LOUIS DE BOTTARI et al., Plaintiffs and Appellants, v. SIMON MELENDEZ, as City Clerk, etc., Defendant and Respondent.
Civ. No. 13659
Fourth Dist., Div. Two.
Jan. 28, 1975.
44 Cal. App. 3d 910
Fred Okrand, John D. O‘Loughlin, Jill Jakes, Daniel C. Lavery and Mark Rosenbaum for Plaintiffs and Appellants.
Timlin & Coffin and Robert J. Timlin for Defendant and Respondent.
OPINION
TAMURA, Acting P. J.—This appeal involves the constitutionality of
Three recalled city councilmen of the City of Norco (city), a general law city, appeal from an order denying their petition for a writ of mandate to compel the city clerk to place their names on the ballot for a general city election to be held within a year after their recall. On August 21, 1973, an election was held in the city which resulted in the recall of petitioners. To fill their positions a special election was called for November 13, 1973. Petitioners attempted to file nomination papers for that election but the city clerk refused to accept them on the ground
In December 1973, petitioners attempted to file nomination papers to regain their offices at the next general municipal election to be held March 5, 1974. The city clerk again refused to accept the papers on the basis of
In January 1974, petitioners filed a petition for writ of mandate, substantially similar to those previously filed in the superior court, in the California Supreme Court. The Supreme Court summarily denied the petition without opinion.3
This is an appeal from the order of the superior court denying the second petition for writ of mandate.
Preliminarily, it should be noted that since the election is long past there is no relief which this court can give petitioners. However, the constitutional question presented by this appeal being of statewide concern and being one which, due to inherent time limitations, eludes timely review, a discussion of the merits is appropriate for the guidance of city governments and lower courts. (Knoll v. Davidson, 12 Cal.3d 335, 344 [116 Cal.Rptr. 97, 525 P.2d 1273]; Zeilenga v. Nelson, 4 Cal.3d 716, 719-720 [94 Cal. Rptr. 602, 484 P.2d 578].)
Directing our attention to the merits, petitioners contend that
I
The United States Supreme Court recently declined to decide whether the right of candidacy, standing alone, is a fundamental right. (Bullock v. Carter, 405 U.S. 134, 142-143 [31 L.Ed.2d 92, 99-100, 92 S.Ct. 849].) Nevertheless in Bullock as well as other recent federal cases dealing with laws restricting the right of candidacy, such as by minimum residency requirements or filing fees, a strict scrutiny test has been regularly applied by finding an impact on other rights which are considered fundamental under the federal Constitution, such as on the right to vote (e.g., Bullock v. Carter, supra, 405 U.S. 134, 144 [31 L.Ed.2d 92, 100]; Lubin v. Panish, 415 U.S. 709, 715-718 [39 L.Ed.2d 702, 708-709, 94 S.Ct. 1315]; Communist Party of Indiana v. Whitcomb, 414 U.S. 441, 449-450 [38 L.Ed.2d 635, 643, 94 S.Ct. 656]) or the right of travel (e.g., Wellford v. Battaglia, 343 F.Supp. 143, 147-148).
Although the California Supreme Court at one time labeled the right of candidacy fundamental (Zeilenga v. Nelson, supra, 4 Cal.3d 716, 720-721), in its post-Bullock cases our high court has, without abandoning its earlier declaration concerning the fundamental nature of the right to be a candidate for public office, adopted the posture of the federal courts in determining whether the classification should be closely scrutinized by studying the impact on other related rights.4 (Knoll v. Davidson, supra, 12 Cal.3d 335; Thompson v. Mellon, 9 Cal.3d 96 [107
Were the question presented in pure form we would have no difficulty in finding the right of candidacy fundamental for a democracy should be ever vigilant to see that all citizens and especially minority group members have a fair and equal opportunity to seek and win public office. However, it is not necessary to rest our decision on this ground alone since the right to vote is also substantially affected by
There is an inextricable relationship between the right to vote and restrictions on candidacy. “Unless a person can find on the ballot a candidate who reflects to some extent his policy preferences, it cannot be said that he is voting effectively. Although this does not mean that every voter must find a candidate to his liking on the ballot, it certainly requires that every voter have an equal opportunity to place a candidate of his choice on the ballot.” (Note, The Constitutionality of Candidate Filing Fees, 70 Mich.L.Rev. 558, 576; see also: Lubin v. Panish, supra, 415 U.S. 709, 716-718 [39 L.Ed.2d 702, 709].)
