OPINION
Thе primary issue on appeal in this case is whether the First Amendment to the United States Constitution confers a public right of access to deportation hearings. If it does, then the Government must make a showing to overcome that right.
No one will ever forget the egregious, deplorable, and despicable terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001. These were cowardly acts. In response, our government launched an extensive investigation into the attacks, future threats, conspiracies, and attempts to come. As part of this effort, immigration laws are prosecuted with increased vigor. The issue before us today involves these efforts.
The political branches of our government enjoy near-unrestrained ability to control our borders. “[Tjhese are policy questions entrusted exclusively to the political branches of our government.”
Fiallo v. Bell,
Today, the Executive Branch seeks to take this safeguard away from the public by placing its actions beyond public scrutiny. Against non-citizens, it seeks the power to secretly deport a class if it unilaterally calls them “special interest” cases. The Executive Branch seeks to uproot people’s lives, outside the public eye, and behind a closed door. Democracies die behind closed doors. The First Amendment, through a free press, protects the people’s right to know that their government acts fairly, lawfully, and accurately in deportation proceedings. When government begins closing doors, it selectively controls information rightfully belonging to the people. Selective information is misinformation. The Framers of the First Amendment “did not trust any government to separate the true from the false for us.”
Kleindienst v. Mandel,
The Office of the Chief Immigration Judge, under the authorization of Attorney General John Ashcroft, designates certain cases to be special interest cases, conducted in secret, closed off from the public. Arguing that closure of these hearings was unconstitutional, plaintiffs in three separate cases sought an injunction against such action. The Government filed a motion to dismiss, arguing that closing special interest cases was not unconstitutional.
The district court granted the injunction, finding blanket closure of deportation hearings in “special interest” cases unconstitutional. For the reasons that follow, we AFFIRM the district court’s order granting Plaintiffs a preliminary injunction.
I. Facts and Procedural History
On September 21, 2001, Chief Immigration Judge Michael Creppy issued a directive (the “Creppy directive”) to all United States Immigration Judges requiring closure of special interest cases. The *684 Creppy directive requires that all proceedings in such cases be closed to the press and public, including family members and Mends. The Record of the Proceeding is not to be disclosed to anyone except a deportee’s attorney or representative, “assuming the file does not contain classified information.” “This restriction on information includes confirming or denying whether such a case is on the docket or scheduled for a hearing.”
On December 19, 2002, Immigration Judge Elizabeth Hacker conducted a bond hearing for Rabih Haddad (“Haddad”), one such special interest case. Haddad was subject to deportation, 2 having overstayed his tourist visa. The Government further suspects that the Islamic charity Haddad operates supplies funds to terrorist organizations. Haddad’s family, members of the public, including Congressman John Co-nyers, and several newspapers sought to attend his deportation hearing. Without prior notice to the public, Haddad, or his attorney, courtroom security officers announced that the hearing was closed to the public and the press. Haddad was denied bail, detained, and has since been in the government’s custody. Subsequent hearings, conducted on January 2 and 10, 2002, were also closed to the public and the press. Haddad has been transferred to Chicago for additional proceedings.
Haddad, several newspapers (the “Newspaper Plaintiffs”), 3 and Congressman Conyers filed complaints for injunc-tive and declaratory relief, asserting claims under (1) the Administrative Procedures Act (“APA”), 5 U.S.C. § 551 et seq.; (2) the Immigration and Nationality Act (“INA”), 8 U.S.C. § 1101 et seq., and the regulations promulgated thereunder, 8 C.F.R. §§ 3.27 & 240.10; and (3) the First and Fifth Amendments to the United States Constitution. They named Attorney General Ashcroft, Chief Immigration Judge Creppy, and Immigration Judge Hacker as defendants (collectively “the Government”). Among the claims asserted, the Newspapers Plaintiffs (separately from Haddad) sought a declaratory judgment that the Creppy directive, facially and as applied, violated their First Amendment right of access to Haddad’s deportation proceedings. They further sought to enjoin subsequent closures of proceedings in Haddad’s case and a release of all transcripts and documents from previous proceedings. 4
The district court granted the Newspaper Plaintiffs’ motion. Finding that the Newspaper Plaintiffs had a First Amendment right of access to the proceedings under
Richmond Newspapers Inc., v. Virginia,
II. Standard of Review
We review the grant of a preliminary injunction for an abuse of discretion, but questions of law are reviewed de novo.
Gonzales v. National Board of Medical Examiners,
To determine whether to grant a motion for a preliminary injunction, a court must analyze the following four factors:
“(1) whether the movant has a strong likelihood of success on the merits; (2) whether the movant would suffer irreparable injury without the injunction; (3) whether issuance of the injunction would cause substantial harm to others; and (4) whether the public interest would be served by issuance of the injunction.”
Bonnell v. Lorenzo,
III. Analysis
A. Likelihood of Success on the Merits
1. The Effect of the Government’s Plenary Power Over Immigration
The Government argues that the district court erred in ruling that the government’s plenary power over immigration did not warrant deferential review.
See, e.g., Kleindienst v. Mandel,
The Government’s broad authority over immigration was first announced more than one-hundred years ago in
The Chinese Exclusion Case,
the presence of Chinese laborers had a baneful effect upon the material interests of the State, and upon public morals; that their immigration was in numbers approaching the character of an Oriental invasion, and was a menace to our civilization....
Id.
at 595,
Today, the Government seeks to expand upon the rule from this case. The Government argues that it has plenary authority over not only substantive immigration laws and decisions, but also non-substantive ones, like the Creppy directive.
6
Therefore, whether or not there is a First Amendment right of access to deportation proceedings, the Government argues, it can implement any non-substantive policy infringing upon that right if it is “facially legitimate and bona fide.”
7
See Kleindienst,
Even
The Chinese Exclusion Case,
however, acknowledged that Congress’s power over immigration matters was limited by “the constitution itself.”
