Case Information
*1 Before PRADO, SOUTHWICK, and GRAVES, Circuit Judges.
EDWARD C. PRADO, Circuit Judge:
Plaintiff–Appellee David Rasheed Ali is an observant Muslim and in the custody of the Texas Department of Criminal Justice (“TDCJ”). This appeal concerns his suit seeking permission to grow a “fist-length” (i.e., four-inch) beard and wear a kufi, a knit skullcap, as required by his religious beliefs. Ali alleges that, as applied to him, TDCJ’s grooming policy, which bans four-inch beards, and religious headwear policy, which prohibits kufis to be worn outside of an inmate’s cell or religious services, violate the Religious Land Use and Institutionalized Persons Act (“RLUIPA”), 42 U.S.C. § 2000cc et seq . After a five-day bench trial, the trial court granted declaratory and injunctive relief enabling Ali to grow a four-inch beard and wear his kufi throughout TDCJ’s facilities. Defendant–Appellant William Stephens, in his capacity as TDCJ Director, appealed. Finding no reversible error, we AFFIRM.
I. BACKGROUND
Ali is confined to TDCJ’s Michael Unit, a maximum security prison. He is a “trusty” inmate, which is the lowest security level classification, and lives in a dormitory outside of the Michael Unit’s fence line. Ali is also an observant Muslim. According to Ali, his faith requires him to have a beard that is not shorter than a fist’s length, which is approximately four inches, and to wear his kufi at all times.
A. Procedural Background
In March 2009, Ali brought this suit, proceeding pro se, against the Director of TDCJ. [1] Ali asserted that TDCJ’s grooming and religious headwear policies violated RLUIPA to the extent they prevented him from growing a fist- length beard and wearing his kufi in accordance with his religion. [2] At the time he filed suit, TDCJ’s grooming policy required male inmates to be clean shaven. The sole exception was for inmates who had been diagnosed with certain dermatological conditions. This medical exemption allowed an inmate to shave with clippers rather than a razor and, depending on the nature of the condition, grow a quarter-inch beard. TDCJ did not provide any exemption to its grooming policy for religious reasons. Inmates that violated the grooming policy were subject to disciplinary action. In addition, TDCJ’s religious headwear policy permitted male inmates to wear religious caps, such as kufis, only when they were within their housing area, such as a cell or dormitory, or at religious services.
In his suit, Ali sought declaratory judgment, as well as preliminary and permanent injunctions requiring TDCJ to exempt Ali from its beard and kufi restrictions. In 2010, the district court denied Ali’s motion for a preliminary injunction and dismissed his complaint for failing to state a claim pursuant to 28 U.S.C. § 1915A. See Ali v. Quarterman , 434 F. App’x 322, 324 (5th Cir. 2011). This Court, however, vacated the dismissal of Ali’s RLUIPA claims concerning both the grooming and headwear policies and remanded for further proceedings. Id. at 325–26. It also vacated the denial of the preliminary injunction as to the grooming policy but held that Ali had abandoned his appeal of the denial of the preliminary injunction as to the headwear policy. Id. at 326.
In February 2014, the trial court
[3]
granted in part a preliminary
injunction that allowed Ali to grow a quarter-inch beard, relying on our
intervening decision in
Garner v. Kennedy
,
In July 2014, the trial court held a five-day bench trial. Ali called three expert witnesses, including George Sullivan and Roy Timothy Gravette, who between them had over 60 years of experience working for and auditing correctional facilities. They testified about the impact of beards and kufis based on their experience with prisons that already permitted them. TDCJ’s expert witness, Ronald Angelone, testified primarily about his experience with beards in the prison systems in which he had served as the director. Robert Eason, TDCJ’s Deputy Director, testified about TDCJ’s security interests associated with Ali’s requested exemptions and his findings related to his tours of other prisons that allow inmates to have beards and wear kufis throughout their facilities.
In September 2014, the trial court granted an injunction allowing Ali to have a beard not to exceed four inches and to wear his kufi throughout TDCJ’s facilities. See Ali v. Stephens , 69 F. Supp. 3d 633, 654–55 (E.D. Tex. 2014). Among its findings of fact, it concluded that Ali’s expert witnesses were “more credible” than TDCJ’s witnesses because Ali’s witnesses “both have significant experience working in prisons where beards are allowed and [kufis] are allowed to be worn at all times.” Id. at 642. TDCJ timely appealed.
B. Post-Trial Developments
While this appeal was pending, the Supreme Court decided
Holt v.
Hobbs
,
C. The Statutory Scheme
Section 3 of RLUIPA, which concerns institutionalized persons, states: No government shall impose a substantial burden on the religious exercise of a person residing in or confined to an institution, . . . even if the burden results from a rule of general applicability, unless the government demonstrates that imposition of the burden on that person—
(1) is in furtherance of a compelling governmental interest; and (2) is the least restrictive means of furthering that compelling governmental interest.
42 U.S.C. § 2000cc–1(a). RLUIPA, which provides a private cause of action,
id.