It would be wholly inadequate to say that supporters of a recalled official could find another candidate to champion their point of view, for a candidate is more than his political platform. Temperament, native skill, and experience make some persons more effective in office than others, and more attractive to voters. In a small community the pool of qualified candidates willing and able to support a particular point of view is likely to be small. That petitioners were once elected city councilmen testifies to their standing and popularity in the community. It must be noted that a recall proceeding may be instituted for reasons wholly apart from the competence or integrity of the officer. In the case at bench, it appears that petitioners were recalled, not for incompetence or corruption, but for their stand on public issues affecting the city. A law
Moreover, although the statute does not classify according to a recognized suspect criterion, there is a danger that its impact will be felt most strongly by minority racial, ethnic, and political groups, since officials who are strong advocates of minority group interests may be especially vulnerable to recall. (See Williams v. Rhodes, 393 U.S. 23, 31 [21 L.Ed.2d 24, 31, 89 S.Ct. 5].) Although the statute in question does not prevent anyone from casting a ballot, it effectively disfranchises supporters of the recalled official if, as seems likely, a completely acceptable alternative candidate is not available. Strict scrutiny is therefore appropriate.
Strict scrutiny in equal protection cases has been held to mean the court must satisfy itself that the law in question is necessary to promote some compelling governmental interest. (Thompson v. Mellon, supra, 9 Cal.3d 96, 102; Zeilenga v. Nelson, supra, 4 Cal.3d 716, 723; Westbrook v. Mihaly, 2 Cal.3d 765, 785 [87 Cal. Rptr. 839, 471 P.2d 487] [cert. den., 403 U.S. 922 (29 L.Ed.2d 700, 91 S.Ct. 2225)].) However, recent opinions by the United States Supreme Court suggest that an especially even-handed approach should be used in applying the strict scrutiny test to determine the validity of statutory qualifications for elective public office. In Storer v. Brown, 415 U.S. 724, 730 [39 L.Ed.2d 714, 723-724, 94 S.Ct. 1274], the court said: “[T]he States have evolved comprehensive and in many respects complex election codes regulating in most substantial ways the selection and qualification of candidates. [¶] It is very unlikely that all or even a large portion of the state election laws would fail to pass muster under our cases; and the rule fashioned by the Court to pass on constitutional challenges to specific provisions of election laws provides no litmus-paper test for separating those restrictions that are valid from those that are invidious under the Equal Protection Clause. The rule is not self-executing and is no substitute for the hard judgments that must be made. Decision in this context, as in others, is very much a ‘matter of degree, Dunn v. Blumstein, supra, at 348, very much a matter of ‘consider[ing] the facts and circumstances behind the law, the interests which the State claims to be protecting, and the interests of those who are disadvantaged by the classification.’ Williams v. Rhodes, supra, at 30; Dunn v. Blumstein, supra, at 335. What the result of this process will be in any specific case may be very difficult to predict with great assurance.”
In any event, application of the supposed new test would not alter our view of the proper result in this case.
II
Before considering whether
The recall process begins with the filing of a notice of intention to circulate a recall petition and service of the same on the official to be recalled. (
The recall ballot presents the question whether the official shall be recalled and, in addition, the proposition whether, if the recall should prevail, the vacancy shall be filled by appointment or special election. (
Although
According to the city, the statute in question is necessary to further three governmental interests. The city contends that
There is a compelling governmental interest in preventing election ballots from being so cluttered with frivolous candidates as to confuse the electorate. (Lubin v. Panish, supra, 415 U.S. 709, 715-716 [39 L.Ed.2d 702, 708].) However, the one-year disqualification period established by
The real danger which alarms the city, and which it argues
Ordinarily, of course, an official who has been removed by recall will stand little chance of winning an election held a few months later and for that reason would not seek reelection. Thus where the official‘s popularity has been substantially weakened by his recall,
The concept of the integrity of the recall vote is somewhat mystifying. The recall process is itself an example of the strong public policy in favor of affording voters opportunity for reassessing their choices of elected officials and a later expression of the public will is generally entitled to more weight than an earlier one.8 Moreover, in the municipal recall election there is no standard of comparison, the only questions being
whether the official should be recalled and whether the vacancy resulting from a successful recall should be filled by appointment or by special election. It could be that at the special election following a recall election the other candidates would be so unattractive that the recalled official would seem the best of the lot. Thus it is conceivable that some of the voters who favored recall could vote for the recalled official in the subsequent election were he permitted to be a candidate. If so, why should these voters be denied the option? The success of a recall does not prove that the recalled official could not command majority support some months later. Voters could change their minds for any of a number of reasons, or voters who did not vote in the recall could turn out in the subsequent election. Nor would elimination of recalled officials guarantee that each election winner has majority support for the possibility of a plurality victory is inherent in our system of municipal elections. If plurality votes following recall elections present a substantial danger, then a statute may be tailored to meet this problem in a manner which does not single out the recalled candidate or severely limit voter choice, such as by providing for a run-off election.
