DAVIS v. FEDERAL ELECTION COMMISSION
No. 07-320
SUPREME COURT OF THE UNITED STATES
Argued April 22, 2008—Decided June 26, 2008
554 U.S. 724
APPEAL FROM THE UNITED STATES DISTRICT COURT FOR THE DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA
Andrew D. Herman argued the cause for appellant. With him on the briefs was Stanley M. Brand.
Former Solicitor General Clement argued the cause for appellee. With him on the brief were Acting Solicitor General Garre, Malcolm L. Stewart, Thomasenia P. Duncan, David Kolker, Kevin Deeley, and Holly J. Baker.*
*Briefs of amici curiae urging reversal were filed for the Center for Competitive Politics by Erik S. Jaffe; and for Gene DeRossett et al. by Kathleen M. Sullivan.
Briefs of amici curiae urging affirmance were filed for Common Cause by Bradley S. Phillips; and for Democracy 21 et al. by Seth P. Waxman, Randolph D. Moss, Roger M. Witten, Donald J. Simon, J. Gerald Hebert, Paul S. Ryan, Tara Malloy, Scott L. Nelson, Fred Wertheimer, and Deborah Goldberg.
Briefs of amici curiae were filed for the Cato Institute by Benjamin D. Wood, William J. McGinley, Glenn M. Willard, and Ilya Shapiro; and for the James Madison Center for Free Speech et al. by James Bopp, Jr., and Richard E. Coleson.
In this appeal, we consider the constitutionality of federal election law provisions that, under certain circumstances, impose different campaign contribution limits on candidates competing for the same congressional seat.
I
A
Federal law limits the amount of money that a candidate for the House of Representatives and the candidate‘s authorized committee may receive from an individual, as well as the amount that the candidate‘s party may devote to coordinated campaign expenditures.
In order to calculate the OPFA, certain information is needed about the self-financing candidate‘s campaign assets and personal expenditures. Section 319(b) thus requires self-financing candidates to make three types of disclosures. First, within 15 days after entering a race, a candidate must file a “[d]eclaration of intent” revealing the amount of personal funds the candidate intends to spend in excess of $350,000.
A non-self-financing candidate and the candidate‘s committee face less extensive disclosure requirements. Within 24 hours after receiving an “initial” or “additional” notification filed by a self-financing opponent, a non-self-financing candidate must provide notice to the FEC and the national and state committees of the candidate‘s party if the non-self-financing candidate concludes based on the newly acquired information that the OPFA has passed the $350,000 mark.
B
Appellant Jack Davis was the Democratic candidate for the House of Representatives from New York‘s 26th Congressional District in 2004 and 2006. In both elections, he lost to the incumbent. In his brief, Davis discloses having spent $1.2 million, principally his own funds, on his 2004 campaign. Brief for Appellant 4. He reports spending $2.3 million in 2006, all but $126,000 of which came from personal funds. Id., at 13. His opponent in 2006 spent no personal funds. Indeed, although the OPFA calculation provided the opportunity for Davis’ opponent to raise nearly $1.5 million under § 319(a)‘s asymmetrical limits, Davis’ opponent adhered to the normal contribution limits.
Davis’ 2006 candidacy began in March 2006, when he filed with the FEC a “Statement of Candidacy” and, in compliance with § 319(b), declared that he intended to spend $1 million in personal funds during the general election. Two months later, in anticipation of this expenditure and its § 319 consequences, Davis filed suit against the FEC, requesting that § 319 be declared unconstitutional and that the FEC be enjoined from enforcing it during the 2006 election.
After Davis declared his candidacy but before he filed suit, the FEC‘s general counsel notified him that it had reason to believe that he had violated § 319 by failing to report per-
Davis filed this action in the United States District Court for the District of Columbia, and a three-judge panel was convened. BCRA § 403, 116 Stat. 113, note following
Ruling on those motions, the District Court began by addressing Davis’ standing sua sponte. The court concluded that Davis had standing, but rejected his claims on the merits and granted summary judgment for the FEC. 501 F. Supp. 2d 22 (2007). Davis then invoked BCRA‘s exclusive avenue for appellate review—direct appeal to this Court. Note following
II
Like the District Court, we must first ensure that we have jurisdiction to hear Davis’ appeal.
