OPINION OF THE COURT
This suit is brought by seven registered voters (one in each of the Third, Fourth, Fifth, Sixth, Ninth, Tenth and Eleventh Congressional Districts of the Commonwealth of Massachusetts), in their own behalf and in behalf of other eligible voters similarly situated, against the Governor, the Secretary of State and the Attorney General of Massachusetts. The prayer is for a' declaration that the current Massachusetts Apportionment Act, Chapter 315, Acts of 1962, General Laws Chapter 57 § 1, as amended, is unconstitutional and for an injunction restraining the defendants “from assuming any responsibility or taking any action with respect to the nomination or election of Representatives to the Congress of the United States” from the Congressional Districts as they are now constituted. There being no genuine issue as to any material fact the case comes before this duly constituted district court of three judges on cross motions for summary judgment.
Appliсation of the provisions of § 22 of the Act of June 18, 1929, providing for the apportionment of Representatives in Congress, 46 Stat. 26, 27 as amended 2 U.S.C. § 2a, resulted after the 1960 census in the reduction of the Massachusetts delegation to the National House of. Representatives from 14 to 12. Upon notification of this change as federal law requires, the Massachusetts House and Senate by joint order established a joint special committee “for the purpose of recommending a new division of the commonwealth into congressional districts in conformity with existing law.” The committee split strictly along party lines and filed majority and minority reports. The Massachusetts Legislature did not adopt either report but enacted ah apportionment of its own. The population discrepancies among the congressional districts as established by the legislature and among the districts as they would have been had either the majority or minority report of the joint special committee been adopted are shown by the following table, in which the “Deviation” *427 figures denote the variations from an ideal or average size district and the “ % ” figures denote the percentаges of such deviations:
*428 It is apparent that under the plan adopted by the legislature the difference in population between the largest and smallest districts, viz., the 1st and 9th, is 102,626, or approximately ^4 the size of an ideal district. Under the plans proposed in the majority and minority reports the diffеrences between the largest and smallest districts were slightly less than 50,000, or approximately Vio the size of an ideal district.
In Wesberry v. Sanders,
Although seats in both houses of bicameral state legislatures and seats in the United States House of Representatives must be apportioned on the basis of population, mathematicаl precision is not constitutionally required. The Court in Reynolds v. Sims,
“In our view the problem does not lend itself to any such uniform formula, and it is neither practicable nor desirable to establish rigid mathematical standards for evaluаting the constitutional validity of a state legislative apportionment scheme under the Equal Protection Clause. Rather, the proper judicial approach is to ascertain whether, under the particular circumstances existing in the individual State whose legislative apportiоnment is at issue, there has been a faithful adherence to a plan of population-based *429 representation, with such minor deviations only as may occur in recognizing certain factors that are free from any taint of arbitrariness or discrimination.”
This language applies specifically to the apportionment of Representatives to state legislatures. Nevertheless, we think it clear that the language also applies to the apportionment of Representatives to the United States Congress. Of course figures are essential to show that poрulation disparity of districts is de minimis, or, on the other hand, to show that population disparity is so gross as to suggest, if not clearly to establish, legislative disregard for the “one person, one vote” principle. The actual test, however, is not mathematical but is what is “practicable” under the pаrticular circumstances of the state involved. Measured by this test the Massachusetts Congressional Apportionment Act does not pass constitutional muster. The reason for this is that there is nothing whatsoever before us to show that it would not have been entirely “practicable” for the legislature to have district-ed the Commonwealth not as it did, but as recommended by either the majority or minprity of its joint special committee which, had it done so, would have provided districts more nearly equal in population as the above table clearly shows. This in a nut shell disposes of the case at bar. But we would be less than frank if we ended our opinion at this point.
First and foremost we wish clearly to emphasize that we do not intend to imply, far less to hold, that apportionment according to either committee report would meet the federal constitutional standard. For all that has been made to appear it would be entirely “practicable” to divide the Commonwealth into even more nearly numerically equal districts. Moreover, it is evident from the joint special committee’s reports that, lacking the guidance of Wesberry v. Sanders, neither the majоrity nor the minority confined its consideration to population but gave weight to constitutionally extraneous matters such as area.
In the second place we think discussion of the proper use of other eases as precedents is in order.