§ 2000cc–2(a), implements a burden-shifting framework,
Chance v. Tex. Dep’t
of Criminal Justice
, 730 F.3d 404, 410 (5th Cir. 2013). The plaintiff’s initial
burden is two-fold: he or she must show that (1) the relevant religious exercise
is “grounded in a sincerely held religious belief” and (2) the government’s action
or policy “substantially burden[s] that exercise” by, for example, forcing the
plaintiff “to ‘engage in conduct that seriously violates [his or her] religious
beliefs.’”
Holt
,
The Supreme Court recently emphasized that “[s]everal provisions of
RLUIPA underscore its expansive protection for religious liberty.”
Holt
, 135 S.
Ct. at 860. Courts must construe RLUIPA “in favor of a broad protection of
religious exercise, to the maximum extent permitted by the terms of this
chapter and the Constitution.”
Id.
(quoting 42 U.S.C. § 2000cc–3(g)). In
addition, RLUIPA “may in some circumstances require [a] [g]overnment to
expend additional funds to accommodate [inmates’] religious beliefs.”
Hobby
Lobby
,
Although RLUIPA subjects governmental action to exacting scrutiny, “it
also affords prison officials ample ability to maintain security.”
Id.
at 866.
When applying RLUIPA, “courts should not blind themselves to the fact that
the analysis is conducted in the prison setting.”
Id.
In particular, we must
recognize that “[p]rison officials are experts in running prisons and evaluating
the likely effects of altering prison rules.”
Id.
at 864. Yet our deference is not
unyielding: courts are not “bound to defer” to a prison system’s assertions.
Id.
“[I]t is the obligation of the courts to consider whether exceptions are required
under the test set forth by Congress.”
Id.
(quoting
Gonzales v. O Centro
Espirita Beneficente Uniao do Vegetal
,
II. STANDARD OF REVIEW
After a bench trial, we review a trial court’s findings of fact for clear error
and its conclusions of law de novo.
Garner
,
In the context of RLUIPA, determining whether a prison system has
satisfied its statutory burden is “highly dependent on a number of underlying
factual issues” and, as such, is “best characterized as a mixed question of fact
and law, which is subject to de novo review.”
Garner
,
III. DISCUSSION
On appeal, TDCJ does not challenge the trial court’s holding that its grooming and religious headwear policies substantially burden Ali’s religious exercise. We therefore decline to address this issue. See Garner , 713 F.3d at 244. TDCJ instead contends the trial court erred by holding that its policies violate RLUIPA as applied to Ali because they (1) do not further any compelling governmental interests and (2) are not the least restrictive means. We first address whether the grooming policy complies with RLUIPA.
A. TDCJ’s Grooming Policy
TDCJ first argues that a four-inch beard constitutes “long hair” and that
Fifth Circuit precedent establishes that TDCJ’s grooming policy complies with
RLUIPA as a matter of law to the extent it bans long hair. In support, TDCJ
relies on
Longoria v. Dretke
,
Longoria
, however, does not foreclose Ali’s request for a four-inch beard.
As we observed, RLUIPA compels a “fact-intensive inquiry” into the particular
costs and risks that the requested exemption engenders.
Chance
, 730 F.3d at
418 (quoting
Moussazadeh v. Tex. Dep’t of Criminal Justice
,
1. The “Compelling Interest” Test
In deciding whether TDCJ has stated a compelling interest, the court
does not ask if the challenged policy, in general, furthers a compelling
governmental interest in security and costs.
Id.
at 863;
see also Chance
, 730
F.3d at 418. Instead, the government must show that “the compelling[-]interest
test is satisfied through application of the challenged law ‘to the person’—the
particular claimant whose sincere exercise of religion is being substantially
burdened.” ,
Moreover, determining whether TDCJ’s policy is “substantially
underinclusive” may “implicate the RLUIPA analysis.”
Id.
at 865. As the Tenth
Circuit elaborated in the RLUIPA context, “[a] law’s underinclusiveness—its
failure to cover significant tracts of conduct implicating the law’s animating
and putatively compelling interest—can raise with it the inference that the
government’s claimed interest isn’t actually so compelling after all.”
Yellowbear
,
The Supreme Court’s analysis in
Holt
is instructive. The Court found the
prison system’s grooming policy “substantially underinclusive” in two respects.
Holt
,
2. The “Least Restrictive Means” Test
The least-restrictive-means test “‘is exceptionally demanding,’ and it
requires the government to ‘sho[w] that it lacks other means of achieving its
desired goal without imposing a substantial burden on the exercise of religion
by the objecting part[y].’”
Id.
at 864 (alterations in original) (quoting
Hobby
Lobby
, 134 S. Ct. at 2780). The challenged policy cannot stand if “available,
effective alternatives” are less restrictive of the inmate’s religious exercise.