A
As noted, the requirement that a claimant have “standing is an essential and unchanging part of the case-or-controversy requirement of Article III.” Lujan v. Defenders of Wildlife, 504 U. S. 555, 560 (1992); see also Arizonans for Official English, supra, at 64. To qualify for standing, a claimant must present an injury that is concrete, particularized, and actual or imminent; fairly traceable to the defendant‘s challenged behavior; and likely to be redressed by a favorable ruling. Lujan, supra, at 560-561.
The District Court held, and the parties do not dispute, that Davis possesses standing to challenge the disclosure requirements of § 319(b). When Davis filed suit, he had already declared his 2006 candidacy and had been forced by § 319(b) to disclose to his opponent that he intended to spend more than $350,000 in personal funds. At that time, Davis faced the imminent threat that he would have to follow up on that disclosure with further notifications after he in fact passed the $350,000 mark. Securing a declaration that § 319(b)‘s requirements are unconstitutional and an injunction against their enforcement would have spared him from making those disclosures. That relief also would have removed the real threat that the FEC would pursue an enforcement action based on alleged violations of § 319(b) during his 2004 campaign. As a result, Davis possesses standing to challenge § 319(b)‘s disclosure requirement.
The fact that Davis has standing to challenge § 319(b) does not necessarily mean that he also has standing to challenge
In light of these principles, the FEC argues that Davis lacks standing to attack § 319(a)‘s asymmetrical limits. When Davis commenced this action, his opponent had not yet qualified for the asymmetrical limits, and later, when his opponent did qualify to take advantage of those limits, he chose not to do so. Accordingly, the FEC argues that § 319(a) did not cause Davis any injury.
While the proof required to establish standing increases as the suit proceeds, see Lujan, supra, at 561, the standing inquiry remains focused on whether the party invoking jurisdiction had the requisite stake in the outcome when the suit was filed. Friends of Earth, supra, at 180; Arizonans for Official English, supra, at 68, n. 22. As noted above, the injury required for standing need not be actualized. A party facing prospective injury has standing to sue where the threatened injury is real, immediate, and direct. Los Angeles v. Lyons, 461 U. S. 95, 102 (1983); see also Babbitt v. Farm Workers, 442 U. S. 289, 298 (1979) (A plaintiff may challenge the prospective operation of a statute that presents a realistic and impending threat of direct injury). Davis faced such an injury from the operation of § 319(a) when he filed suit. Davis had declared his candidacy and his intent to spend more than $350,000 of personal funds in the general election campaign whose onset was rapidly approaching. Section 319(a) would shortly burden his expenditure of personal funds by allowing his opponent to receive contributions on more favorable terms, and there was no indication that his opponent would forgo that opportunity. In-
B
The FEC‘s mootness argument also fails. This case closely resembles Federal Election Comm‘n v. Wisconsin Right to Life, Inc., 551 U. S. 449 (2007). There, Wisconsin Right to Life (WRTL), a nonprofit, ideological advocacy corporation, wished to run radio and TV ads within 30 days of the 2004 Wisconsin primary, contrary to a restriction imposed by BCRA. WRTL sued the FEC, seeking declaratory and injunctive relief. Although the suit was not resolved before the 2004 election, we rejected the FEC‘s claim of mootness, finding that the case “fit comfortably within the established exception to mootness for disputes capable of repetition, yet evading review.” Id., at 462. That “exception applies where ‘(1) the challenged action is in its duration too short to be fully litigated prior to cessation or expiration, and (2) there is a reasonable expectation that the same complaining party will be subject to the same action again.‘” Ibid. (quoting Spencer v. Kemna, 523 U. S. 1, 17 (1998)).
In WRTL, “despite BCRA‘s command that the cas[e] be expedited ‘to the greatest possible extent,‘” WRTL‘s claims could not reasonably be resolved before the election concluded. 551 U. S., at 462 (quoting § 403(a)(4), 116 Stat. 114, note following
III
We turn to the merits of Davis’ claim that the First Amendment is violated by the contribution limits that apply when § 319(a) comes into play. Under this scheme, as previously noted, when a candidate spends more than $350,000 in personal funds and creates what the statute apparently regards as a financial imbalance, that candidate‘s opponent may qualify to receive both larger individual contributions than would otherwise be allowed and unlimited coordinated party expenditures. Davis contends that § 319(a) unconstitutionally burdens his exercise of his First Amendment right to make unlimited expenditures of his personal funds because making expenditures that create the imbalance has the effect of enabling his opponent to raise more money and to use that money to finance speech that counteracts and thus diminishes the effectiveness of Davis’ own speech.
