The City of Cranston appeals from an injunction, entered by the district court, forbidding the City from holding elections based on its 2012 Redistricting Plan and ordering it to prepare a new redistricting plan within- thirty days. The district court held that the inclusion in the Redistricting Plan of 3,433 inmates of the Adult Correctional Institutions (“ACI”) in the population count of the City’s Ward Six, the ward in which the ACI is physically located, dilutes the votes of voters in the City’s other five wards in violation of the Equal Protection Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment. The question presented is whether the Constitution permits Cranston to count the ACI prisoners as residents of Ward Six.
We issued a stay to preserve the status quo ante in anticipation of the September 13, 2016 primaries and the November 8, 2016 general election. We now hold that the methodology and logic of the Supreme Court’s decision in Evenwel v. Abbott, — U.S. -,
L.
The Rhode Island Constitution specifies that state legislative districts “shall be constituted on the basis of population and ... shall be as nearly equal in population ... as possible.” R.I. Const, art. VII, § 1; id. art. VIII, § 1. Similarly, Cranston’s charter, ratified by the Rhode Island General Assembly in 1963, see 1963 R.I. Pub. Laws 550, “divide[s Cranston] into six wards in such a manner that ... all wards shall contain as nearly as possible an equal number of inhabitants as determined by the most recent federal decennial census,” Cranston, R.I., City Charter § 2.03(b). “Each ward elects one representative to
*138
the City Council and one to the School Committee,” and all six wards collectively elect “three at-large city councilors and one at-large school committee member.” Davidson v. City of Cranston, — F.Supp.3d -, -, No. 14-91L,
The U.S. Census “serves as a linchpin of the federal statistical system.” Dep’t of Commerce v. U.S. House of Representatives,
The 2010 Census data used by Cranston in its 2012 Redistricting Plan, the most recent such plan, included in its population count for the City 3,433 inmates of the ACI. The ACI, “which is located on a state-operated campus,” Davidson, — F.Supp.3d at -,
The City’s population in the 2010 Census was 80,387, and each of the City’s six wards includes approximately 13,500 persons, with a “total maximum deviation among the population of the six wards [of] less than ten percent.” Id. at -,
“[D]emographic experts retained by the parties” testified that “153 or 155 [ACI] prisoners came from Cranston at the time of the Census,” and that “[eighteen of those had pre-incarceration addresses located in Ward Six.” Id. The plaintiffs’ demographic expert also testified that “the median length of stay for those serving a sentence at the ACI is 99 days,” and that “[t]he median stay for those awaiting tidal is three days.” Id. at -,
Those inmates at the ACI not imprisoned for felonies may vote by absentee ballot in their pre-incarceration communities, provided that they meet that community’s absentee-ballot requirements. The Rhode Island Constitution forbids felons to vote while incarcerated, R.I. Const, art. II, § 1, but under Rhode Island law, non-felon inmates may vote at their “fixed and established domicile,” the location of which is unaffected by their incarceration, 17 R.I. Gen. Laws § 17-l-3.1(a), (a)(2). Taking into account testimony that “approximately 37% of the [ACI] population is serving a felony sentence,” the district court estimated that only “six [or] seven inmates ... could be eligible to vote in Ward Six.”
1
*139
Davidson, — F.Supp.3d at -,
In February 2014, four residents of Cranston and the American Civil Liberties Union of Rhode Island filed a complaint against the City under 42 U.S.C., § 1983 for declaratory and injunctive relief alleging that Cranston’s 2012 Redistricting Plan violates the Equal Protection Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment. The plaintiffs argued that the inclusion of the ACI inmates in Ward 6 “inflates the voting strength and political influence of the residents in Ward 6 and dilutes the voting strength and political influence of Plaintiffs and other persons residing outside of Ward 6,” thereby violating the equal protection principle of “one person, one vote.”