Moussazadeh
,
3. Analysis
TDCJ argues that a blanket prohibition on four-inch beards is the least restrictive means of furthering its compelling interest in (1) preventing the transfer of contraband within prison; (2) facilitating identification of inmates within prison and in the event an inmate escapes; and (3) controlling costs and, relatedly, maintaining orderly prison administration. The trial court rejected each of these arguments, holding that TDCJ did not prove that any of its asserted interests satisfied either the compelling-interest or least-restrictive- means test as applied to Ali. We analyze each interest in turn.
a. Preventing contraband TDCJ contends its grooming policy is the least restrictive means of furthering its compelling interest in combatting the transfer of contraband within its facilities. The trial court found that “[p]ossession of contraband by inmates is one of the largest security issues in TDCJ.” It also found that, based on testimony from both Ali’s and TDCJ’s witnesses, contraband has been discovered in inmates’ beards at prisons that permit longer beards, specifically, the Federal Bureau of Prisons (“BOP”) and the California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation (“CDCR”). The court observed, however, that TDCJ had failed to introduce documentary evidence in support of its position and held that banning Ali’s four-inch beard would not further a compelling interest in preventing contraband.
We disagree with the trial court’s application of its factual findings to
the compelling-interest test in this case. TDCJ clearly has “a compelling
interest in staunching the flow of contraband into and within its facilities.”
,
Ali responds that TDCJ’s grooming policy is underinclusive because it permits an entire class of persons—female inmates—to have hair that is “much longer and thicker than a fist-length beard.” TDCJ’s female inmates are permitted to grow long hair, which must be neatly groomed, yet TDCJ did not introduce any evidence of finding contraband in a female inmate’s hair. According to Ali, the underinclusiveness of TDCJ’s grooming policy is substantial because of the trial court’s finding that female inmates commit the same type of disciplinary infractions as men, although at a slightly lower rate on a per capita basis.
Even though TDCJ’s policy concerning its female inmates is relevant to our analysis, we find that TDCJ has an adequate explanation for its differential treatment. As the Tenth Circuit has noted, a government can rebut a claim that its policy is underinclusive “by showing that it hasn’t acted in a logically inconsistent way—by (say) identifying a qualitative or quantitative difference between the particular religious exemption requested and other . . . exceptions already tolerated.” Yellowbear , 741 F.3d at 61. At trial, TDCJ introduced evidence indicating that the contraband threat posed by male inmates is qualitatively different than that of female inmates. TDCJ’s Senior Warden, Elizabeth Bailey, testified that the type of contraband female inmates smuggle is a lesser security concern because they tend to be non-dangerous items such as eyeliner or lipstick whereas men are more likely to smuggle cell phones or weapons. Further, as the trial court found, there are fewer correctional officers (“COs”) per prisoner for its male prisons than its female prisons. In light of the record, we cannot say that TDCJ’s stricter hair-length policy for male inmates is so inconsistent with its asserted interest in security that the challenged policy is substantially underinclusive.
Consequently, we hold the trial court erred in concluding that TDCJ’s ban on four-inch beards did not satisfy the compelling-interest test. Our inquiry, however, does not end here. TDCJ must also prove that its current grooming policy is the least restrictive means, a burden the trial court concluded TDCJ did not meet. We agree given the record before us.
The trial court found that when searching male inmates, TDCJ’s procedure is to have COs visually inspect short hair and “require inmates with longer hair to shake out their own hair with their fingers.” It also found that TDCJ policy is to deny an inmate a religious devotional item if an inmate misuses that item or “present[s] a security risk based on documented behavior.” The court then held that an effective alternative to banning all four- inch beards would be to have the CO perform the same search of a beard “as is done [for] searches of hair”: the CO can visually inspect the beard and, if necessary, have the inmate run his fingers through his beard. The court also noted that, in conjunction with these searches, TDCJ could revoke an inmate’s beard privilege if he abused it or refused to comply with the searches.
The trial court did not err in light of the record. Ali’s expert witness,
George Sullivan, testified that, based on his experience auditing prisons that
allow longer beards and personally conducting searches as a CO, a visual
inspection accompanied by having the inmate shake his own beard, if needed,
effectively reveals contraband. Tim Gravette, Ali’s other expert, similarly
testified that COs can search long beards by having an inmate shake out his
beard hair, which is the technique used by BOP.
[7]
Finally,
Holt
bolsters the
court’s conclusions. In that case, the Supreme Court found that a less
restrictive alternative to prohibiting beards would be to require inmates to
conduct a self-search, albeit with a comb rather than his fingers, and that an
institution could revoke an accommodation should an inmate abuse it. ,
TDCJ responds that the trial court committed reversible error because it did not “afford any level of deference” to the testimony of its witnesses. Specifically, it argues that the trial court should have deferred to two TDCJ officials, Director Robert Eason and Warden Todd Foxworth, who it claims testified that having inmates shake out their own beards would be unworkable because an inmate can manipulate the self-search in a way that avoids revealing contraband. [8] We find that the trial court did not so err. To begin, contrary to TDCJ’s characterization of Director Eason’s testimony, his testimony is consistent with that of Ali’s experts. In discussing how he would search fist-length beards, he testified that he would have inmates “run their fingers through that beard.” Importantly, he did not express any concern that such searches would fail to reveal contraband, although he averred that self- searches would “take a little more time” than visual inspections. Such testimony—while relevant to TDCJ’s separate interest in administrative costs, which we address below—does not support TDCJ’s argument that self- searches would not uncover contraband. [9]
As for Warden Foxworth, he testified that having inmates run their
fingers through their beards was not “feasible . . . simply because of the
consistency of beards” in that “[s]ome people have very thick beards.” He also
testified that some inmates “can’t really grow a beard” and that “each [inmate]
is going to be different.” We cannot say that the trial court failed to adequately
defer to this testimony. In its holding, the court found that beard hair can be
searched in the same way as head hair—which does not have a prescribed
length limit under TDCJ’s policy so long as it is “neatly cut.” Although we must
respect a prison official’s expertise, the trial court in this case did not exceed
its prerogative as a fact finder in resolving competing testimony in Ali’s favor
where, as here, its finding was supported by testimony from both Ali’s experts
and TDCJ’s own witness.