If § 319(a) simply raised the contribution limits for all candidates, Davis’ argument would plainly fail. This Court has previously sustained the facial constitutionality of limits on discrete and aggregate individual contributions and on coordinated party expenditures. Buckley v. Valeo, 424 U. S. 1, 23-35, 38, 46-47, and n. 53 (1976) (per curiam); Federal Election Comm‘n v. Colorado Republican Federal Campaign Comm., 533 U. S. 431, 437, 465 (2001) (Colorado II). At the same time, the Court has recognized that such limits implicate First Amendment interests and that they cannot stand unless they are “closely drawn” to serve a “sufficiently important interest,” such as preventing corruption and the appearance of corruption. See, e. g., McConnell v. Federal Election Comm‘n, 540 U. S. 93, 136, 138, n. 40 (2003); Colorado II, supra, at 456; Nixon v. Shrink Missouri Government PAC, 528 U. S. 377, 387-388 (2000); Buckley, supra, at 25-30, 38. When contribution limits are challenged as too restrictive, we have extended a measure of deference to the judgment of the legislative body that enacted the law. See, e. g., Randall v. Sorrell, 548 U. S. 230, 248 (2006) (plurality opinion); Nixon, supra, at 396-397; Buckley, supra, at 30, 111, 103-104. But we have held that limits that are too low cannot stand. Randall, 548 U. S., at 246-262; id., at 263 (ALITO, J., concurring in part and concurring in judgment).
There is, however, no constitutional basis for attacking contribution limits on the ground that they are too high. Congress has no constitutional obligation to limit contributions at all; and if Congress concludes that allowing contributions of a certain amount does not create an undue risk of corruption or the appearance of corruption, a candidate who wishes to restrict an opponent‘s fundraising cannot argue that the Constitution demands that contributions be regulated more strictly. Consequently, if § 319(a)‘s elevated contribution limits applied across the board, Davis would not have any basis for challenging those limits.
Section 319(a), however, does not raise the contribution limits across the board. Rather, it raises the limits only for the non-self-financing candidate and does so only when the self-financing candidate‘s expenditure of personal funds causes the OPFA threshold to be exceeded. We have never upheld the constitutionality of a law that imposes different contribution limits for candidates who are competing against each other, and we agree with Davis that this scheme impermissibly burdens his First Amendment right to spend his own money for campaign speech.
In Buckley, we soundly rejected a cap on a candidate‘s expenditure of personal funds to finance campaign speech. We held that a “candidate... has a First Amendment right to engage in the discussion of public issues and vigorously and tirelessly to advocate his own election” and that a cap on personal expenditures imposes “a substantial,” “clea[r],” and “direc[t]” restraint on that right. 424 U. S., at 52-53. We found that the cap at issue was not justified by “[t]he primary governmental interest” proffered in its defense, i. e., “the prevention of actual and apparent corruption of the political process.” Id., at 53. Far from preventing these evils, “the use of personal funds,” we observed, “reduces the candidate‘s dependence on outside contributions and thereby counteracts the coercive pressures and attendant risks of abuse to which... contribution limitations are directed.” Ibid. We also rejected the argument that the expenditure cap could be justified on the ground that it served “[t]he ancillary interest in equalizing the relative financial resources of candidates competing for elective office.” Id., at 54. This putative interest, we noted, was “clearly not sufficient to justify the... infringement of fundamental First Amendment rights.” Ibid.