Id.
at 604,
a. The Government Interprets Klein-dienst Too Broadly
The Government’s blanket reliance on Kleindienst ignores the varied aspects of immigration law. Immigration includes substantive laws over who may enter or remain in this country, laws governing procedural aspects of immigration hеarings, and regulations on the mechanics of *687 deportation. Although acknowledging the political branches’ plenary power over all substantive immigration laws and non-substantive immigration laws that do not implicate constitutional rights, the Supreme Court has repeatedly allowed for meaningful judicial review of non-substantive immigration laws where constitutional rights are involved. Kleindienst did not change these long-standing traditions.
In
Kleindienst,
Ernest Mandel, a self-proclaimed “revolutionary Marxist” and Belgian citizen, sought entry into the United States to speak at a conference at Stanford University.
Kleindienst,
Several professors brought suit alleging a violation of their First Amendment rights. The Court stated the issue as this: “Whether the First Amendment confers upon the appellee professors, because they wish to hear, speak, and debate with Man-del in person, the ability to determine that Mandel should be permitted to enter the country or, in other words, to compel the Attorney General to allow Mandel’s admission.”
Id.
at 762,
[pjlenary congressional power to make policies and rules for exclusion of aliens has long been firmly established. In the case of an alien excludable under § 212(a) (28), Congress has delegated conditional exercise of this,power to the Executive. We hold that when the Executive exercises this power negatively on the basis of a facially legitimate and bona fide reason, the courts will neither look behind the exercise of that discretion, nor test it by balancing its justification against the First Amendment interests of those who seek personal communication with the applicant.
Id.
at 769-70,
Kleindienst differs from the present case in two important, and related, ways. First, Kleindienst involved a substantive immigration decision. The law and decision at issue determined who entered the United States. Here, the Creppy directive has no effect on the eventual outcome of the deportation hearings. Second, Klein-dienst, although recognizing a constitutional right, did not give any weight to that right. It specifically declined to balance the First Amendment right against the government’s plenary power, because the law was a substantive immigration law. Therefore, if the First Amendment limits non-substantive immigration laws, Klein-dienst offers no authority that the Government’s actions are entitled to deferential review — Kleindienst ignored the existence of the professors’ First Amendment rights altogether. Nor does it offer authority that the First Amendment does not limit non-substantive immigration laws — Klein- dienst involved a substantive immigration law. In a case such as this, where a non-substantive immigration law involving a constitutional right is at issue, the Supreme Court has always recognized the importance of that constitutional right, never deferring to an assertion of plenary authority.
b. The Constitution, Including the First Amendment, Meaningfully Limits Nonr-Substantive Immigration Laxos
The Supreme Court has always interpreted the Constitution meaningfully to
*688
limit non-substantive immigration laws, without- granting the Government special deference. First, the Supreme Court has explicitly stated that non-citizens are afforded “the same constitutional protections of due process that we accord citizens.”
Hellenic Lines Ltd. v. Rhoditis,
As old as the first immigration laws of this country is the recognition that non-citizens, even if illegally present in the United States, are “persons” entitled to the Fifth Amendment right of due process in deportation proceedings.
See Wong Wing,
As firmly established as the due process rights of deportees is the rule that non-citizens seeking initial entry have no right to due process.
See Ex rel. Mezei,
Therefore, in stark contrast to a deportation hearing, the Government may exclude a non-citizen seeking initial entry without a hearing or disclosure of the evidence and reasons relied upon.
Compare Knauff,
In
Knauff v. Shaughnessy,
the Attorney General excluded the alien-wife of a citizen and war veteran without a hearing or reasons for the decision.
Knauff,
In
Kwock Jan Fat v. White,
the government tried to deport a person claiming citizenship, based on evidence produced
in absentia
and not recorded or released to the deportee.
Kwock Jan Fat,
The acts of Congress give great power to the Secretary of Labor over Chinese immigrants and persons of Chinese descent. It is a power to be administered, not arbitrarily and secretly, but fairly and openly under the restraints of the tradition and principles of free government applicable where the fundamental rights of men are involved, regardless of their origin or race.
Id.
at 464,
The difference between the Court’s deferential review of non-substantive laws and procedures in
Knaujf
and its exacting review in
Kwock Jan Fat
lies not in the fact that the former involved an exclusion proceeding and the latter a deportation proceeding; nor does it lie in the fact that
Kwock Jan Fat
was based on any addеd rights afforded citizens, as the Court discussed the power over both “Chinese immigrants and persons of Chinese descent.”
Kwock Jan Fat,
For example, in
Landon v. Plasencia,
Additionally, in
Landon,
the Court implied that no uniquely deferential due process analysis applied in the immigration context. By applying law from a seminal non-immigration due process case, the Court suggested that it had determined the Fifth Amendment issue as it would have outside of the immigration context.
See id.
at 33,
The Government, however, seizes upon the Supreme Court’s statement in
Knauff v. Shaughnessy
regarding immigration laws that “[executive officers may be entrusted with the duty of specifying the procedures for carrying out the congressional intent.”
Knauff,
Similarly, the Government seizes'upon the statement in
Mathews v. Diaz
that “[i]n the exercise of its broad power over naturalization and immigration Congress regularly makes rules that would be unacceptable if applied to citizens.”
Non-deferential review does not begin and end with the Fifth Amendment. As long ago as 1896, the Supreme Court recognized that the Fifth and Sixth Amendments limited Congress from enforcing its powers over immigration. In
Wong Wing v. United States,
While noting the broad powers enjoyed by the political branches to expel and exclude aliens, the Court held that such powers were limited by the Fifth and Sixth Amendments: “But to declare unlawful residence within the country to be an infamous crime, punishable by deprivation of liberty and property, would be to pass out of the sphere of constitutional legislation, unless provision were made that the fact of guilt should first be established by a judicial trial.”