While staying within mathematical limits judicially approved in comparable congressional districting cases is not necessarily to stay within constitutional bounds for the reason, as we have already pointed out, that apportionment cases are not to be decided by application of any mathematical formulа but must be solved by the test of practicability with reference to the specific situation present in the state involved,
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nevertheless deviations from the ideal quotient judicially disapproved in other cases do give some indication of the limits of constitutional departure from numericаl equality. This invites discussion of Grills v. Branigan,
In that case a majority of a three-judge district court for the Southern District of Indiana held constitutionally acceptable the Indiana Congressional Reapportionment Act of 1965 in a factual context rather strikingly similar to the present. 4 Specificаlly the court held that an extreme variation in the population of congressional districts from 369,663 to 454,208, or 84,545, or from an under population of 12.8% to an over popula *430 tion of 7.2% for a total variance from the least to the highest populated district of 20%, 5 did not render the apportionment constitutionally invalid.
But on appeal sub nom. Duddleston v. Grills,
Swann v. Adams is a state legislative apportionment case. In it a three-judge district court for the Southern District of Florida held a Florida apportionment constitutionally valid although the senate districts ranged in population from 87,-595 to 114,053 or from 15.09% over represented to 10.56% under represented and the house districts ranged in population from 34,584 to 48,785 or from 18.28% over represented to 15.27% under represented. On appeal the Supreme Court reversed. It said: “We reverse for the failure of the State to present or the District Court to articulate acceptable reasons for the variations among the populations of the various legislative districts with respect to both the senate and house of representatives.”
The Court reiterated that mathematical exactness is not required in state apportionment plans. It said at page 444,
Since the Court vacated the judgment in Duddleston v. Grills and remanded for reconsideration in part on Swann v. Adams and Reynolds v. Sims, both state legislative apportionment cases, there can be no doubt that the principles enunciated in those cases apply also in congressional apportionment cases like Dud-dleston and the case at bar.
We have discussed the opinion in Swann v. Adams in some detail and quoted from it at some length not merely because it is the last authoritative word on the subject but more importantly because, as the dissenting justices point out, it announces a departure from past practice in that it casts the burden on the statе of explaining or justifying whatever departures there may be, within of course constitutionally imposed limits, from a strict population basis for districting. That is to say, states now must be prepared to show a valid reason for any departure, beyond de minimis, from districting strictly on the basis of population.
We shall not now grant any injunctive relief. Instead, sincе the Massachusetts Legislature is now in session and the next congressional election is almost two years distant, and since “legis
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lative reapportionment is primarily a matter for legislative consideration and determination, and * * * judicial relief becomes appropriate only whеn a legislature fails to reapportion according to federal constitutional requisites in a timely fashion after having had an adequate opportunity to do so”, Reynolds v. Sims, supra,
INTERLOCUTORY DECLARATORY DECREE
This action came on for hearing before the Court, Woodbury, Senior Circuit Judge, and Wyzanski and Garrity, District Judges, and the issues having been duly heard on cross motions for summary judgment and a decision having been duly rendered,
It is Declared
that Chapter 57, section 1, of the General Laws of the Commonwealth of Massachusetts, as amended by Acts of 1962, Chapter 315, violates Art. I, § 2, of the Constitution of the United States and is invalid.
The court will withhold further action until after the end of the current session of the Massachusetts Legislature. Jurisdiction over the parties is retainеd until further order of the court.
Dated at Boston, Massachusetts, this 15th day of February, 1967.
/s/ Russell H. Peck Clerk of Court
PETER WOODBURY Senior Circuit Judge
CHARLES E. WYZANSKI, JR. United States District Judge W. ARTHUR GARRITY, JR. United States District Judge
Notes
. It applied the same principle to dis-tricting for the election of representatives to the upper houses of bicameral state legislatures in Reynolds v. Sims,
. The ideal quоtient, or ideal ratio, is the number obtained by dividing the number of inhabitants by the number of their representatives to be chosen. In this case it is the population of Massachusetts as of the last census, 5,148,578, divided by the number of representatives allocated to it, 12, or 429,048.
. See Reynolds v. Sims, supra,
. The majority of the court in doing so said it was “not unmindful” of the likelihood of improvements by subsequent legislation and “strongly suggested” that the General Assembly of Indiana take action to eliminate “any abnormalities in the 1965 congressional reapportionment Act.”
. None of the districts varied from the ideal population figure (423,863) by as much as 15% and only one by more than 10%.