Buckley‘s emphasis on the fundamental nature of the right to spend personal funds for campaign speech is instructive. While BCRA does not impose a cap on a candidate‘s expendi-
The resulting drag on First Amendment rights is not constitutional simply because it attaches as a consequence of a statutorily imposed choice. In Buckley, we held that Congress “may engage in public financing of election campaigns and may condition acceptance of public funds on an agreement by the candidate to abide by specified expenditure limitations” even though we found an independent limit on overall campaign expenditures to be unconstitutional. 424 U. S., at 57, n. 65; see id., at 54-58. But the choice involved in Buckley was quite different from the choice imposed by § 319(a). In Buckley, a candidate, by forgoing public financing, could retain the unfettered right to make unlimited per-
Because § 319(a) imposes a substantial burden on the exercise of the First Amendment right to use personal funds for campaign speech, that provision cannot stand unless it is “justified by a compelling state interest,” Federal Election Comm‘n v. Massachusetts Citizens for Life, Inc., 479 U. S. 238, 256 (1986); see also, e. g., McConnell, 540 U. S., at 205; Austin v. Michigan Chamber of Commerce, 494 U. S. 652, 657-658 (1990); id., at 680 (SCALIA, J., dissenting); id., at 701, 702-703 (KENNEDY, J., dissenting); Federal Election Comm‘n v. National Conservative Political Action Comm., 470 U. S. 480, 500-501 (1985); First Nat. Bank of Boston v. Bellotti, 435 U. S. 765, 786 (1978); Colorado Republican Federal Campaign Comm. v. Federal Election Comm‘n, 518 U. S. 604, 609 (1996) (Colorado I) (principal opinion); id., at 640-641 (THOMAS, J., concurring in judgment and dissenting in part). No such justification is present here.7
The burden imposed by § 319(a) on the expenditure of personal funds is not justified by any governmental interest in eliminating corruption or the perception of corruption. The Buckley Court reasoned that reliance on personal funds re-
The Government maintains that § 319(a)‘s asymmetrical limits are justified because they “level electoral opportunities for candidates of different personal wealth.” Brief for Appellee 34. “Congress enacted Section 319,” the Government writes, “to reduce the natural advantage that wealthy individuals possess in campaigns for federal office.” Id., at 33 (emphasis added). Our prior decisions, however, provide no support for the proposition that this is a legitimate government objective. See Nixon, 528 U. S., at 428 (THOMAS, J., dissenting) (“[P]reventing corruption or the appearance of corruption are the only legitimate and compelling government interests thus far identified for restricting campaign finances” (quoting National Conservative Political Action Comm., supra, at 496-497)); Randall, 548 U. S., at 268 (THOMAS, J., concurring in judgment) (noting “the interests the Court has recognized as compelling, i. e., the prevention of corruption or the appearance thereof“). On the contrary, in Buckley, we held that “[t]he interest in equalizing the financial resources of candidates” did not provide a “justification for restricting” candidates’ overall campaign expenditures, particularly where equalization “might serve... to handicap a candidate who lacked substantial name recognition or exposure of his views before the start of the campaign.” 424 U. S., at 56-57. We have similarly held that the interest “in equalizing the relative ability of individuals and groups to influence the outcome of elections” cannot support a cap on expenditures for “express advocacy of the election or defeat of candidates,” as “the concept that govern-
The argument that a candidate‘s speech may be restricted in order to “level electoral opportunities” has ominous implications because it would permit Congress to arrogate the voters’ authority to evaluate the strengths of candidates competing for office. See Bellotti, supra, at 791-792 (“[T]he people in our democracy are entrusted with the responsibility for judging and evaluating the relative merits of conflicting arguments” and “may consider, in making their judgment, the source and credibility of the advocate“). Different candidates have different strengths. Some are wealthy; others have wealthy supporters who are willing to make large contributions. Some are celebrities; some have the benefit of a well-known family name. Leveling electoral opportunities means making and implementing judgments about which strengths should be permitted to contribute to the outcome of an election. The Constitution, however, confers upon voters, not Congress, the power to choose the Members of the House of Representatives,
Finally, the Government contends that § 319(a) is justified because it ameliorates the deleterious effects that result from the tight limits that federal election law places on indi-
Whatever the merits of this argument as an original matter, it is fundamentally at war with the analysis of expenditure and contributions limits that this Court adopted in Buckley and has applied in subsequent cases. The advantage that wealthy candidates now enjoy and that § 319(a) seeks to reduce is an advantage that flows directly from Buckley‘s disparate treatment of expenditures and contributions. If that approach is sound—and the Government does not urge us to hold otherwise8—it is hard to see how undoing the consequences of that decision can be viewed as a compelling interest. If the normally applicable limits on individual contributions and coordinated party contributions are seriously distorting the electoral process, if they are feeding a “public perception that wealthy people can buy seats in Congress,” Brief for Appellee 34, and if those limits are not needed in order to combat corruption, then the obvious remedy is to raise or eliminate those limits. But the unprece-
dented step of imposing different contribution and coordinated party expenditure limits on candidates vying for the same seat is antithetical to the
IV
The remaining issue that we must consider is the constitutionality of § 319(b)‘s disclosure requirements. “[W]e have repeatedly found that compelled disclosure, in itself, can seriously infringe on privacy of association and belief guaranteed by the
The § 319(b) disclosure requirements were designed to implement the asymmetrical contribution limits provided for in
*
*
*
In sum, we hold that §§ 319(a) and (b) violate the
It is so ordered.