Id.
at 237,
Although the question had never been addressed specifically, there is ample foundation to conclude that the Supreme Court would also recognize that non-citizens enjoy unrestrained First Amendment rights in deportation proceedings. For example, in
Bridges v. Wixon,
[0]nee an alien lawfully enters and resides in this country he becomes invested with the rights guaranteed by the Constitution to all people within our borders. Such rights include those protected by the First and Fifth Amendments and by the due process clause of the Fourteenth Amendment. None of these provisions acknowledges any distinction between citizens and resident aliens. They extend their inalienable privileges to all “persons” and guard against any encroachment on those rights by federal or state authority.
Id.
at 161,
Similarly, the Court seemed to acknowledge a First Amendment right in deportation hearings in
Harisiades v. Shaughnessy,
More support for independent, non-deferential review of non-substantive immigration laws can be found in
INS v. Chadha,
The plenary authority of Congress over aliens under Art. I § 8, cl. 4, is not open to question, but what is challenged here is whether Congress has chosen a constitutionally permissible means of implementing that power. As we made clear in Buckley v. Valeo,424 U.S. 1 ,96 S.Ct. 612 ,46 L.Ed.2d 659 (1976): “Congress has plenary authority in all cases in which it has substantive legislative jurisdiction ... so long as the exercise of that authority does not offend some other constitutional restriction.”
Chadha,
More recently, the Supreme Court has again applied non-deferential review to non-substantive immigration law. In
Zadvydas v. Davis,
The Government correctly notes that the Court in
Zadvydas
twice indicated that it might be deferential in situations involving terrorism.
See id.
at 691, 696,
Importantly, the Creppy directive does not apply to “a small segment of particularly dangerous” information, but a broad, indiscriminate range оf information, including information likely to be entirely innocuous. Similarly, no definable standards used to determine whether a case is of “special interest” have been articulated. Nothing in the Creppy directive counsels that it is limited to “a small segment of particularly dangerous individuals.” In fact, the Government so much as argues that certain non-citizens known to have no links to terrorism will be designated “special interest” cases. Supposedly, closing a more targeted class would allow terrorists to draw inferences from which hearings are open and which are closed.
While we sympathize and share the Government’s fear that dangerous information might be disclosed in some of these hearings, we feel that the ordinary process of determining whether closure is warranted on a case-by-case basis sufficiently ad *693 dresses their concerns. Using this stricter standard does not mean that information helpful to terrorists will be disclosed, only that the Government must be more targeted and precise in its approach. Given the importance of the constitutional rights involved, such safeguards must be vigorously guarded, lest the First Amendment turn into another balancing test. In the words of Justice Black:
The word ‘security’ is a broad, vague generality whose contours should not be invoked to abrogate the fundamental law embodied in the First Amendment. The guarding of military and diplomatic secrets at the expense of informed representative government provides no real security for our Republic.
New York Times,
The Government cites other cases that it claims support its view that even procedural immigration laws are entitled to a deferential standard of review. However, those cases involve either substantive immigrations laws determining who gets deported,
see Almario v. Attorney General,
Other courts of appeals have similarly held that courts may review immigration procedures with greater scrutiny than substantive immigration decisions or laws.
See Hoang v.Comfort,
c. The Government’s Remaining Argument
Finally, the Government argues that this distinction between substantive and non-substantive immigration laws “fails to acknowledge that procedural requirements often reflect, and encompass, substantive choices” and that it “makes no sense.” See Gov’t Brief at 25. This contention strikes us as profoundly undemocratic in that it ignores the basic concept of checks and balances. More fundamentally, though, were the political branches’ decisions not subject to certain basic procedural requirements, the government could act arbitrarily and behind closed doors, leaving unsettled the lives of thousands of immigrants. Even though the political branches may have unfettered discretion to deport and exclude certain people, requiring the Government to account for their choices assures an informed public— a foundational principle of democracy.
Undoubtedly, however, where a constitutional right is not implicated, the political branches retain unfettered discretion to determine both substantive and non-substantive immigration policy and laws.
See, e.g., Galvan v. Press,
*694 2. Applicability of Richmond Newspapers
We next consider whether the First Amendment affords the press and public a right of access to deportation hearings. The Newspaper Plaintiffs argue that the right of access should be governed by the standards set forth in
Richmond Newspapers, Inc. v. Virginia,
We do not agree that the standard articulated in Houchins is the applicable standard for reviewing First Amendment claims of access to administrative proceedings. First, we find both the issues and facts in Houchins distinguishable from those present in this case. Second, assuming without deciding that Houchins may be applicable to administrative proceedings, we do not find it applicable to administrative proceedings that exhibit substantial quasi-judicial characteristics.
a. Richmond Newspapers is a Test of General Applicability
First,
Houchins
is not the applicable standard to resolve the First Amendment claim of access now before us. The issue before the Court in
Houchins,
decided two years before
Richmond Newspapers,
was “whether the news media have a constitutional right of access to a county jail,
over and above that of other persons,
to interview inmates and make sound recordings, films and photographs for publication and brоadcasting by newspapers, radio and television.”
Next,
Houchins
rested its holding on the Court’s interpretation of the press clause,
see
We note that outside of the trial phases of criminal proceedings, many cases have consistently applied the two-part “experience and logic” test articulated in
Richmond Newspapers
and its progeny.
See, e.g., Press-Enter. II,
The
Richmond Newspapers
two-part test has also been applied to particular proceedings outside the criminal judicial
11
context, including administrative proceedings.
See, e.g., United States v. Miami Univ.,
b. If the Houchins Test is Still Good Law, It Does Not Apply to Formal, Quasi-Judicial Proceedings, Like Deportation Proceedings
Finally, to the extent that the standard in Houchins remains good law, we do not find Houchins applicable to the facts of the present case. Here, the Newspaper Plaintiffs seek access to a demonstrably quasi-judicial government administrative proceeding normally open to the public, as opposed to Houchins, where the plaintiffs sought access to a government facility normally restricted to the public. 12
Deportation hearings, as quasi-judicial proceedings, are fundamentally different than a prison facility. “[T]he distinction between trials and other official proceedings is not necessarily dispositive, or even important, in evaluating First Amendment issues.”