Cf. Knight v. Thompson
,
b. Inmate identification
TDCJ contends that its grooming policy is necessary to further a compelling interest by aiding in the identification of inmates within the prison and inmates who escape. As to within-prison identification, the evidence introduced at trial indicated that inmates are provided an identification card containing their photograph and biographical information. Director Eason’s testimony was that inmates “are identified by their identification cards [eight] times each day at count and several other times throughout the day.” TDCJ, citing this policy, claims that its ban on four-inch prevents an inmate from being able to shave his beard and thereby no longer resembling the picture on his card. It also contends that it is especially reliant on identification cards because, according to Director Eason, officers are often rotated within their units to prevent the staff from becoming “overly familiar” with inmates and “complacent.” Further, TDCJ introduced evidence that beards hinder identification because they can cover identifying marks and facial tattoos.
The trial court rejected TDCJ’s arguments that banning Ali from having
a four-inch beard satisfies the compelling-interest test with respect to inmate
identification. In light of the governing case law and the record below, we
agree. In
Garner
, we considered a similar contention with respect to quarter-
inch beards.
The reasoning of Garner and Holt apply with equal force based on the record here. The parties’ evidence establish that an inmate can alter his appearance in many ways under TDCJ’s current policy. An inmate, for instance, could shave his head, shave his quarter-inch beard (if he is permitted to grow one for medical reasons), or change his hairstyle. Further, Ali’s expert, Tim Gravette, disagreed with TDCJ’s witnesses who testified that permitting inmates to wear beards would create problems with identification, stating that there are many ways an inmate could alter his appearance. Because of the various ways an inmate can permissibly change his appearance, TDCJ has not shown that denying Ali’s request for a four-inch beard furthers a compelling interest as to within-prison inmate identification. Cf. Schlemm v. Wall , 784 F.3d 362, 366 (7th Cir. 2015) (observing in response to a prison system’s asserted interest in suppressing gang identification that “it is difficult to depict as ‘compelling’ a desire to cut out one potential means of [gang] identification” where other means of identification were “widely available already”).
TDCJ’s change in grooming policy—which now permits inmates to grow
half-inch beards for religious reasons—also undermines its position.
See
Moussazadeh
,
In addition, even if we assumed that banning all beards over a half-inch furthered a compelling interest by facilitating within-prison identifications, TDCJ has not proved its policy is the least restrictive means. The trial court found that a less restrictive alternative would be to maintain two photographs of the inmate, one with the beard and one without. In Holt , the Supreme Court condoned the “dual-photo method” in which prison officials would have “a bearded and clean-shaven photo to use in making identifications.” Id. at 865. The Court highlighted that Arkansas, “like many other States,” already had a policy of “photographing a prisoner both when he enters an institution and when ‘his appearance changes at any time during [his] incarceration.’” Id. (alteration in original). Just so here. TDCJ’s policy—like that of Arkansas and the other prison systems referenced in —is to photograph an inmate during intake and to take a new photograph if his appearance changes while in TDCJ custody. Therefore, as we held in Garner , TDCJ’s identification concerns can be “addressed by requiring an inmate to have his identification picture changed if he grows or shaves his beard” given that TDCJ already requires a new picture when an inmate alters his appearances “in any way.” 713 F.3d at 247. Indeed, TDCJ has incorporated this method into its new grooming policy—TDCJ will issue a new identification card to an inmate permitted to grow a half-inch beard for religious reasons. TDCJ has not explained why it cannot use the same technique for a beard that is four inches. As to identifying escaped prisoners, TDCJ argues that its policy prevents an inmate from significantly changing his appearance by shaving upon escape. TDCJ also claims that because it publicly releases a photograph when an inmate escapes, it would cause confusion and impede identification if TDCJ had to release multiple photographs, such as one photograph with the beard and one without.
The trial court acknowledged but ultimately rejected TDCJ’s assertions
and, on this record, we cannot say that it was incorrect. The evidence adduced
at trial indicated that after escaping, an inmate can change his appearance in
many ways, such as by growing or cutting his hair or facial hair, dyeing his
hair, wearing a hat, or donning glasses. TDCJ’s witness Senior Warden Bailey
agreed that such steps would alter an inmate’s appearance. Further, Ali’s
expert, George Sullivan, testified that having to release more than one picture
of the inmate if he escaped would not pose a security risk. Sullivan explained
that law enforcement officials already release both the most recent picture of
the inmate and one that projects his potential change in appearances, and such
a practice does not confuse the public. Thus, as in
Garner
, we are unpersuaded
by TDCJ’s argument regarding identifying escaped inmates where the
evidence established an inmate could “chang[e] his appearance outside of the
prison” in many ways.