APPENDIX
“(a) Availability of increased limit
“(1) In general
“Subject to paragraph (3), if the opposition personal funds amount with respect to a candidate for election to the office of Representative in, or Delegate or Resident Commissioner to, the Congress exceeds $350,000—
“(A) the limit under subsection (a)(1)(A) with respect to the candidate shall be tripled;
“(B) the limit under subsection (a)(3) shall not apply with respect to any contribution made with respect to the candidate if the contribution is made under the increased limit allowed under subparagraph (A) during a period in which the candidate may accept such a contribution; and
“(C) the limits under subsection (d) with respect to any expenditure by a State or national committee of a political party on behalf of the candidate shall not apply.
“(2) Determination of opposition personal funds amount
“(A) In general
“The opposition personal funds amount is an amount equal to the excess (if any) of—
“(i) the greatest aggregate amount of expenditures from personal funds (as defined in subsection (b)(1) of this section) that an opposing candidate in the same election makes; over
“(ii) the aggregate amount of expenditures from personal funds made by the candidate with respect to the election.
“(B) Special rule for candidate‘s campaign funds
“(i) In general
“For purposes of determining the aggregate amount of expenditures from personal funds under subparagraph (A),
such amount shall include the gross receipts advantage of the candidate‘s authorized committee. “(ii) Gross receipts advantage
“For purposes of clause (i), the term ‘gross receipts advantage’ means the excess, if any, of—
“(I) the aggregate amount of 50 percent of gross receipts of a candidate‘s authorized committee during any election cycle (not including contributions from personal funds of the candidate) that may be expended in connection with the election, as determined on June 30 and December 31 of the year preceding the year in which a general election is held, over
“(II) the aggregate amount of 50 percent of gross receipts of the opposing candidate‘s authorized committee during any election cycle (not including contributions from personal funds of the candidate) that may be expended in connection with the election, as determined on June 30 and December 31 of the year preceding the year in which a general election is held.
“(3) Time to accept contributions under increased limit
“(A) In general
“Subject to subparagraph (B), a candidate and the candidate‘s authorized committee shall not accept any contribution, and a party committee shall not make any expenditure, under the increased limit under paragraph (1)—
“(i) until the candidate has received notification of the opposition personal funds amount under subsection (b)(1) of this section; and
“(ii) to the extent that such contribution, when added to the aggregate amount of contributions previously accepted and party expenditures previously made under the increased limits under this subsection for the election cycle, exceeds 100 percent of the opposition personal funds amount.
“(B) Effect of withdrawal of an opposing candidate
“A candidate and a candidate‘s authorized committee shall not accept any contribution and a party shall not make any
expenditure under the increased limit after the date on which an opposing candidate ceases to be a candidate to the extent that the amount of such increased limit is attributable to such an opposing candidate. “(4) Disposal of excess contributions
“(A) In general
“The aggregate amount of contributions accepted by a candidate or a candidate‘s authorized committee under the increased limit under paragraph (1) and not otherwise expended in connection with the election with respect to which such contributions relate shall, not later than 50 days after the date of such election, be used in the manner described in subparagraph (B).
“(B) Return to contributors
“A candidate or a candidate‘s authorized committee shall return the excess contribution to the person who made the contribution.
“(b) Notification of expenditures from personal funds
“(1) In general
“(A) Definition of expenditure from personal funds
“In this paragraph, the term ‘expenditure from personal funds’ means—
“(i) an expenditure made by a candidate using personal funds; and
“(ii) a contribution or loan made by a candidate using personal funds or a loan secured using such funds to the candidate‘s authorized committee.
“(B) Declaration of intent
“Not later than the date that is 15 days after the date on which an individual becomes a candidate for the office of Representative in, or Delegate or Resident Commissioner to, the Congress, the candidate shall file a declaration stating the total amount of expenditures from personal funds that the candidate intends to make, or to obligate to make, with respect to the election that will exceed $350,000.
