Daniel J. Cameron, in His Official Capacity as Attorney General of the Commonwealth of Kentucky v. Andy Beshear, in His Official Capacity as Governor of the Commonwealth of KentuckyDaniel J. Cameron, in His Official Capacity as Attorney General of the Commonwealth of Kentucky v. Andy Beshear, in His Official Capacity as Governor of the Commonwealth of Kentucky
OPINION OF THE COURT BY JUSTICE VANMETER
AFFIRMING IN PART, REVERSING IN PART AND REMANDING
On transfer from the Court of Appeals, we are presented with Movant Attorney General Daniel Cameron‘s request for relief from a temporary injunction issued by the Franklin Circuit Court against implementation of House Bill (H.B.) 1,1 Senate Bill (S.B.) 1,2 S.B. 2,3 and House Joint Resolution (H.J.R.) 774 which the General Assembly enacted during the 2021 regular session5 and which amend the Governor‘s power to respond to emergencies as
I. Facts and Procedural Background
On March 6, 2020, in response to the COVID-19 pandemic, Respondent Governor Andy Beshear declared a state of emergency “by virtue of the authority vested in [him] by [KRS] Chapter 39A,” i.e., the “Statewide Emergency Management Programs” (
During the 2021 regular session, the General Assembly responded to Acree by passing H.B. 1, S.B. 1, and S.B. 2 which restrict the Governor‘s ability to take unilateral action during declared emergencies. The Governor vetoed those bills and the General Assembly overrode his vetoes. The bills became effective on February 2, 2021.
Thereafter, the Governor and Eric Friedlander, in his official capacity as Secretary of the Cabinet for Health and Family Services (“CHFS“),8 filed this declaratory action in Franklin Circuit Court seeking a declaration that the recently-passed legislation unconstitutionally infringes upon his executive powers under
Following an evidentiary hearing, the Franklin Circuit Court temporarily enjoined implementation of the challenged legislation, finding that the Governor had presented substantial legal questions concerning the validity of the legislation, the Governor and the public would suffer immediate and irreparable harm in the absence of injunctive relief, and the public interest and the balance of the equities required the granting of injunctive relief. The Attorney General filed for
Not long after the trial court granted injunctive relief, the General Assembly passed H.J.R. 77 ratifying and extending many of the Governor‘s executive orders and regulations for periods of time ranging from 30 to 90 days, but terminating all other COVID-related orders and regulations. The Governor vetoed that resolution, and the General Assembly overrode his veto. Most significantly, the General Assembly explicitly included Executive Order
II. Analysis
Two questions are presented for our review: (1) whether this lawsuit presents a justiciable case or controversy and (2) if justiciable, whether a temporary injunction was warranted.
A. Justiciability
The Declaratory Judgment Act allows a plaintiff to seek, and Kentucky courts to issue, a declaration of rights when an “actual controversy” exists.
In any action in a court of record of this Commonwealth having general jurisdiction wherein it is made to appear that an actual controversy exists, the plaintiff may ask for a declaration of rights, either alone or with other relief; and the court may make a binding declaration of rights, whether or not consequential relief is or could be asked.
An actual, justiciable controversy is “a condition precedent to an action under our Declaratory Judgment Act.” Freeman v. Danville Tobacco Bd. of Trade, Inc., 380 S.W.2d 215, 216 (Ky. 1964). See also
Constitutional standing is an essential element of a justiciable case or controversy. Commonwealth Cabinet for Health & Fam. Servs., Dep’t for Medicaid Servs. v. Sexton ex rel. Appalachian Reg‘l Healthcare, Inc., 566 S.W.3d 185, 196 (Ky. 2018). Indeed, “all Kentucky courts have the constitutional duty to ascertain the issue of constitutional standing, acting on their own motion, to ensure that only justiciable causes proceed in court[.]” Id. at 192. Constitutional standing is “defined by three requirements: (1) injury, (2) causation, and (3) redressability.” Id. at 196. Specifically,
A plaintiff must allege personal injury fairly traceable to the defendant’s allegedly unlawful conduct and likely to be redressed by the requested relief. [A] litigant must demonstrate that it has suffered a concrete and particularized injury that is either actual or imminent. . . . The injury must be . . . distinct and palpable, and not abstract or conjectural or hypothetical. The injury must be fairly traceable to the challenged action, and relief from the injury must be likely to follow from a favorable decision.