Id. Holt
also bolsters this conclusion: the prison system
there argued that inmates could change their appearance by shaving in order
“to escape[] and to evade apprehension after escaping,” but the Court found
that the prison system did not carry its burden, emphasizing the other ways
an inmate could change his appearance.
c.
Cost control and prison operations
TDCJ also argues that its policy is the least restrictive means of
advancing its compelling interests in controlling costs and ensuring orderly
program administration. “[C]ost reduction, as a general matter, is
unquestionably a compelling interest of TDCJ.”
Moussazadeh
,
TDCJ argues that if four-inch beards were allowed, then staff would spend additional time searching those beards. The added time, according to TDCJ, would disrupt its daily schedule and impose significant costs because it would have to pay staff for the search time. Further, TDCJ asserts that because it is responsible for statewide policies, its costs must be measured on a statewide basis. It contends that its cost estimates should be based on the number of inmates statewide who belong to a faith group “that ha[ve] requested or ha[ve] a religious basis to request a beard.” That number, according to TDCJ, is 131,478 inmates, which represents 94% of TDCJ’s total male inmate population. TDCJ claims that if 25% of those inmates—which totals 32,870 inmates—requested and were granted permission to grow a four- inch beard, then COs would spend 182.6 hours searching beards every day. [12] It claims that 182.6 hours of staff salary equals $1,110,372.34 annually and that its interest in saving that amount is compelling. [13]
The trial court rejected TDCJ’s projections. It noted that Ali’s expert, George Sullivan, testified that, in his experience in prisons that allow beards, 30 to 40% of Muslim inmates grew beards. Relying on this testimony, the court considered the time spent searching four-inch beards if 40% of Muslim inmates in the Michael Unit chose to grow such a beard and found that it would take 34 minutes each day. The court found that any additional time spent searching beards would either be absorbed by existing staff, thus costing TDCJ nothing, or, even if new staff was hired to search beards, amount to $3,445.84 each year, an insignificant fraction of TDCJ’s $3 billion budget.
The trial court did not commit clear error in rejecting TDCJ’s estimates regarding the number of inmates that are likely to request a fist-length beard. TDCJ officials admitted there had been no studies or surveys to determine the number of inmates that would seek to grow beards. See Garner , 713 F.3d at 245–46 (holding that the district court’s “finding that any increased costs would be insignificant” was not “clearly erroneous” where TDCJ had conducted “no studies concerning the costs of allowing inmates to grow beards”). Nor was the trial court bound to accept TDCJ’s predications in light of the speculative nature of the testimony of TDCJ’s witnesses. TDCJ’s cost estimates were based on 25% of inmates that belong to a faith group that, according to TDCJ Chaplain Billy Pierce, may have a religious basis for requesting an exemption if those inmates chose to request one. However, Chaplain Pierce’s testimony concerned the number of inmates that “could possibly ask” for a beard. TDCJ did not present any evidence that many of the faith groups identified by Chaplain Pierce have in fact petitioned for a beard similar in length to Ali’s request. Warden Foxworth similarly stated in a conclusory manner that if the “privilege” to grow a long beard “is out there,” an inmate is “go[ing to] do it.” He then “speculate[d]” that if Ali’s request was granted, there would be “a lot of . . . [one]-inch, inch and a half, [two]-inch beards.” Such conjecture does not satisfy TDCJ’s burden. See id. at 246; cf. Hobby Lobby , 134 S. Ct. at 2783 (rejecting, in the analogous context of the Religious Freedom Restoration Act of 1993, the government’s argument that ruling in favor of the plaintiff “will lead to a flood of religious objections” when the government fails to “substantiate this prediction”).
Further, we cannot disturb the trial court’s finding that existing staff
will absorb the time spent searching beards because we are not left with “the
definite and firm conviction” that this finding is a mistake.
Ogden
, 244 F.3d at
971. The trial court’s finding was based on its estimations regarding the time
that would be spent searching beards requested by Muslim inmates in the
Michael Unit. The estimated 34 minutes each day spent searching beards was
compared to the roughly 74,160 minutes of CO time spent staffing Michael
Unit each day. TDCJ responds that the proper scope of the cost inquiry is not
the Michael Unit but rather all TDCJ’s facilities. Although we agree that TDCJ
must be able to consider statewide ramifications when responding to a
RLUIPA challenge, the magistrate judge did not err in refusing to engage in
such an analysis given the record. As it noted, “there [was] no evidence in the
record for the court to determine the amount of correctional officer hours
worked state-wide on a daily basis.” RLUIPA does not require “unquestioning
acceptance” of a prison system’s assertions. ,
Lastly, TDCJ’s contentions regarding the costs and disruption caused by four-inch beards are undercut by its change in policy. For instance, TDCJ introduced evidence concerning the costs associated with providing a religious exemption to its no-beard policy, such as having to issue new identification cards with updated photographs, provide beard covers for kitchen workers, and process an inmate’s request to grow a beard. Yet TDCJ’s current grooming policy allows inmates to grow a half-inch beard for religious reasons. Therefore, TDCJ already must bear many of the administrative costs it cited at trial. TDCJ has not shown it will bear a significantly greater burden in this respect by permitting an inmate to grow a beard that is three-and-one-half-inches longer than is currently permitted.