2
The City filed a motion to dismiss the complaint in March 2014, which the district court denied in September 2014. Davidson v. City of Cranston,
In May 2016, the district court denied the City’s motion for summary judgment and granted summary judgment to the plaintiffs. It held that the City’s inclusion of the ACI inmates in its Redistricting Plan violated the principle of “one person, one vote” as consistently articulated by the Supreme Court, notwithstanding its recent decision in Evenwel v. Abbott. Davidson, — F.Supp.3d at -,
The district court concluded that “[t]he inmates at the ACI share none of the characteristics of the [historically nonvoting] constituencies [such as women, children, slaves, taxpaying Indians, and non-landholding men] described by the Supreme Court” and found by the Court to deserve representation in apportionment. *140 Id. The district court found that the inmates have no interest in Cranston’s public schools, receive few services from the City, and have no contact with Cranston’s elected officials. Id. The court further emphasized that the “inmates are different from other groups of non-voting residents of Cranston,” including “college students and military personnel.”' Id. Unlike those non-voting residents, many of the inmates are forbidden by law from voting in Cran-ston.
And though college students “are most certainly affected by municipal regulations,” the court concluded that the ACI inmates have no stake in the local political process. Id. The court noted that, “were the Cranston City Council to enact any ordinance bearing on the treatment of inmates or other conditions at the ACI, it would no doubt be preempted by state law and therefore unenforceable.” Id. These distinctions, the court reasoned, rendered Evenwel’s general approval of districting based on Census data inapplicable to the inclusion of prisoners in redistricting population counts. Id.
The district court found support for its holding in Calvin v. Jefferson County Board of Commissioners,
The district court found that Calvin’s reasoning applied with full force to Cran-ston’s similar inclusion of the ACI prisoners in its Redistricting Plan. Davidson, — F.Supp.3d at -,
II.
Before addressing the merits of the City’s appeal, we must ask whether we have jurisdiction to hear it. The parties agree that we have jurisdiction, but partly dispute its source and the resulting standard of review.
The City argues that we have jurisdiction pursuant both to 28 U.S.C. § 1291, which grants us jurisdiction over “appeals from all final decisions of the district courts of the United States,” and to 28 U.S.C. ■§ 1292(a)(1), which grants us jurisdiction over “[interlocutory orders of the district courts of the United States ... granting, continuing, modifying, refusing or dissolving injunctions, or refusing to dissolve or modify injunctions, except where a direct review may be had in the Supreme Court.” The City argues that the district court’s “order was final for all practical purposes because, based on the District Court’s findings of fact and conclu
*141
sions of law, the City’s apportionment was deemed unconstitutional,” and that accordingly the proper standard is the de novo review we give to “cross motions for summary judgment.” See Segrets, Inc. v. Gillman Knitwear Co.,
The plaintiffs argue that because “the district court entered but then vacated a judgment in a separate document .., there is no final judgment allowing appellate jurisdiction under 28 U.S.C. § 1291.” See Fed. R. Civ. P. 58(a). Instead, the plaintiffs contend that our only avenue for review is our jurisdiction over interlocutory appeals under § 1292. The plaintiffs contend that review under § 1292 triggers a deferential abuse of discretion standard.
This disagreement is less significant than it seems. Whether or not the district court’s judgment could be treated as “final” for purposes of § 1291, we are satisfied that the injunctive relief the district court granted allows us to review Cranston’s appeal under § 1292. See Small v. Wageman,
This appeal arises from a permanent injunction that necessarily rests upon an actual adjudication of the merits. That adjudication, in turn, was entered summarily under Rule 56, rather than after a trial. Cranston’s challenge is to the merits of the district court’s summary judgment ruling.
3
Accordingly, our review is de novo. See Domínguez-Cruz v. Suttle Caribe, Inc.,
III.
It is • true that Evenwel did not decide the precise question before us. Nevertheless, we hold that its methodology and logic compel us to hold in favor of Cranston. Evenwel dictates that we look at constitutional history, precedent, and settled practice.