Id. (internal quotations and footnotes omitted). “If a case is not justiciable, specifically because the plaintiff does not have the requisite standing to sue, then the circuit court cannot hear the case.” Id.
The Attorney General maintains that the Governor lacked standing to bring this lawsuit as he requests a non-justiciable advisory opinion and improperly seeks relief against legislative acts of the General Assembly, which
With regards to redressability, the Attorney General contends that the injunction issued by the trial court did not redress anything, as it did not restrain him or mandatorily direct him to do anything, as is required by a proper injunction. See, e.g., Commonwealth v. Mountain Truckers Ass‘n, Inc., 683 S.W.2d 260, 263 (Ky. App. 1984) (requiring that injunctions “describe in reasonable detail the act to be restrained[]“); see also
In response, the Governor maintains that he has constitutional standing to bring this suit because the General Assembly violated
As to causation, the Governor contends the Attorney General caused him injury when he assumed authority to veto the Governor‘s exercise of emergency authority. On redressability, the Governor contends that the trial court resolved this matter by staying implementation of the challenged legislation pending an adjudication on its constitutionality and enjoining the Attorney General from implementing or enforcing the suspension provision of S.B. 1.
The Attorney General distinguishes Bushee on grounds that the case at bar deals with a grant of authority from the General Assembly and a
The Attorney General further distinguishes Bushee on the basis that the parties in that case were on a collision course involving a concrete dispute with an impending deadline that could not be avoided. Here, the Attorney General argues that whether there will ever be a conflict is purely speculative and abstract. While a plaintiff might not have to incur harm before seeking a declaratory judgment, the Attorney General emphasizes that “[a] threatened injury must be ‘certainly impending.‘” Commonwealth v. Bredhold, 599 S.W.3d 409, 417 (Ky. 2020) (quoting Whitmore v. Arkansas, 495 U.S. 149, 158 (1990)).
However, the act of the Attorney General approving or disapproving the Governor‘s suspension of a statute has no effect on whether the General Assembly could lawfully require the Attorney General‘s approval in the first place. Thus, the Governor was not required to wait to file suit until the Attorney General invoked his veto power. See Commonwealth v. Ky. Ret. Sys., 396 S.W.3d 833, 839 (Ky. 2013) (holding that “[t]he [Declaratory Judgment] Act allows courts to determine a litigant‘s rights before harm occurs, and requires the existence of an actual controversy. Such a controversy occurs when a
We find the present case more analogous to Jamgotchian and Jarvis than Foley. Whether the Governor‘s emergency power in this situation is statutorily or constitutionally derived is at the heart of the Governor‘s Complaint and thus presents a justiciable case or controversy.14
B. Temporary Injunction Not Warranted
To justify the grant of a temporary injunction, a plaintiff must satisfy the following, well-recognized requirements:
First, the trial court should determine whether plaintiff has complied with
CR 65.04 by showing irreparable injury. This is a mandatory prerequisite to the issuance of any injunction. Secondly, the trial court should weigh the various equities involved. Although not an exclusive list, the court should consider such things as possible detriment to the public interest, harm to the defendant, and whether the injunction will merely preserve the status quo. Finally, the complaint should be evaluated to see whether a substantial question has been presented. If the party requesting relief has shown a probability of irreparable injury, presented a substantial question as to the merits, and the equities are in favor of issuance, the temporary injunction should be awarded. However, the actual overall merits of the case are not to be addressed inCR 65.04 motions.
Maupin v. Stansbury, 575 S.W.2d 695, 699 (Ky. App. 1978).