Press-Enterprise I,
A deportation proceeding, although administrative, is an adversarial, adjudicative process, designed to expel non-citizens from this country. “[T]he ultimate individual stake in these proceedings is the same as or greater than in criminal or civil actions.”
See N. Jersey Media Group, Inc. v. Ashcroft,
Two recent Supreme Court cases and one of our recent decisions that turned on the precise substance of particular administrative proceedings are instructive. The holdings in these cases did not rest on the simple determination that the proceedings were administrative. Rather, in each of these cases, the courts looked to the adjudicative characteristics of the proceedings in reaching their final decisions.
First, in
Sims v. Apfel,
Next, in
Federal Maritime Commission v. South Carolina State Ports Authority,
— U.S.—,
Finally, in
United States v. Miami University,
By contrast, a review of the procedural rules аpplicable in deportation proceedings confirms that deportation proceedings bear a strong resemblance to judicial trials. Consistent with the adversarial nature of judicial proceedings, a deportation proceeding is commenced with a “Notice to Appear,”
see
8 C.F.R. § 239.1, a charging document or complaint-like pleading, which vests jurisdiction with the immigration court.
See
8 C.F.R. § 8.14. This document must contain information sufficient to put the non-citizen on notice of the charges against him.
See
8 C.F.R. § 3.15. Similar to a complaint in a civil action, the immigration act provides that the Notice to Appear “shall be given in person to the alien (or, if personal service is not practicable, through service by mail to the alien or to the alien’s counsel of record, if any)....”
See
8 U.S.C. § 1229a(a)(l). In a deportation proceeding, the government bears the burden of establishing its allegations by “clear and convincing evidence,”
see
8 C.F.R. § 240.8;
Kuhali v. Reno,
In turn, a respondent may interpose affirmative defenses, for example legalization,
see, e.g., Martinez-Montoya v. INS,
In addition to a non-citizen’s ability to defend against removability and to seek remedies, a respondent in a removal hearing is afforded some rights that go to the fundamental fairness of these proceedings. Most importantly, a respondent has the right to seek habeas corpus relief. 28 U.S.C. § 2241(c)(3);
Zadvydas,
Removal proceedings are presided over by immigration judges.
See 8
U.S.C. § 1229a. A presiding immigration judge cannot have participated in the same case in an investigative or prosecutorial role.
See, e.g., Marcello v. Bonds,
The foregoing demonstrates that there are many similarities between judicial proceedings and deportation proceedings. It is clear that removal proceedings are decidedly adversarial and, thus, more like the proceedings in South Carolina State Ports Authority and less like those in Miami University and Sims. The inapplicability of certain rules of evidence or civil procedure does nothing to alter our conclusion that this system of administrative adjudication closely parallels the judicial model of decision-making. Many deportation proceedings are unremarkable in that the respondent is removable and either may be clearly ineligible for any relief or the only possible remedy may be voluntary departure. However, many other deportation proceedings involve either a contest with respect to deportability or contested or non-contested application for relief, or both.
We are not convinced that the
Houchins
test should be applied to deportation hearings, being exceedingly formal and adversarial. The Government rests its argument regarding the inapplicability of the
Richmond Neivspapers
two-part test to deportation proceedings on cases that we find readily distinguishable. All the cases cited by the Government concern purported rights of accеss to, or disclosure of, government-held
investigatory
information and
not
access to information relating to a governmental
adjudicative
process, which is at issue here.
See ACLU v. Mississippi,
Finally, although First Amendment Coalition and Capital Cities Media recognize Houchins as holding that there is no general right of access to government information, the line of cases from Richmond Newspapers to Press-Enterprise II recognize that there is in fact a limited constitutional right to some government information and also provide a test of general applicability for making that determination. Accordingly, we must assess whether the Newspaper Plaintiffs enjoy a First Amendment right of access to deportation hearings under the two-part test of Richmond Newspapers and its progeny.
3. The Two-Part Richmond Newspapers Test
Under the two-part “experience and logic” test from Richmond Newspapers, we conclude that there is a First Amendment right of access to deportation proceedings. Deportation hearings, and similar proceedings, have traditionally been open to the public, and openness undoubtedly plays a significant positive role in this process.
a. Deportation Proceedings Have Traditionally Been Accessible to the Public
“[Bjecause a ‘tradition of accessibility implies the favorable judgment of experience,’
Globe Newspaper,
The partiеs first dispute whether this inquiry requires a significantly long showing that the proceedings at issue were historically open, such as a common law tradition. The government cites
Richmond Newspapers
for the proposition that the tradition of open hearings must have existed from the time “when our organic laws were adopted,” presumably at the adoption of the Bill of Rights.
See Richmond Newspapers,
The Supreme Court effectively silenced this argument in
Press-Enterprise II,
where the Court relied on exclusively post-Bill of Rights history in determining that preliminary hearings in criminal cases were historically open.
See Press-Enter. II,
Justice Brennan’s formulation of the “experience” prong of the test in his
Richmond Newspapers
concurrence, adopted as the prevailing view of how to approach the issue, speaks on this point.
See Press-Enter. II,
*701 First, the case for a right of access has special force when drawn from an enduring and vital tradition of public entree to particular proceedings or information. Cf. In re Winship,397 U.S. 358 , 361-362,90 S.Ct. 1068 ,25 L.Ed.2d 368 (1970). Such a tradition commands respect in part because the Constitution carries the gloss of history: More importantly, a tradition of accessibility implies the favorable judgment of experience. Second, the value of access must be measured in specifics. Analysis is not advanced by rhetorical statements that all information bears upon public issues; what is crucial in individual cases is whether access to particular government process is important in terms of that very process.