Evenwel rejected an equal protection challenge to the use of total-population data from the 2010 Census to redraw Texas’s State Senate districts. Id. at 1125. The resulting districting map’s “maximum total-population deviation [among districts was] 8.04%, safely within the presumptively permissible 10% range.” Id.; see also Brown v. Thomson,
The Supreme Court affirmed. The Court examined “constitutional history,” id. at 1127-30, precedent, id. at 1130-32, and “settled practice,” id. at 1132. After reviewing historical materials, the Court concluded that “it remains beyond doubt that the principle of representational equality figured prominently in the decision to count people, whether or not they qualify as voters.” Id. at 1129. Likewise, the Court’s precedents “suggested[ ] repeatedly[ ] that districting based on total population serves both the State’s interest in preventing vote dilution and its interest in ensuring equality of representation.” Id. at 1131. The Court observed that “[a]dopting voter-eligible apportionment as constitutional command would upset a well-functioning approach to districting that all 50 States and countless local jurisdictions have followed for decades, even centuries.” Id. at 1132. Moreover, the Court rejected the more general notion that nonvoters are not a significant population for apportionment:
Nonvoters have an important stake in many policy debates — children, them parents, even their grandparents, for example, have a stake in a strong public-education system — and in receiving constituent services, such as help navigating public-benefits bureaucracies. By ensuring that each representative is subject to requests and suggestions from the same number of constituents, total-population apportionment promotes equitable and effective representation.
Id.
Several principles emerge from Even-wel. First, the Court did not disturb precedents holding that, where Reynolds’s requirements of population-based apportionment are met, a plaintiff usually must *143 show invidious discrimination to make out an apportionment claim under the Equal Protection Clause. The Court has made it clear elsewhere that: .
Where the requirements of Reynolds v. Sims are met, apportionment schemes ... will constitute an invidious discrimination only if it can be shown that “designedly or otherwise, a multi-member constituency apportionment scheme, under the circumstances of a particular case, would operate to minimize or cancel out the voting strength of racial or political elements of the voting population.”
Burns v. Richardson,
The Court has further emphasized in the context of state-level apportionment that “minor deviations from mathematical equality among ... districts are insufficient to make out a prima facie case of invidious discrimination,” Brown,
Second, Evenwel reinforced the principle established by earlier Supreme Court decisions that courts should give wide latitude to political decisions related to apportionment that work no invidious discrimination. It has long been constitutionally acceptable, but by no means required, to exclude non-voting persons such as “aliens, transients, short-term or temporary residents, or persons denied the vote for conviction of crime [from] the apportionment base,” Burns,
Third, Evenwel approved the status quo of using total population from the Census for apportionment.
4
The Court underlined
*144
that point when it observed that “in the overwhelming majority of cases, jurisdictions have equalized total population, as measured by the decennial census. Today, all States use total-population numbers from the census when designing congressional and state-legislative districts, and only seven States adjust those census numbers in any meaningful way.”
It is implausible that the Court would have observed that the majority of states use unadjusted total population (including , prisoners) from the Census for apportionment, upheld the constitutionality of apportionment by total population as a general proposition, and yet implied that the inclusion of prisoners in total .population for apportionment, without any showing of discrimination, is constitutionally suspect. The more natural reading of Ev-enwel is that the use of total population from the Census for apportionment is the constitutional default, but certain deviations are permissible, such as the exclusion of non-permanent residents, inmates, or non-citizen immigrants. See Evenwel,
We also note the risks inherent in the plaintiffs’ theory. The district court’s reading of Evenwel would turn one of the arguably permissible adjustments to total-population data Evenwel described briefly in a footnote — the exclusion of prisoners with domiciles out of state — into a constitutional requirement even for in-state prisoners. Plaintiffs’ analysis invites federal courts to engage in what have long been recognized as paradigmatically political decisions, best left to local officials, about the inclusion of various categories of residents in the apportionment process.
We decline that invitation. The decision whether to include or exclude the ACI prisoners in (Cranston’s apportionment is one for the political process. This conclusion becomes more obvious when one considers the unusual nature of the plaintiffs’ vote-dilution claim. The plaintiffs claim that the overwhelming majority of Cran-ston’s population (more than 66,000 of its approximately 80,000 residents) has incrementally diluted its own voting power by inflating the voting power of voters in Ward Six. That majority, which controls at least five of Cranston’s nine city councilors, may reverse its own decision if it sees fit.