With respect to our review of the trial court‘s analysis under Maupin, generally, “a party seeking interlocutory relief from a trial court‘s decision to grant or deny a temporary injunction bears an enormous burden. And an appellate court may not disturb a trial court‘s decision on a temporary injunction unless the trial court‘s decision is a clear abuse of discretion.” Commonwealth ex rel. Conway v. Thompson, 300 S.W.3d 152, 162 (Ky. 2009) (internal quotations and footnotes omitted). “The test for abuse of discretion is whether the trial judge‘s decision was arbitrary, unreasonable, unfair, or unsupported by sound legal principles.” Id. (quoting Commonwealth v. English, 993 S.W.2d 942, 945 (Ky. 1999)). Notably, “[a] motion for a
To obtain an injunction, the Governor was required to show a probability of irreparable injury, present a substantial question as to the merits of his Complaint, and persuade the court that the equities balanced in favor of issuance.
1. Irreparable Injury.
Regarding irreparable injury, the Governor‘s argument essentially centers on the harm to his ability to protect the public during a global pandemic, and the claimed harm to the constitutional power and authority of his office. We emphasize that in our following discussion and analysis we do not question the Governor‘s good faith in taking steps he believes are necessary in dealing with the pandemic.15 That noted, underlying consideration of all our COVID
The appeal, however, that we declare the existence of inherent powers ex necessitate to meet an emergency asks us to do what many think would be wise, although it is something the forefathers omitted. They knew what emergencies were, knew the pressures they engender for authoritative action, knew, too, how they afford a ready pretext for usurpation. We may also suspect that they suspected that emergency powers would tend to kindle emergencies.
. . .
[E]mergency powers are consistent with free government only when their control is lodged elsewhere than in the Executive who exercises them.
. . .
With all its defects, delays and inconveniences, men have discovered no technique for long preserving free government except that the Executive be under the law, and that the law be made by parliamentary deliberations.
Fletcher, 163 S.W.3d at 871 (quoting Youngstown, 343 U.S. at 646, 649–50, 652, 655 (Jackson, J., concurring)).
Another rule of interpretation is that we “‘presum[e] that the challenged statutes were enacted by the legislature in accordance with constitutional requirements.‘” Acree, 615 S.W.3d at 805 (quoting Cornelison v. Commonwealth, 52 S.W.3d 570, 572 (Ky. 2001)). “A constitutional infringement must be ‘clear, complete and unmistakable’ in order to render the statute unconstitutional.” Caneyville Volunteer Fire Dep‘t v. Green‘s Motorcycle Salvage, Inc., 286 S.W.3d 790, 806 (Ky. 2009) (quoting Ky. Indus. Util. Customers, Inc. v. Ky. Utils. Co., 983 S.W.2d 493, 499 (Ky. 1998)). Considering that the General Assembly is the policy-making body for the Commonwealth, not the Governor or the courts, equitable considerations support enforcing a
2. Substantial Questions on the Merits.
As to the potential for success on the merits of the Governor‘s Complaint, the extent of the Governor‘s exercise of emergency authority during the COVID-19 pandemic is confined to the statutory authority given to him by the legislature under
[T]o the extent that the Governor has any implied or inherent powers in addition to those the Constitution expressly gives him, it seems clear that such unexpressed executive power is subservient to the overriding authority of the legislature, and . . . the officers named in Const. Sec. 91 have only such powers and duties as are assigned to them by legislative enactment or by executive order expressly authorized by statute.
628 S.W.2d at 621 (holding that the Governor did not have constitutional power to issue an executive order to reorganize agencies when not authorized by the enabling statute and a related statute pursuant to which the order was issued). Further,
Whereas the judicial branch must be and is largely independent of intrusion by the legislative branch, the executive branch exists principally to do its bidding. The real power of the executive branch springs directly from the long periods between legislative
sessions, during which interims the legislature customarily has left broad discretionary power to the chief executive.
“Practically speaking, except for those conferred upon him specifically by the Constitution, [the Governor‘s] powers, like those of the executive officers created by Const. Sec. 91, are only what the General Assembly chooses to give him.” Id. Thus, the Governor has no implied or inherent emergency powers beyond that given him by the legislature, who, as elected officials, serve at the behest of the Commonwealth.17
a. Separation of Powers.