Richmond Newspapers,
Nonetheless, deportation proceedings historically have been open. Although exceptions may have been allowed, the general policy has been one of openness. The first general immigration act was enacted in 1882.
See Kleindienst,
The Government argues that the history of explicitly closing exclusion hearings, while not specifying that dеportation hearings be closed, does not show that Congress intended deportation hearings to be open. Instead, the Government contends, this demonstrates that Congress took the INS’s discretion away for exclusion hearings and specifically gave them discretion to open or close deportation hearings. We find the Government’s reading unpersua
*702
sive. Having explicitly closed exclusion hearings, it would have been easy enough for Congress expressly to state that the Attorney General had such discretion with respect to deportation hearings. But it did not. The Immigration and Nationality Act is replete with examples where discretion is specifically delegated to the Attorney General.
See, e.g.,
8 U.S.C. § 1154(a)(l)(J) (2002) (“The determination of what evidence is credible and the weight to be given that evidence shall be within the sole discretion of the Attorney General.”); 8 U.S.C. § 1182(a)(9)(B)(v)(2002) (“The Attorney General has sole discretion to waive clause (i)”). To the extent that their actions were ambiguous, the Supreme Court has repeated “the long standing principle of construing any lingering ambiguities in deportation statutes in favor of the alien.”
See INS v. Cardoza-Fonseca,
Moreover, the history of immigration law informs Congress’s legislation. Open hearings, apart from their value to the community, have long been considered to advance fairness to the parties.
See generally Richmond Newspapers,
Next, relying on
Capital Cities Media, Inc.,
the Government impermissibly expands the relevant inquiry by arguing that there was no common law right of access to administrative proceedings. First, this argument ignores the fact that the modеrn administrative state is an entity unknown to the Framers of the First Amendment. This argument also fails to recognize the evolving nature of our government. Administrative proceedings come in all shapes ■ and sizes. To the extent that we look to similar proceedings, we should look to proceedings that are similar in form and substance. This was the approach taken by the Third Circuit in
The First Amendment Coalition.
In that case, when analyzing the history prong of the test, the Third Circuit compared an administrative disciplinary board’s function to that of a grand jury because both could only recommend, not impose, punishment.
See First Amendment Coalition,
As stated earlier, to paraphrase the Supreme Court, deportation hearings “walk, talk, and squawk” very much like a judicial proceeding. Substantively, we look to other proceedings that have the same effect as deportation. Here, the only other federal court that can enter an order of removal is a United States District Court during sentencing in a ■criminal trial.
See
8 U.S.C.A. § 1228(c) (2002). At common law, beginning with the Transportation Act of 1718, the English criminal courts could enter an order of transportation or banishment as a sentence in a criminal trial.
See generally
Javier Bleichmar,
Deportation as Punishment: A Historical Analysis of the British Practice of Banishment and its Impact on Modem Constitutional Law,
14 Geo. Immigr. L.J. 115, 125 (1999) (citing A. Roger Ekrich, Bound for America: The Transportation of British Convicts to the Colonies 1718-1775 (1987)). As
Richmond Newspapers
discussed in great length, these types of criminal proceedings have historically been open.
Richmond Newspapers,
The vast expansion of this field of administrative regulation in response to the pressure of social needs is made possible under our system by adherence to the basic principles that the legislature shall appropriately determine the standards of administrative action and that in administrative proceedings of a quasi-judicial character the liberty and property of the citizen shall be protected by the rudimentary requirements of fair play. These demand “a fair and open heanng,” — essential alike to the legal validity of the administrative regulation and to the maintenance of public confidence in the value and soundness of this important governmental process. Such a hearing has been described as an “inexorable safeguard.”
Morgan v. United States,
Finally, to refute the history of open hearings, the government points to a single passage in a study about deportation of non-citizens to Europe during the 1920s and a single Second Circuit case, for the proposition that deportation hearings took place in a variety of settings, including prisons, hospitals, and homes.
See
J. Clark,
Deportation of Aliens from the United States to Europe
363 (1931);
United States ex rel. Ciccerelli v. Curran,
b. Public Access Plays a Significant Positive Role in Deportation Hearings
Next, we turn to the “logic” prong, which asks “whether public access plays a significant positive role in the functioning of the particular process in question.”
Press-Enter. II,
First, public access acts as a check on the actions of the Executive by assuring us that proceedings are conducted fairly and
*704
properly.
See Richmond Newspapers,
Second, openness ensures that government does its job properly; that it does not make mistakes. “It is better that many [immigrants] should be improperly admitted than one natural born citizen of the United States should be permanently excluded from his country.”
Kwock Jan Fat,
These first two concerns are magnified by the fact that deportees have no right to an attorney at the government’s expense. Effectively, the press and the public may be their only guardian.
Third, after the devastation of September 11 and the massive investigation that followed, the cathartic effect of open deportations cannot be overstated. They serve a “therapeutic” purpose as outlets for “community concern, hostility, and emotions.”
Richmond Newspapers,
It is important for the public, particularly individuals who feel that they are being targeted by the Government as a result of the terrorist attacks of September 11, to know that even during these sensitive times the Government is adhering to immigration procedures and respecting individuals’ rights.... And if in fact the Government determines that Haddad is connected to terrorist activity or organizations, a decision made openly concerning his deportation may assure the public that justice has been done.
Detroit Free Press,
Fourth, openness enhances the perception of integrity and fairness. “The value of openness lies in the fact that people not actually attending trials can have confidence that standards of fairness are being observed; the sure knowledge that
anyone
is free to attend gives assurance that established procedures are being followed and that deviations will become known.”
Press-Enter.,
Fifth, public access helps ensure that “the individual citizen can effectively participate in and contribute to our republican system of self-government.”
Globe Newspaper,
Additionally, the Government has not identified one persuasive reason why openness would play a negative role in the process. Nothing like the excessive financial burdens noted by the Supreme Court in Houehins would be applicable here.