Accordingly, based on the record before us, we conclude that TDCJ has not carried its burden under RLUIPA with respect to its denial of Ali’s request for a fist-length beard not to exceed four inches. [14]
B. TDCJ’s Religious Headwear Policy
TDCJ argues that its religious headwear policy, like its grooming policy, furthers its compelling interest in (1) preventing the spread of contraband, (2) allowing for rapid identification of inmates within prison, and (3) controlling costs and maintaining orderly operations. The trial court rejected these arguments and held that none of TDCJ’s assertions satisfied either the compelling-interest or the least-restrictive-means test as applied to Ali. As explained below, we conclude that TDCJ has not satisfied its burden.
1. Analysis
TDCJ’s religious headwear policy allows inmates to wear a kufi in their cells and at religious ceremonies but prohibits them from wearing them in other areas of the prison. As such, we address each of TDCJ’s assertions by focusing on TDCJ’s interest in enforcing its religious headwear policy to prohibit Ali from wearing his kufi outside of his cell and religious services.
a. Preventing contraband The trial court held that, although an inmate “ could hide contraband in or under a [k]ufi,” TDCJ had failed to carry its burden to show that its headwear policy furthered a compelling interest in combatting contraband. In support, it noted that although TDCJ already permits inmates to wear kufis in their cell and at religious ceremonies and that some inmates are allowed to wear hats for work assignments, it failed to produce evidence of a single incident in which contraband was hidden “in or under a religious head covering, or even under a work cap.” TDCJ responds that the testimony of its witnesses established that inmates will hide contraband in kufis if they are allowed to wear them throughout the facilities, despite the fact that a kufi, as TDCJ notes, “is not the easiest place to hide something.”
Even assuming that TDCJ’s headwear policy furthers a compelling interest in combatting contraband, TDCJ did not carry its burden to show that its current policy is the least restrictive means. The trial court found that Ali, like many Muslim inmates, are already allowed to possess a kufi, to wear them in their housing areas and at religious services, and to transport the kufis to and from religious services. Ali also owns another religious item, a prayer rug, which he carries to and from services. TDCJ’s policy is to search Ali’s kufi and prayer rug when he returns from services. TDCJ also frequently searches other items of clothing, such as hats or jackets. The trial court, in turn, concluded that a lesser restrictive alternative would be to search the kufis during routine inmate searches and, as it already does for religious devotional items, revoke any kufi privilege if it is abused.
TDCJ claims that searching the kufi would be ineffective because inmates will resist searches of a religious item and even threaten to sue. According to TDCJ, inmate resistance will deter COs from conducting searches, and inmates will then use kufis to smuggle contraband. We find TDCJ’s argument unavailing in light of the district court’s findings and the record below. TDCJ permits inmates to have kufis and prayer rugs and inmates are already required to make them available for inspection by COs. TDCJ fails to adequately explain why it can search an inmate’s kufi when he is traveling with it to and from religious services but not if he was to wear it at other times. Further, TDCJ has not shown why it is impracticable to revoke kufi privileges for those inmates that resist such searches. See id. at 866–67 (“[A]n institution might be entitled to withdraw an accommodation if the claimant abuses the exemption in a manner that undermines the prison’s compelling interests.”).
b. Inmate identification The trial court rejected TDCJ’s assertion that its policy regarding kufis satisfies the compelling-interest test with respect to within-prison identification. It provided three reasons. First, male inmates could still alter their appearance by shaving or changing their hairstyle. Second, other types of head coverings that TDCJ permits, such as caps that are authorized for certain jobs, change how an inmate looks “as much as a [k]ufi.” Third, female inmates that are Muslim are permitted to wear a hijab throughout its facilities. As the district court found, a hijab is a headscarf that is “larger” and “cover[s] more of the head” than a kufi. The court then concluded that kufis may actually help rather than hamper identification.
TDCJ contends that, contrary to the trial court’s conclusion, kufis will
hinder rather than facilitate inmate identification. TDCJ asserts that an
inmate may wear a kufi sporadically and that, in turn, kufis will impede rapid
identification should an inmate choose to wear his kufi one day and then
remove it the next day. However, in light of
Holt
and Ali’s evidence, we are
unpersuaded that TDCJ has met its burden on this point. The prison system
in
Holt
asserted that identification concerns are “particularly acute” because
inmates “live in barracks and work in fields.”
Further, TDCJ argues that kufis hinder identification by covering tattoos on the top of an inmate’s head, including tattoos that are used as gang identifiers. It cites the testimony of Robert Grant, an official in TDCJ’s Security Threat Group, who stated that a kufi would potentially hide a gang- related tattoo. TDCJ argues that it is crucial that it monitor tattoos so it can identify an inmate’s gang affiliation.