The trial court found serious separation of powers issues under
The legislature has every right, and even the duty, to adopt standards and rules to govern the Governor’s exercise of emergency executive authority. But when the legislative role shifts from oversight and policymaking to micromanagement of administrative rules and orders there is a clash that implicates the separation of powers provisions of sections 27 and 28 of the Kentucky Constitution. See Legislative Research Commission v. Brown, 664 S.W.2d 907 (Ky. 1984). The challenged legislation here—HB1, SB 1 and SB 2—all raise serious separation of powers issues.
The precise issue in Brown was occasioned by the then statutory provisions that purported to give the General Assembly authority, through the L.R.C., to review and void executive branch administrative regulations. We held this review process was unconstitutional either as a legislative veto or as an impermissible extension of the legislative session.
By contrast, the current legislative review of administrative regulations is set forth in
As important as it is for a court to scrutinize the particular statute in toto, our statutory construction principles also mandate considering the statute in context with other statutes surrounding it. Petitioner F., 306 S.W.3d at 85–86 (statutory enactment to be read as a whole and also in context with other parts of statute). This comes as no surprise because given that the cardinal rule of
statutory construction is discerning legislative intent, it is entirely logical for the judiciary to see what else our General Assembly has said on the particular topic underlying the controversy.
Id. at 721-22. Notwithstanding the deletion of the word “nonbinding,” our review of
Because the executive branch retains final say as to administrative regulations, the 2021 legislation does not violate
b. Power to Call Special Sessions.
The Governor argues that the legislation at issue requires him to call the legislature into session every thirty days in order for him to continue to exercise his emergency powers. S.B. 1 §2(2)(a). In other words, the Governor claims the General Assembly infringes on his exclusive authority to call it into special session.
Since 1942, special sessions have been called 52 times.18 No doubt each involved some matter that the then-Governor believed could not wait for the regular session of the General Assembly. In a word, an emergency not theretofore addressed by the statutes. Typically, the remedy, as for all governors over the past 130 years of the 1891 Constitution, is to do the hard work of consulting with the General Assembly and agreeing on statutory amendment in advance of a special call. The General Assembly, as well as the Governor, are trustees of the Commonwealth‘s welfare. See Youngstown, 343 U.S. at 629 (Douglas, J., concurring) (stating “[t]he Congress, as well as the President, is trustee of the national welfare[]“). Recent experience demonstrates the futility of calling a special session without that advance work.19 Furthermore, the assertion that the Governor would be forced to call a special session every 30 days is not credible. H.J.R. 77 extended emergency measures anywhere from 30 to 90 days. In the future, depending on the
These items noted, we do not believe this issue has been adequately addressed by the parties and therefore make no definitive pronouncement concerning the constitutionality of thirty-day limitation contained within the 2021 legislation.
c. Power to Suspend Statutes
The Governor argues that S.B. 1 § 4 infringes on his supreme executive authority by placing his authority to suspend statutes under the veto power of the Attorney General.
The power to suspend statutes does not belong to the Governor. It belongs to the General Assembly.
Since this provision is a part of the Bill of Rights, the Governor could not suspend statutes even if he possessed “emergency” or “inherent” powers under Sections 69 and 81.
Ky. Const. § 26 (“To guard against transgression of the high powers which we have delegated, We Declare that everything in this Bill of Rights is excepted out of the general powers of government ....“). The suspension of statutes by a Governor is also antithetical to the constitutional duty to “take care that the laws be faithfully executed.”Ky. Const. § 81 .
Barkley is instructive in this regard, but not as the Governor argues. Under Section 15, the General Assembly might grant the Governor the power to suspend statutes. Or, it properly might grant that power to the Attorney General. See Barkley, 628 S.W.2d at 621 (stating “the officers named in [Section] 91 have only such powers and duties as are assigned to them by legislative enactment or by executive order expressly authorized by statute[]“). In Barkley, we recognized the Constitution framers created these independent, statewide-elected officers to “provide convenient receptacles for the diffusion of executive power.” Id. at 622. Given the importance of the power to suspend laws, we see no valid reason why the General Assembly might not properly grant the power to two independently-elected constitutional officers.