Having found a First Amendment right of access to deportation hearings, we now determine whether the Government has made a sufficient showing to overcome that right.
4. Strict Scrutiny
Under the standard articulated in
Globe Newspaper,
government action that curtails a First Amendment right of access “in order to inhibit the disclosure of sensitive information” must be supported by a showing “that denial is necessitated by a compelling governmental interest, and is narrowly tailored to serve that interest.”
Globe Newspaper Co.,
a. The Government Cites Compelling Interests
We do not agree with the district court that the Government failed to demonstrate that there are compelling interests sufficient to justify closure. The Government contends that “[cjlosure of removal proceedings in special interest cases is necessary to protect national security by safeguarding the Government’s investigation of the September 11 terrorist attack and other terrorist conspiracies.” See Gov’t Brief at 46.
Before the district сourt, the Government provided the affidavit of James S. Reynolds, Chief of the Terrorism and Violent Crimes Section of the Justice Department’s Criminal Division, to explain the types of information that public access to removal proceedings would disclose. In his affidavit, Mr. Reynolds explained the rationale for prohibiting public access to the proceedings as follows:
1. “[Disclosing the names of ‘special interest’ detainees ... could lead to public identification of individuals associated with them, other investigative sources, and potential witnesses ... [and terrorist organizations ... could subject them to intimidation or harm.... ”
2. “[Djivulging the detainees’ identities may deter them from cooperating ... terrorist organizations with whom they have connection may refuse to deal further with them ...” thereby eliminating valuable sources of information for the Government and impairing its ability to infiltrate terrorist organizations.
3. “[Releasing the names of the detainees ... would reveal the direction and progress of the investigation ...” and “[ojfficial verification that a member [of a terrorist organization] has been detained and therefore can no longer carry out the plans of his terrorist organization may enable the organization to *706 find a substitute who can achieve its goals ...”
4. “[PJublic release of names, and place and date of arrest ... could allow terrorist organizations and others to interfere with the pending proceedings by creating false or misleading evidence.”
5. “[TJhe closure directive is justified by the need to avoid stigmatizing 'special interest’ detainees, who may ultimately be found to have no connection to terrorism.... ”
See Detroit Free Press,
Although the district court specifically invited the Government to articulate any other basis for closing Haddad’s deportation hearing, the Government provided the district court no other reasons for closure. Id. at 947 n. 9.
The Government certainly has a compelling interest in preventing terrorism. In addition to Mr. Reynold’s affidavit, other affidavits have been provided that justify the Government’s interest in closure. 16 According to the additional affidavits, public access to removal proceedings would disclose the following information that would impede the Government’s investigation:
“Bits and pieces of information that may appear innocuous in isolation,” but used by terrorist groups to help form a “bigger picture” of the Government’s terrorism investigation, would be disclosed. The Government describes this type of intelligence gathering as “akin to the construction of a mosaic,” where an individual piece of information is not of obvious importance until pieced together with other pieces of information. J. Roderick MacArthur Found. v. F.B.I.,102 F.3d 600 , 604 (D.C.Cir.1996); see also CIA v. Sims,471 U.S. 159 , 178,105 S.Ct. 1881 ,85 L.Ed.2d 173 (1985) (recognizing the validity of this model of intelligence gathering); Ingle v. D.O.J.,698 F.2d 259 , 268 (6th Cir.1983) (same); Halperin v. CIA629 F.2d 144 , 150 (D.C.Cir.1980) (“[EJach individual piece of intelligence information, much like a piece of jigsaw puzzle, may aid in piecing together other bits of information even when the individual piece is not of obvious importance in itself.”); United States v. Marchetti,466 F.2d 1309 , 1318 (4th Cir.1972) (“What may seem trivial to the uninformed, may appear of great moment to one who has a broad view of the scene and may put the questioned item of information in its proper context.”).
The identifications of the detainees, witnesses, and investigative sources would be disclosed. Terrorist groups could subject these individuals or their families to intimidation or harm and discourage them from cooperating with the Government.
Methods of entry to the country, communicating, or funding could be revealed. This information could allow terrorist organizations to alter their patterns of activity to find the most effective means of evading detection. “Information that is not presented at the hearings also might provide important clues to terrorist, because it could reveal what the investigation has not yet discovered.” The Government provides this example: “If the government discloses the evidence it has about a partic *707 ular member of a terrorist organization, but fails to mention that the detainee is involved in an impending attack, the other members of the organization may be able to infer that the government is not yet aware of the attack.”
See Gov’t Brief at 47-49.
Inasmuch -as these agents’ declarations establish that certain information revealed during removal proceedings could impede the ongoing anti-terrorism investigation, we defer to their judgment. These agents are certainly in a better position to understand the contours of the investigation and the intelligence capabilities of terrorist organizations.
Cf. CIA v. Sims,
b. The Creppy Directive Does Not Require Particularized Findings
Although the Government is able to demonstrate a compelling interest for closure, the immigration judge, Defendant Hacker, failed to make specific findings before closing Haddad’s deportation proceedings.
Press-Enterpñse II
instructs that in cases where partial or complete closure is warranted, there must be specific findings on the record so that a reviewing court can determine whether closure was proper and whether less restrictive alternatives exist.
Press-Enter. II,
c. The Creppy Directive is Not Narrowly Tailored
Finally, the blanket closure rule mandated by the Creppy directive is not narrowly tailored. The Government offers no persuasive argument as to why the Government’s concerns cannot be addressed on a case-by-case basis. The Newspaper Plaintiffs argue, and the district court agreed, that the Creppy directive is ineffective in achieving its purported goals because the detainees and their lawyers are allowed to publicize the proceedings. According to the Newspaper Plaintiffs, to the extent that Haddad had discussed his proceedings (and disclosed documents) with family, friends and the media, the information that the Government seeks to protect is disclosed to the public anyway. We are not persuaded by the Government’s argument in response that few detainees will disclose any information and that their disclosure will be less than complete public access. This contention is, at best, speculative and belies the Government’s assertion that any information disclosed, even bits and pieces that seem innocuous, will be detrimental to the anti-terrorism investigation.