We acknowledge TDCJ’s compelling interest in identifying inmates’ gang affiliation. However, on this record, TDCJ has not shown its kufi restriction is the least restrictive means to furthering this interest or its interest in identification generally. At trial, TDCJ introduced photographs of inmates with tattoos that would be covered by a kufi. The trial court found such evidence unconvincing, explaining that for each photograph the inmate could have been identified by facial tattoos that a kufi would not cover. Equally important, the trial court also held that a less restrictive alternative would be to have the inmate remove his kufi should the CO need to identify the inmate or his gang affiliation and, if necessary, revoke the privilege if it is misused. [15] TDCJ’s witness, Robert Grant, agreed that he would be able to determine the necessary gang-related information by requiring the inmate to remove the kufi. Finally, the court found that TDCJ’s current policy is to document whether an inmate is allowed to have a kufi. It concluded that TDCJ could track which inmates were allowed to have a kufi by issuing property slips that an inmate must carry on his person, as it already does for other personal property such as watches. We hold that the trial court’s conclusions are not erroneous. [16]
c. Cost control and prison operations The trial court found that the only kufi-related expense or disruption to operations arise from the additional staff time needed to search kufis. The court reasoned that if 30% of Muslim inmates at the Michael Unit wore kufis, it would take an extra 15 minutes each day to search them, which is spread across 74,160 minutes of correctional officer time each day. [17] It concluded that this additional search time would be absorbed by the existing staff. Even if additional staff had to be hired, it would cost at most $1,533 each year in staff salary. Ali’s expert agreed that any added costs from kufis would be insignificant.
TDCJ responds that the trial court erred in limiting its analysis only to Muslims in the Michael Unit. It argues that the time and costs associated with Ali’s request must account for all male inmates statewide, specifically, if 25% of male inmates wore a religious cap at all times, then it would entail 115.53 hours of CO time to search those kufis and other religious garments, which equals $702,526.37 in CO salary annually. TDCJ argues alternatively that every Muslim inmate will wear a kufi if Ali is permitted to wear one. It claims that searching all Muslim inmates who wear kufis would take 21.48 hours each day and cost $130,658.27 annually.
The trial court, however, rejected these estimates as “pure conjecture,”
and its conclusion is not clearly erroneous. TDCJ’s claim that all Muslim
inmates will want to wear a kufi was not based on any study or survey.
See
Garner
,
We also cannot accept TDCJ’s cost estimates based on its assertion that
25% of all male inmates would choose to wear some kind of religious headwear
should Ali be granted the requested accommodation. Under RLUIPA, we have
found it appropriate to “tak[e] an object-specific approach to requests for
religious items.”
Chance
,
Finally, TDCJ has not shown it has a compelling interest in the costs
associated with allowing Muslim inmates statewide to wear kufis. As of 2014,
there were 6,446 male TDCJ inmates that identified as Muslim. Given the
record, we find no clear error in the trial court’s finding that the cost of
searching 30% of Muslim inmates would be absorbed by existing staff.
However, even if none of the search time was absorbed by existing staff, then
under TDCJ’s methodology, it would cost $39,221 per year to search all the
kufis.
[18]
The record below indicates that TDCJ’s budget for staff salary and
wages was $1.045 billion in 2014, which is roughly one-third of its total
operating budget of $3.1 billion. TDCJ has not shown it has a compelling
interest in saving less than .004% of its budget that is dedicated to CO
compensation.
See Moussazadeh
,
Therefore, we conclude that, based on the record, TDCJ has not carried its burden under RLUIPA with respect to its denial of Ali’s request to wear his kufi throughout TDCJ facilities.
IV. CONCLUSION
For the foregoing reasons, we AFFIRM the district court’s judgment and permanent injunction.
Notes
[1] Because this case is against William Stephens in his official capacity as TDCJ Director, we refer to Ali’s claims as against TDCJ itself.
[2] In his complaint, Ali also brought claims under the Equal Protection Clause and the
Free Exercise Clause of the United States Constitution, which the district court dismissed.
See Ali v. Quarterman
,
[3] In August 2013, the district court assigned the case to Magistrate Judge Zack Hawthorn for pretrial proceedings. Ali was appointed counsel thereafter. In January 2014, the parties agreed to refer the case to Magistrate Judge Hawthorn for trial, entry of final judgment, and all post-judgment matters.
[4] Because the inmate in
Garner
did not appeal, we did not address the denial of the
injunction in regard to the headwear policy.
See
[5] TDCJ’s current grooming policy is contained in its Offender Orientation Handbook
(“Handbook”), which is available online.
See
Tex. Dep’t of Criminal Justice
,
Offender
Orientation Handbook (Sept. 2015),
available at
http://www.tdcj.state.tx.us/documents/
Offender_Orientation_Handbook_English.pdf. We have previously taken judicial notice of
the Handbook, and we do so here.
See Cantwell v. Sterling
,
[6] A case-specific approach comports with our observation that the hair length
requested by an inmate can affect the RLUIPA analysis.