The Governor argues that the immediately following sentence in Barkley supports his argument that by doing so, the General Assembly has impermissibly “create[d] another executive officer or officers who will not be subject to [the Governor‘s] supremacy[.]” Id. The complete quotation is
As the Governor is the “supreme executive power,” it is not possible for the General Assembly to create another executive officer or officers who will not be subject to that supremacy, but it definitely has the prerogative of withholding executive powers from him by assigning them to these constitutional officers who are not amenable to his supervision and control.
d. Arbitrary Legislation
The trial court expressed that the 2021 legislation “presents questions as to whether the thirty-day limitation period for Executive Orders and [emergency regulations] are arbitrary under Section 2.” The Governor expands this concept by arguing the bills are arbitrary, vague and unenforceable, asserting the public‘s due process rights. In our view, the Governor has no standing to assert the public‘s due process rights. See Worldwide Equip., Inc. v. Mullins, 11 S.W.3d 50, 60-61 (Ky. App. 1999) (holding that motor vehicle seller had no standing to claim certain regulations and statutes were arbitrary, void as vague, and violative of due process since it was not charged with violation of that regulation/statute, and no party then in the action had been so charged).21
The Governor argues that the 2021 legislation is special legislation in violation of Sections 59 and 60. His argument is that these bills grant businesses, schools, local governments and others the authority or power to exercise discretion as to what health care guidance to follow, citing Young v. Willis, 305 Ky. 201, 204-05, 203 S.W. 2d 5, 7 (1947). Any argument that the 2021 legislation constitutes special legislation in violation of
We similarly reject the Governor‘s argument that Section 60,22 and our predecessor court‘s decision in Young, compels a finding of unconstitutionality. The claim is that the 2021 legislation permits localities or any number of other entities to establish their own pandemic guidance. We again disagree. Our statutes are replete with many instances of localities, schools, businesses being
3. Balancing Equities
The trial court made extensive findings concerning the COVID-19 pandemic, its ongoing nature, and the good occasioned by the Governor‘s emergency measures.23 In balancing the equities, the trial court considered these facts, as well as its interpretation of the injury to the Governor‘s constitutional powers, juxtaposed with the 2021 legislation and the more localized approach to the pandemic that implementation of that legislation would entail. Our expression, however, in Acree that a global pandemic justified a statewide response, 615 S.W.3d at 808, in no way expressed or implied it was the sole method in dealing with the pandemic. In fact, we expressly held that the General Assembly could limit the Governor‘s statutorily-derived emergency powers should it wish to. Id. at 812–13. That noted, as we have discussed, the Governor‘s emergency powers derive from the statutes enacted by the General Assembly, not from our Constitution and not from his “inherent” powers. The trial court‘s findings substituted its view of the public interest for that expressed by the General Assembly. The fact that a statute is enacted “constitutes [the legislature‘s] implied finding” that the public will be harmed if the statute is not enforced. Boone Creek Props., 442 S.W.3d at 40. Thus, the public interest strongly favors adherence to the 2021 legislation.
III. Conclusion
The trial court emphasized that “[t]he Governor has alleged irreparable injury to his constitutional powers and made preliminary showing that the bills impair the exercise of his constitutional duty.” As discussed, these findings are largely unsupported by sound legal principles because they are occasioned by erroneous interpretations of the constitutional authority of the Governor and law. As a result, we find that the trial court‘s issuance of injunctive relief was improper.
In sum, considering that the challenged legislation was lawfully passed, the Governor‘s Complaint does not present a substantial legal question that would necessitate staying the effectiveness of the legislation. And as the equities clearly favor implementation of the legislation pending an adjudication of its constitutionality, we conclude that the Franklin Circuit Court abused its discretion in finding otherwise. Thus, we remand this case to the Franklin Circuit Court with instructions to dissolve the injunction. This case is reversed and remanded to the Franklin Circuit Court for further proceedings consistent with this Opinion. In the event certain sections of the 2021 legislation may be ultimately found invalid, the likely remedy may be severability.