The recent interim rule promulgated by the Department of Justice (“DOJ”) regarding protective orders and sealing of documents in these special interest cases does not fully address our concern that the Creppy directive is under-inclusive. 17 The parties do not dispute that the rule is meant to work in tandem with the Creppy directive. The interim DOJ rule authorizes immigration judges to issue protective orders and seal documents relating to law enforcement or national security information in the course of immigration proceedings. See 67 Fed.Reg. 36799. Pursuant to the interim rules, the immigration judge is authorized to order that detainees *708 and their attorneys refrain from disclosing certain confidential information.
By their express terms, the interim rules restrain deportees from communicating information for аn indefinite period of time. The interim rules provide that “protective orders issued under this section shall remain in effect
until vacated by the Immigration Judge.” See
67 Fed.Reg. 36799; 8 C.F.R. § 3.46(f)(3) (emphasis added). It also provides that “[a]ny information submitted subject to the protective order ... shall remain under seal as part of the administrative record.” These prohibitions are impermissible to the extent that they indefinitely restrain a deportee’s ability to divulge all information, including information obtained independently from the deportation proceedings. ■
See, e.g., Butterworth v. Smith,
The interim rule notwithstanding, the Creppy directive is also over-inclusive, being too broad and indiscriminate. The Government contends that the closure mandated by the Creppy directive is narrowly tailored because “no less restrictive alternative would serve the Government’s purpose.”
See United States v. Playboy,
It is clear that certain types of information that the Government seeks to keep confidential could be kept from the public on a case-by-case basis through protective orders or in camera review — for example, the identification of investigative sources and witnesses. The Government, however, argues that it is impossible to keep some sensitive information confidential if any portion of a hearing is open or if the immigration court conducts a hearing to determine if closure is proper. Stated differently, the Government argues that there is sensitive information that would be disclosed if closure occurred on a case-by-case basis. First, the Government contends that the identities of the detainees would be revealed if closure occurred on a case-by-case basis, and such information would impede the anti-terrorism investigation. This information, however, is already being disclosed to the public through the detainees themselves or their counsel. Even if, as a result of the interim rule, a detainee remains silent, a terrorist group capable of sophisticated intelligence-gathering would certainly be made aware that one of its operatives, or someone connected to a particular terrorist plot, has disappeared into the Government’s custody. Moreover, if a deportee does have links to terrorist organizations, there is nothing to stop that deportee from divulging the information learned from these proceedings once deported.
*709
Next, the Government argues that open hearings would reveal the amount of intelligence that the Government does not possess. The Government argues that evidence concerning a particular detainee could be incomplete, and an incomplete presentation of evidence would permit terrorist groups to gauge how much the Government knows and does not know about their operations. .The issue in a removal hearing is, however, narrowly focused, and the Government has enormous control over what evidence it introduces. “To deport an overstay, the INS must convince the immigration judge by clear and convincing evidence that the alien was admitted as a non-immigrant for a specific period, that the period has elapsed, and that the alien is still in this country.”
Shahla v. INS,
Here, the Government has detained Haddad and instituted removal proceedings based on his overstay of a tourist visa. Thus, the Government need only establish that Haddad obtained a visa, the visa has expired, and that he is still in the country. Very little information is required. The fact that the Government may have to contest the non-citizen’s application for discretionary relief is similarly unavailing. At oral argument, it was brought to our attention that Haddad intends to apply for asylum, a form of discretionary relief available to non-citizens in deportation proceedings. We see no reason why, in making its ease against the applicant’s request for discretionary relief, the Government could not seek to keep confidential, pertinent information, as the need arises.
Finally, the Government seeks to protect from disclosure the bits and pieces of information that seem innocuous in isolation, but when pieced together with other bits and pieces aid in creating a bigger picture of the Government’s anti-terrorism investigation, i.e., the “mosaiс intelligence.” Mindful of the Government’s concerns, we must nevertheless conclude that the Crep-py directive is over-inclusive. While the risk of “mosaic intelligence” may exist, we do not believe speculation should form the basis for such a drastic restriction of the public’s First Amendment rights.
See Press-Enter. II,
Furthermore, there seems to be no limit to the Government’s argument. The Government could use its “mosaic intelligence” argument as a justification to close any public hearing completely and categorically, including criminal proceedings. The Government could operate in virtual secrecy in all matters dealing, even remotely, with “national security,” resulting in a *710 wholesale suspension of First Amendment rights. By the simple assertion of “national security,” the Government seeks a process where it may, without review, designate certain classes of cases as “special interest cases” and, behind closed doors, adjudicate the merits of these cases to deprive non-citizens of their fundamental liberty interests.
This, we simply may not countenance. A government operating in the shadow of sеcrecy stands in complete opposition to the society envisioned by the Framers of our Constitution. “[F]ully aware of both the need to defend a new nation and the abuses of the English and Colonial governments, [the Framers of the First Amendment] sought to give this new society strength and security by providing that freedom of speech, press, religion, and assembly should not be abridged.”
See New York Times,
Moreover, we find unpersuasive the Government’s argument that the closure of special interest hearings has been accomplished on a case-by-case basis. In its reply, the Government alleges that “[e]ach special interest detainee has been evaluated and designated on the basis of the government’s ongoing investigative interest in him and his relationship to the ongoing anti-terrorism investigation.”
See
Gov’t Reply at 23. Assuming such an evaluation has occurred, we find that problems still remain. The task of designating a case special interest is performed in secret, without any established standards or procedures, and the process is, thus, not subject to any sort of review, either by another administrative entity or the courts. Therefore, no real safeguard on this exercise of authority exists. “Civil liberties, as guaranteed by the Constitution, imply the existence of an organized society maintaining public order without which liberty itself would be lost in the excesses of unrestrained abuses.”