The most substantial argument in favor of
The state has a legitimate interest in the stability of municipal government. (See Storer v. Brown, supra, 415 U.S. 724, 736 [39 L.Ed.2d 714, 727].) But this interest may not be promoted by measures directly aimed at curbing debate on issues of public importance however divisive they may be. (See Terminiello v. Chicago, 337 U.S. 1, 4 [93 L.Ed. 1131, 1134, 69 S.Ct. 894].) On the other hand, while we agree that this interest
Viewing the legislative scheme for recall as a whole, the one-year period appears to be excessive since other provisions, equally important to safeguarding the stability of local government, involve much shorter periods. If a challenged official wins a recall election, his opponents can start a new recall in only six months.9 Should the official be recalled, on the other hand, his supporters can seek to recall his replacement subject only to the six months’ waiting requirement of
Moreover, the disproportionately long period provided by
More fundamentally, if the danger is repeated recalls, the appropriate remedy is limiting the frequency of the recall itself, not barring the candidacy of the recalled official. In fact, several of the provisions already mentioned do just that.
To assess the practical importance of
We have carefully considered the arguments which have been presented or which we could imagine in favor of the constitutionality of
The order is affirmed as moot.
Kaufman, J., concurred.
WHYTE, J.*—I concur not only because the issue is moot but also because I believe it was correctly decided by the trial court. In my opinion
This section is a limitation on candidacy and only incidentally affects the right to vote. Under the latest cases neither the Supreme Court of the United States (Bullock v. Carter (1972) 405 U.S. 134 [31 L.Ed.2d 92, 92 S.Ct. 849]) nor the Supreme Court of California (Knoll v. Davidson (1974) 12 Cal.3d 335 [116 Cal.Rptr. 97, 525 P.2d 1273]; Thompson v. Mellon (1973) 9 Cal.3d 96 [107 Cal. Rptr. 20, 507 P.2d 628]) has been willing to accede a fundamental status to the right to be a candidate alone. Where the primary infringement is on the right of candidacy and the right to vote is only incidentally concerned, the test to be applied is, is the provision involved reasonably necessary to the accomplishment of legitimate state objectives. (Bullock v. Carter, supra; Smith v. Evans (1974) 42 Cal.App.3d 154, 158 [116 Cal.Rptr. 684].)
The prohibition, against a municipal officer who has been recalled again running for the same office within one year after the recall, found in
All of these provisions seek to further the legitimate and substantial state interest in encouraging political stability. (Storer v. Brown (1974)
*Retired judge of the superior court sitting under assignment by the Chairman of the Judicial Council.
No suspect classification such as race, wealth, or curtailment of the right to travel is involved in the application of
Neither the burden on the right to be a candidate nor on the right to vote is as great as were those involved and held constitutional in Storer v. Brown, supra, 415 U.S. 724; Lippitt v. Cipollone (N.D.Ohio 1971) 337 F.Supp. 1405 (affd. without opn.) (1972) 404 U.S. 1032 [30 L.Ed.2d 725, 92 S.Ct. 729] and Maddox v. Fortson (1970) 226 Ga. 71 [172 S.E.2d 595] (cert. den., 397 U.S. 149 [25 L.Ed.2d 183, 90 S.Ct. 999]).
As the ends, encouragement of stability in government and protection of the majority will, are legitimate state objectives and the means, postponement of the opportunity to vote for a particular individual for one year, is a reasonably necessary one I believe that statute is constitutional and should be upheld.
Respondent‘s petition for a hearing by the Supreme Court was denied March 26, 1975. Clark, J., was of the opinion that the petition should be granted.