All sitting. All concur.
HUGHES, J., CONCURS BY SEPARATE OPINION IN WHICH MINTON, C.J., JOINS: I concur with the lead opinion‘s conclusion that a blanket
As we recognized in Acree, the Kentucky General Assembly granted specific emergency powers and authority to the Governor in KRS Chapter 39A and the legislature has the authority to restrict and expand those statutory powers. Id. Many of the challenged provisions of the 2021 legislation are within the legislature‘s domain, are entitled to the presumption of constitutionality, and should not be enjoined wholesale. For example, as the lead opinion aptly notes
That said, in Acree this Court did not conclude that all emergency powers are lodged solely in the legislature. Emergency powers are not expressly mentioned in our state Constitution but we discerned “[t]he implied tilt of the Kentucky Constitution toward executive powers in time of emergency . . . given our government‘s tripartite structure with a legislature that is not in continuous session.” Id. at 806. We noted that the Kentucky Constitution provides the framework for the three branches and the exercise and separation of their respective powers. Id. at 805. The executive branch is charged with the “supreme executive power of the Commonwealth,”
Historically, the Governor and various agencies of the executive branch including the Cabinet for Health and Family Services and the Division of Emergency Management have managed emergencies on a day-to-day, evolving basis, relying on the statutory guidelines provided by the legislature and executive branch administrative expertise. The executive branch has acted through the Governor‘s issuance of executive orders and various emergency administrative regulations. The legislature‘s emergency management involvement has been confined to the exercise of its traditional law-making function. Thus, during the 2020 and 2021 legislative sessions the General Assembly passed laws addressing various COVID19 emergency issues, approving and supplementing some of the Governor‘s directives while limiting and discontinuing others. The 2021 legislation extends the legislature‘s reach and control beyond the laws passed in the constitutionally-mandated sessions, curtailing the Governor‘s powers through a thirty-day limit on the exercise of his emergency authority. The thirty-day limit operates as a “kill switch” that essentially transfers the day-to-day management of emergencies to the legislature by rendering the executive branch powerless to act after thirty days, forcing the call of a special legislative session. This type of special legislative
This concept of time-limited executive emergency authority that relies on the recall of the legislature into special session appears throughout the 2021 legislation, raising serious constitutional questions that require further focused examination. The Attorney General, maintaining that no justiciable controversy exists, has not engaged on this or any other merits issues; the trial court needs the benefit of legal analysis from both sides. The lead opinion wisely recognizes that on remand the circuit court should address this issue and I wholeheartedly agree.
In closing, 7,477 Kentuckians have lost their lives to COVID-19 as of August 19, 2021. That number is considerably higher than the entire population of my Western Kentucky hometown and the cities where many Kentuckians live and work. The death toll does not even account for the
S. Chad Meredith
Matthew F. Kuhn
Brett R. Nolan
Office of the Attorney General
COUNSEL FOR RESPONDENT, GOVERNOR:
Amy D. Cubbage
S. Travis Mayo
Taylor Payne
Marc Farris
Laura C. Tipton
Office of the Governor
COUNSEL FOR RESPONDENT, SECRETARY FRIEDLANDER:
Wesley W. Duke
LeeAnne Applegate
Cabinet for Health and Family Services
COUNSEL FOR ROBERT STIVERS, AS PRESIDENT OF THE KENTUCKY SENATE:
David E. Fleenor
COUNSEL FOR DAVID OSBORNE, AS SPEAKER OF THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES:
David E. Lycan
COUNSEL FOR LEGISLATIVE RESEARCH COMMISSION:
Gregory A. Woosley
Notes
No law, except such as relates to . . . public buildings or improvements, . . . matters pertaining to common schools, . . . and the regulation by counties, cities, towns or other municipalities of their local affairs, shall be enacted to take effect upon the approval of any other authority than the General Assembly, unless otherwise expressly provided in this Constitution.