Under the logic of Evenwel and the Supreme Court’s earlier apportionment jurisprudence, Cranston’s 2012 Redistricting Plan easily passes constitutional muster. As mandated by the City’s charter, which mirrors the total-population apportionment required by Rhode Island’s constitution, the Redistricting Plan is based on total population from the Census. It contains a maximum population deviation of less than ten percent. And there is no evidence that *145 the . plan works any invidious discrimination. Cranston’s longstanding tradition of districting by total population based on the Census aligns with the practice of the large majority., of states,. which Evenwel endorsed. 5 ;
The plaintiffs advance other arguments in support of affirmance, but they fare no better than the district court’s reading of Evenwel. The plaintiffs contend that the City’s Redistricting Plan violates the Equal Protection Clause because “Supreme Court precedent establishes that jurisdictions may not blindly or conclusively rely upon Census numbers when drawing their districts, but rather must look to the realities on the ground' when seeking to achieve representational equality.” But the cases they cite for this proposition involve facts easily distinguishable from those of this appeal.
Plaintiffs cite to Evans v. Cornman,
In Mahan v. Howell,
There has been no allegation that the Census has mistakenly assigned the ACI inmates to a place that was not their residence at the time the Census was conducted, nor has there been any allegation that the assignment resulted in “discriminatory treatment” of the inmates or any other party. 7 The inclusion of the prisoners in the 2010 Census data for the City affords a presumptively valid reason for including them in the City’s Redistricting Plan. Nothing argued by the plaintiffs or found by the district court casts doubt on that presumptive validity.
Ultimately, the plaintiffs’ arguments and the reasoning of the district court are hard
*146
to distinguish from the “voter population” argument rejected in Evenwel. This is most obvious when the plaintiffs and the district court emphasize that although the maximum deviation of total population in Cranston’s wards is less than ten percent when one' includes the ACI inmates in Ward Six, that figure leaps to thirty-five percent if one excludes the ACI prisoners in Ward Six. See Davidson, — F.Supp.3d at -,
IV.
The order of the district court is reversed, and the case is remanded with instructions to enter summary judgment for the City of Cranston.
Notes
. To be clear, this case is not about the right of the ACI inmates to vote. Cranston argues that the district court "reached the erroneous legal conclusion that [state law] forbids ACI inmates from registering to vote in Cranston.” The City contends that, like other persons, the
*139
ACI inmates may "establish a new voting domicile” in Cranston under the general standards set by Rhode Island law. See R.I. Const, art. II, § 1 ("Every citizen of the United States of the age of eighteen years or over who has had residence and home in this state for thirty days next preceding the time of voting, who has resided thirty days in the town or city from which such citizen desires to vote, and whose name shall be registered at least thirty days next preceding the time of voting as provided by law, shall have the right to vote for all offices to be elected...17 R.I. Gen. Laws § 17-1-3.1(a) (“The determinant of one’s domicile is that person's factual physical presence' in the voting district on a regular basis incorporating an intention to reside for an indefinite period.”); In re Op. of the Justices,
We need not resolve this issue. Even assuming that the district court’s estimate of voter-eligible ACI inmates is accurate, its conclusion that the Constitution requires Cranston to exclude the ACI inmates still does not follow.
. The plaintiffs' vote-dilution claim is distinct from a different claim advanced by amici curiae NAACP et al., who have argued that Cranston’s inclusion of the ACI prisoners in Ward Six is an example of "prison-based gerrymandering, which ... significantly and im-permissibly weakens the political power of communities of color" elsewhere in the state. This hypothetical claim is that the inclusion of minority ACI inmates in the Redistricting Plan dilutes the political power of the communities of color where the prisoners resided pre-incarceration. The claim is simply not advanced by the plaintiffs in this case, and we will not hear new claims from amici. See González-Droz v. González-Colón,
. Cranston also challenges the district court’s factual findings concerning the ACI inmates’ "representational nexus” to the City. Because we find Cranston's challenge to the district court’s legal analysis dispositive, we do not reach its challenge to the district court’s factual findings.
. Several past directors of the United States Census Bureau have submitted an amicus brief arguing that “the usual residence rule and the Census Bureau’s determination of where to count persons for census purposes are not designed to answer the question of where those persons should be counted for redistricting purposes,” particularly in the case of incarcerated individuals. That may well be the case. But it does not follow that a town errs in itself relying on census data to *144 determine population in the absence of any unusual circumstances not presented here.
. To our knowledge, the Supreme Court has never adopted a "representational nexus” analysis. ■ ■
. The Census data assigned all personnel to the location of their ship'berths. Id. at 330 n.11,
. Likewise, in Hartung v. Bradbury,