See Odneal v. Pierce
, 324 F. App’x
297, 301 (5th Cir. 2009) (per curiam) (unpublished);
Gooden v. Crain
,
[7] The parties dispute the applicability of the policies of BOP and CDCR. The trial
evidence indicated that both prison systems allow four-inch beards and kufis to be worn
throughout their facilities. TDCJ argues that the trial court “attached unprecedented weight
to [the] evidence of other prison systems’ grooming and kufi policies,” specifically, that of BOP
and CDCR. The trial court, however, acknowledged the differences among systems, especially
with regard to BOP’s and CDCR’s larger budgets and different surveillance equipment. The
court also noted that, although BOP has a bigger budget, it also has “a much larger inmate
population” and “more offenders per correctional officer than TDCJ.” The court did not err in
concluding that, although there are “clearly differences” among the systems, it “[does] not
preclude comparisons” and that the other policies are pertinent evidence that inform its
analysis.
See, e.g.
,
Holt
, 135 S. Ct. at 866 (“While not necessarily controlling, the policies
followed at other well-run institutions would be relevant to a determination of the need for a
particular type of restriction.” (quoting
Procunier v. Martinez
, 416 U.S. 396, 414, n.14
(1974)));
Garner
,
[8] TDCJ also argues that the “sole alternative to prohibiting long beards” would be to have the CO physically touch the inmate’s beard and that this technique would seriously compromise the CO’s safety because it requires the CO to stand in the inmate’s “strike zone,” which, according to TDCJ, is “a proximity considered to be dangerous and is avoided when possible.” Because we find no clear error in the trial court’s findings regarding self-searches, we do not address TDCJ’s contention regarding searches in which the CO touches an inmate’s beard.
[9] Director Eason also raised the possibility that if the CO discovered contraband in an
inmate’s beard, the inmate may refuse to take the contraband out of the beard, leading to a
confrontation with the inmate. However, as the district court found, contraband can be
discovered “in any article of clothing, in an inmate’s genitals or anus, or it can be swallowed.”
Director’s Eason testimony is unconvincing to the extent that TDCJ fails to explain why an
inmate would be reluctant to hand over contraband that has been found in his beard but not
contraband found in or on any other part of the inmate’s body.
See Holt
,
[10] In
Knight
, the plaintiffs, a group of Native American inmates, brought a RLUIPA
challenge against the Alabama prison system, seeking a “complete religion-based exemption”
from its short-hair policy for male inmates that would allow them to grow long, unshorn hair.
[11] It is worth noting that Ali does not seek permission to consistently change the style or shape of his beard. He seeks only to maintain a four-inch beard, which, as the trial court found, he can do by clasping his hand around his beard and using clippers to trim the protruding hair.
[12] TDCJ’s estimates are based on the trial court’s finding that a search of a four-inch beard takes five seconds and that, on average, an inmate would be searched four times daily, thus totaling twenty seconds per day per inmate.
[13] To estimate costs, the TDCJ multiplied (1) the COs’ average hourly wage—$16.66— and (2) the time it takes per day to search a beard.
[14] TDCJ also argues that the trial court clearly erred by discounting the testimony of its expert, Ron Angelone, concerning inmate hygiene and that hygiene is a compelling state interest that TDCJ’s grooming policy furthers. It specifically points to the fact that Angelone, TDCJ’s expert, implemented a clean-shaven grooming policy for hygienic reasons when he was director of Virginia’s correctional facilities. We find the trial court did not clearly err in this regard. In addressing Angelone’s testimony, the trial court noted that part of his testimony was contradicted by TDCJ’s medical expert, Dr. Bobby Vincent. Specifically, the court noted that Angelone had expressed concerns with lice, but Dr. Vincent’s testimony indicated that “having longer hair does not increase the incidence of lice.” Further, Angelone’s testimony regarding the hygienic benefits of a clean-shaven policy is insufficient to carry TDCJ’s burden that its grooming policy—which allows for shorter beards—is the least restrictive means to further a compelling interest in inmate hygiene.
[15] The only evidence concerning an instance in which a religious item was misused for gang-related purposes occurred when inmates began using colored rosaries to affiliate with different gangs. TDCJ responded by changing its policy to permit only black rosaries. In this case, TDCJ’s argument addresses the opposite concern: it contends that kufis will be used to conceal rather than promote gang affiliation.
[16] TDCJ also argues that the trial court erred by relying on evidence concerning female inmates being allowed to wear hijabs. However, because we hold that TDCJ has failed to prove that its ban is the least restrictive means without regard to evidence concerning female inmates, we decline to address the issue.
[17] The trial court found, based on an in-court demonstration, that it takes three seconds to search a kufi and that it will be searched on average four times a day, totaling 12 seconds per inmate per day. As of 2014, there were 260 Muslim inmate at the Michael Unit. If 30% of those inmates wore kufis, it would equal 78 inmates.
[18] Thirty percent of all male Muslim inmates equals 1,934 inmates. If, as the district court found, it takes 12 seconds to search a kufi per day, then it would take approximately 6.45 hours per day statewide.