United States v. United States District Court,
In sum, we find that the Government’s attempt to establish a narrowly tailored restriction has failed. The Creppy directive is under-inclusive by permitting the disclosure of sensitive information while at the same time drastically restricting First Anendment rights. The directive is over-inclusive by categorically and completely closing all special interest hearings without demonstrating, beyond speculation, that such a closure is absolutely necessary.
B. Other Factors for Determining Whether to Grant a Preliminary Injunction
“When a party seeks a preliminary injunction on the basis of the potential violation of the First Amendment, the likelihood of success on the merits often will be the determinative factor.”
Connection Distrib. Co. v. Reno,
much of what makes good news is lost in the difference between a one-dimensional transcript and an opportunity to see and hear testimony as it unfolds.... And finally, an appeal to the BIA may never occur if a removal order is not ordered or, if removed, Haddad decides to voluntarily depart
Id. at 947-48 (quoting
Soc’y of Profl Journalists,
Lastly, the public’s interests are best served by open proceedings. A true democracy is one that opеrates on faith— faith that government officials are forthcoming and honest, and faith that informed citizens will arrive at logical conclusions. This is a vital reciprocity that America should not discard in these troubling times. Without question, the events of September 11, 2001, left an indelible mark on our nation, but we as a people are united in the wake of the destruction to demonstrate to the world that we are a country deeply committed to preserving the rights and freedoms guaranteed by our democracy. Today, we reflect our commitment to those democratic values by ensuring that our government is held accountable to the people and that First Amendment rights are not impermissibly compromised. Open proceedings, with a vigorous and scrutinizing press, serve to ensure the durability of our democracy.
IV. Conclusion
For the foregoing reasons, we AFFIRM.
Notes
. A draft of the First Amendment specifically referred to the press as "one of the great bulwarks of liberty.”
New York Times v. United States,
. With the passage of the Illegal Immigration Reform and Immigrant Responsibility Act of 1996, Congress changed the nomenclature of exclusion and deportation proceedings. Both are now referred to as "removal” hearings.
See
8 U.S.C. § 1229a. However, the historical and legal distinctions still remain.
See Zadvydas v. Davis,
. The Detroit Free Press, Inc. and Herald Co., Inc., the Detroit News, Inc., and Metro Times, Inc. On March 5, 2002, the three suits were consolidated for pretrial matters.
. The district court did not reach the merits of the other claims. We too express no opinion as to the merits of these other claims.
. Subsequent to its decision in
Richmond Newspapers,
the Court decided three more cases further refining the formulation set forth in
Richmond Newspapers. See Globe Newspaper Co. v. Superior Court,
. The difference between a substantive and non-substantive immigration law is that substantive immigration laws answer the questions, "who is allowed entry” or "who can be deрorted.”
. The Government makes two related arguments that are dealt with simultaneously in this section. First, the Government argues that their plenary power supercedes any First Amendment right of access. Second, the Government argues drat even if the First Amendment does operate in deportation hearings, it does not follow that we should apply the normal strict scrutiny test. Instead, the Government argues that their plenary power over immigration matters entitles them to more deference. Under either scenario, the Government argues that their procedures in this case should be upheld if "facially legitimate and bona fide.”
. Given the political climate of the time and its positions in other cases involving Chinese immigrants, it is probable that the Court would have found the reasons for the law “facially legitimate and bona fide.” In
The Chinese Exclusion Case,
a similar law, although substantive, was upheld.
See The Chinese Exclusion Case,
. It should also be noted that this language concerning terrorism was strictly dicta. In
New York Times v. United States,
the Court applied no deferential review to the Government’s actions when faced with a national security threat.
See New York Times,
. In
Houchins,
Justices Marshall and Black-mun were unable to participate in the case. The Court voted 4-3, with Justice Stewart concurring only in the judgment.
Houchins,
. The Supreme Court has not yet had occasion to address whether there is a First Amendment right to attend civil proceedings, but a number of circuits, including ours in
Brown and Williamson,
have addressed the issue. All have agreed the governing test is the two-part
Richmond Newspapers
test and have further agreed that the press and public have a First Amendment right to attend civil proceedings under that test.
See, e.g., Rushford v. New Yorker Magazine,
. The lack of alternative means for the public to access the hearings also informs our conclusion. The Court in
Houchins
noted at some length that alternative means existed for gathering information about prison conditions.
Houchins,
. Available discretionary relief include the following: (i) adjustment of status, see 8 U.S.C. § 1255; (ii) cancellation of removal (pursuant to IIRIRA of 1996, this procedure replaces and substantially alters two previous provisions— § 212(c) waiver and suspension of deportation), see 8 U.S.C. § 1229b; (iii) asylum, see 8 U.S.C. § 1158; voluntary departure, see 8 U.S.C. § 1229c; and (iv) registry, see 8 U.S.C. § 1259.
. At best, the Government's claimed "historical proof” shows only that in some cases, there may not be much historical record. This does not mean, however, that there was not a historical practice of one kind or the other. In such cases, it makes more sense to look to more recent practice, similar proceedings, and concentrate on the "logic” portion of the test.
. "Without publicity, all other checks are insufficient^]”
Richmond Newspapers,
. After the district court granted the Newspapers' motion for a preliminary injunction, the Government moved for reconsideration, or in the alternative, a stay of the injunction pending appeal. In support of its motion, the Government offered additional declarations. The district court concluded that the new affidavits presented by the Government did not alter its First Amendment conclusions, and noted that the Government had specifically informed the district court at oral argument that it was relying solely on the affidavits it had submitted up to that point, which did not include the additional declarations.
. The Government informed us of the interim rule pursuant to a Rule 28j letter dated June 12, 2002, and both parties made reference to the rule during oral arguments.