“(C) Initial notification “Not later than 24 hours after a candidate described in subparagraph (B) makes or obligates to make an aggregate amount of expenditures from personal funds in excess of $350,000 in connection with any election, the candidate shall file a notification.
“(D) Additional notification
“After a candidate files an initial notification under subparagraph (C), the candidate shall file an additional notification each time expenditures from personal funds are made or obligated to be made in an aggregate amount that exceeds $10,000. Such notification shall be filed not later than 24 hours after the expenditure is made.
“(E) Contents
“A notification under subparagraph (C) or (D) shall include—
“(i) the name of the candidate and the office sought by the candidate;
“(ii) the date and amount of each expenditure; and
“(iii) the total amount of expenditures from personal funds that the candidate has made, or obligated to make, with respect to an election as of the date of the expenditure that is the subject of the notification.
“(F) Place of filing
“Each declaration or notification required to be filed by a candidate under subparagraph (C), (D), or (E) shall be filed with—
“(i) the Commission; and
“(ii) each candidate in the same election and the national party of each such candidate.
“(2) Notification of disposal of excess contributions
“In the next regularly scheduled report after the date of the election for which a candidate seeks nomination for election to, or election to, Federal office, the candidate or the candidate‘s authorized committee shall submit to the Com
mission a report indicating the source and amount of any excess contributions (as determined under subsection (a) of this section) and the manner in which the candidate or the candidate‘s authorized committee used such funds. “(3) Enforcement
“For provisions providing for the enforcement of the reporting requirements under this subsection, see section 437g of this title.”
2 U. S. C. § 441a–1 (footnotes omitted).
JUSTICE STEVENS, with whom JUSTICE SOUTER, JUSTICE GINSBURG, and JUSTICE BREYER join as to Part II, concurring in part and dissenting in part.
The “Millionaire‘s Amendment” of the
I
According to the Court‘s decision in Buckley v. Valeo, 424 U. S. 1, 18 (1976) (per curiam), the vice that condemns expenditure limitations is that they “impose direct quantity restrictions” on political speech.1 A limitation on the amount of money that a candidate is permitted to spend, the Buckley Court concluded, “reduces the quantity of expression by restricting the number of issues discussed, the depth of their exploration, and the size of the audience reached.” Id., at 19. Accordingly, the Court determined that any regulation of the quantity of money spent on campaigns for office ought to be viewed as a direct regulation of speech itself.
Justice White firmly disagreed with the Buckley Court‘s holding on expenditure limitations, explaining that such regulations should be analyzed, not as direct restrictions on speech, but rather as akin to time, place, and manner regulations, which will be upheld “so long as the purposes they serve are legitimate and sufficiently substantial.” Id., at 264 (opinion concurring in part and dissenting in part). Although I did not participate in the Court‘s decision in Buckley, I have since been persuaded that Justice White—who maintained his steadfast opposition to Buckley‘s view of ex
In my view, a number of purposes, both legitimate and substantial, may justify the imposition of reasonable limitations on the expenditures permitted during the course of any single campaign. For one, such limitations would “free candidates and their staffs from the interminable burden of fundraising.” Colorado Republican Federal Campaign Comm. v. Federal Election Comm‘n, 518 U. S. 604, 649 (1996) (STEVENS, J., dissenting). Moreover, the imposition of reasonable limitations would likely have the salutary effect of improving the quality of the exposition of ideas. After all, orderly debate is always more enlightening than a shouting match that awards points on the basis of decibels rather than reasons. Quantity limitations are commonplace in any number of other contexts in which high-value speech occurs. Litigants in this Court pressing issues of the utmost importance to the Nation are allowed only a fixed time for oral debate and a maximum number of pages for written argument. As listeners and as readers, judges need time to reflect on the merits of an issue; repetitious arguments are disfavored and are usually especially unpersuasive. Indeed, experts in the art of advocacy agree that “lawyers go on for too long, and when they do it doesn‘t help their case.”2 It seems to me that Congress is entitled to make the judgment that voters deserve the same courtesy and the same opportu
If, as I have come to believe, Congress could attempt to reduce the millionaire candidate‘s advantage by imposing reasonable limits on all candidates’ expenditures, it follows a fortiori that the eminently reasonable scheme before us today survives constitutional scrutiny.
