for controversy and confusion and little in the way of precise guides to the States.’ ”
Westinghouse Elec. Corp.
v.
Tully,
In
General Motors Corp.
v.
Tracy,
"[N] ondiscriminatory regulations that have only incidental effects on interstate commerce are valid unless ‘the burden imposed on such commerce is clearly excessive in relation to the putative local benefits.’ ”
Oregon Waste Sys., Inc.
v.
Department of Envtl. Quality of Or.,
As to this issue, compare
Freedom Holdings, Inc.
v.
Spitzer,
At his deposition, a representative of Charter Communications Inc. defined a franchise fee as “a fee to authorize [the company] to do business in [a] community,” paid as compensation both for “using the public right-of-way” and for “being authorized to provide the service to customers.” A representative of Comcast Corporation (Comcast) testified that a franchise agreement “allowfs] [Comcast] to operate within [an] area by selling its products and services.” The representative agreed that the right to use public rights-of-way is “one component of a franchise.”
The bare existence of differences between the satellite and cable companies would not alone defeat allegations of discrimination, because a statute does not “need to be drafted explicitly along [S]tote lines in order to demonstrate its discriminatory design.”
Amerada Hess,
lmplicit in the satellite companies’ argument is the assumption that because they, unlike the cable companies, do not use local rights-of-way, the Legislature is required to impose a heavier tax burden on the cable companies. As explained by the United States Court of Appeals for the Sixth Circuit, however, “States and local government are under no mandate to charge for the use of local rights-of-way; this is readily apparent from the fact that not every road is a toll road. . . . The provision of access to the [SJtate infrastructure free of charge is an acceptable option that the [SJtate may exercise.”
Directv, Inc.
v.
Treesh,
In addition, cable companies are required to devote a greater percentage of their channel capacity to public, educational, and government programming than satellite companies are. See 47 U.S.C. §§ 335, 531, 534, 535 (2012). Compare 1 C.D. Ferris & F.W. Lloyd, Telecommunications Regulation: Cable, Broadcasting, Satellite, and the Internet f 7.15[2], at 7-40 (rev. ed. 2014), with 2 C.D. Ferris & F.W. Lloyd, Telecommunications Regulation Si 20.4[6][cl, at 20-11 (rev. ed. 2014).
The satellite companies point also to the testimony of a high-ranking satellite company executive who asserted at deposition that he had been told by members of the Legislature that they would vote for the excise tax, at least in part, because of the cable industry’s “significant local presence.” Like the Superior Court judge, we ascribe little significance to this vague testimony.
A representative of DIRECTV, LLC, acknowledged at his deposition that his company does not know whether the cable companies’ lobbying materials had an impact “on any individual legislator” or “on the Legislature as a whole.”