II
Even accepting the Buckley Court‘s holding that expenditure limits as such are uniquely incompatible with the
It cannot be gainsaid that the twin rationales at the heart of the Millionaire‘s Amendment—reducing the importance of wealth as a criterion for public office and countering the per
A
The thrust of Davis’
But Davis cannot show that the Millionaire‘s Amendment causes him—or any other self-funding candidate—any
Even were we to credit Davis’ view that the benefit conferred on the self-funding candidate‘s opponent burdens the self-funder‘s
Indeed, we have long recognized the strength of an independent governmental interest in reducing both the influence of wealth on the outcomes of elections, and the appearance that wealth alone dictates those results. In case after case, we have held that statutes designed to protect against the undue influence of aggregations of wealth on the political process—where such statutes are responsive to the identified evil—do not contravene the
Although the focus of our cases has been on aggregations of corporate rather than individual wealth, there is no reason that their logic—specifically, their concerns about the corrosive and distorting effects of wealth on our political process—is not equally applicable in the context of individual wealth. For, as we explained in McConnell, “Congress’ historical concern with the ‘political potentialities of wealth’ and their ‘untoward consequences for the democratic process’ . . . has long reached beyond corporate money,” 540 U. S., at 116 (quoting United States v. Automobile Workers, 352 U. S. 567, 577–578 (1957)).
Minimizing the effect of concentrated wealth on our political process, and the concomitant interest in addressing the dangers that attend the perception that political power can be purchased, are, therefore, sufficiently weighty objectives to justify significant congressional action. And, not only was Congress motivated by proper and weighty goals in crafting the Millionaire‘s Amendment, the details of the scheme it devised are genuinely responsive to the problems it identified. The statute‘s “Opposition Personal Funds Amount” formula permits a self-funding candidate to spend as much money as he wishes, while taking into account fundraising by the relevant campaigns; it thereby ensures that a candidate who happens to enjoy a significant fundraising advantage against a self-funding opponent does not reap a windfall as a result of the enhanced contribution limits. Rather, the self-funder‘s opponent may avail himself of the enhanced contribution limits only until parity is achieved, at which point he becomes again ineligible for contributions above the normal maximum. See
It seems uncontroversial that “there is no good reason to allow disparities in wealth to be translated into disparities in political power. A well-functioning democracy distinguishes
B
Davis’ equal protection argument, which the Court finds unnecessary to address, ante, at 744, n. 9, fares no better. He claims that by permitting only the self-funder‘s opponent to avail himself of the increased contribution limits, the statute creates an unwarranted disparity between the self-funder and his opponent. But, as we explained in McConnell, “Congress is fully entitled to consider . . . real-world differences . . . when crafting a system of campaign finance regulation.” 540 U. S., at 188. And Buckley itself acknowledged, in the course of upholding FECA‘s public financing scheme, that “the Constitution does not require Congress to treat all declared candidates the same.” 424 U. S., at 97. It blinks reality to contend that the millionaire candidate is situated identically to a nonmillionaire opponent, and Congress was under no obligation to indulge any such fiction. Accordingly, Davis has failed to establish that he was deprived of the equal protection guarantees of the
III
In sum, I share Judge Wright‘s view that nothing in the Constitution “prevents us, as a political community, from making certain modest but important changes in the kind of process we want for selecting our political leaders,” Wright, Politics and the Constitution: Is Money Speech? 85 Yale L. J. 1001, 1005 (1976). In my judgment, the Millionaire‘s Amendment represents just such a change. I therefore respectfully dissent.
Agreeing with the Court that appellant Jack Davis has standing and that this case is not moot, I join Part II of the Court‘s opinion. On the merits, however, I part ways with the Court. The District Court‘s careful and persuasive opinion, as I see it, correctly concluded that the provisions challenged in this case are entirely consistent with Buckley v. Valeo, 424 U. S. 1 (1976) (per curiam), and all other relevant decisions of this Court. I therefore join Part II of JUSTICE STEVENS’ opinion.
I resist joining other portions of JUSTICE STEVENS’ opinion, however, to the extent that they address Buckley‘s distinction between expenditure and contribution limits and, correspondingly, Buckley‘s holding that expenditure limits impose “direct quantity restrictions on political communication,” id., at 18. Appellee Federal Election Commission has not asked us to overrule Buckley; consequently, the issue has not been briefed. Convinced that the challenged statute encounters no constitutional shoal under our precedents, I would leave reconsideration of Buckley for a later day and case.