This is an appeal in a declaratory judgment action. The Mayor of Woonsocket sought a judgment in Superior Court declaring that the provisions of the Woonsocket Home Rule Charter prohibiting city employees from holding elective offices are constitutional 1 and that the defendant, a public school teacher in the city of Woonsocket, is a city employee to whom these provisions are applicable. The case was submitted on an agreed statement of facts:
“1. Defendant is and has been a certified teacher in the Woonsocket Education Department since 1962, which said position is unclassified according to the *328 definition of classified service set forth in Section 2.1 of Personnel Ordinance of the City of Woonsocket. * * *
“2. Defendant ran as an unendorsed candidate in the Democratic Primary to represent Senatorial District 32 in the Rhode Island Senate. Defendant was victorious in the Primary as well as in the regular election. Defendant officially assumed the position on January 7, 1975.
“3. The Woonsocket Home Rule Charter provides:
No person employed by the City, other than an elective officer, shall assume any elective office unless he first resigns his position with the City (Chapter XVI, Article 9, Section 2, of the Home Rule Charter)
No person may hold any office or employment in the City while at the same time holding any office or employment in the federal, state or local government or agencies thereof ... [except in certain enumerated instances] (Chapter XVI, Article 9, Section 3, of the Home Rule Charter)
Any person violating any provision of this Article shall forthwith forfeit any and all municipal office or offices which he holds. (Chapter XVI, Article 9, Section 4 of the Home Rule Charter.)
It shall be the duty of the Mayor to see that the laws and ordinances are enforced. (Chapter IV, Section 3(a))
“4. Defendant assumed the post of State Senator on January 7, 1975, without having resigned his position in the Woonsocket Education Department. At the present time, he is holding employment as a teacher as well as holding office in the State government.
“5. Defendant’s salary is negotiated by the Woonsocket School Committee and the Woonsocket Teachers’ Guild, AFT #851, AFL-CIO.
*329 “6. The education budget including teachers salaries is submitted by the Woonsocket School Committee to the Woonsocket City Council.
“7. The City Council has final approval of the gross amount of the education budget although once appropriated, not over the expenditure of funds therefrom.
8. The education budget is supported by money raised from the people of Woonsocket through taxes and by receipt of state aid and occasional Federal fund ing.”
The trial justice held that public school teachers are city employees and that the charter provisiоns prohibiting city employees from holding elective offices was constitutional. The defendant, on appeal, contends that the trial justice erred for several reasons: (1) that a public school teacher is not a city employee and thus is not covered by the charter provisions; (2) that even if public school teachers are city employees, the charter cannot prohibit them from holding elective office since local regulation of education is not authorized unless the General Assembly has expressly delegated that power; (3) that the charter provisions are invalid because they regulate state elections and set qualifications for holding office; (4) that since the Legislature, the sole judge of the qualifications of its members, has not disqualified defendant, it is clear they did not intend to delegate authority to the City of Woonsocket to prohibit teachers from holding elective office; and (5) that the charter provisions are unconstitutionally overbroad and violate the First Amendment because they prohibit city employees from holding any elective office.
I
The defendant initially contends that public school teachers are not city employees; and, as a result, are not covered by the provisions of ch. XVI, art. 9 of the charter.
*330
In support of this argument, defendant cites
City of Pawtucket
v.
Pawtucket Teachers’ Alliance, 87
R.I. 364,
Furthermore, as noted by the trial justice in his decision, the General Assembly in G.L. 1956 (1969 Reenactment) §16-6-2 defined a teacher as “every person employed by any city or town as a teacher * * * in any public schoоl in the state who is required by law to hold a certificate of qualification * * * .” (Emphasis added.) It is evident from a careful reading of this statute and the previously discussed case law that school committees are not state agencies; they are municipal bodies acting as agent for the state in that they *331 exercise state power that has been delegated to them by the state.
Moreover, the General Assembly’s specific validation and ratification of each provision contained in the Woonsocket Home Rule Charter further supports our conclusion that defendant is a city employee. Public Laws 1953, ch. 3235 and P.L. 1969, ch. 234 §3. In ch. XIV of the charter the Woonsocket School Committee is designated as the Woonsocket Department of Education, a department of the city of Woonsocket. Since each provision was expressly validated by the General Assembly, such designation constitutes an act of the General Assembly and manifests a clear intent that the school committee is a municipal body and all of its employees, city employees.
Finally, as the trial justice noted in his opinion, defendant is employed by a department of the city which is supported by the taxpayers of that city, and he receives his paycheck from the city.
Therefore, we conclude that the General Assembly intended that the Woonsocket School Committee be a municipal body and that school teachers employed by the school committee be considered city employees. As a result, defendant, as an employee of the city, is subject to the provisions of ch. XVI, art. 9 of the charter prohibiting him from holding his position as a teacher and the office of state senator at the same time.
II
The defendant next argues that the Woonsocket Home Rule Charter provisions at issue in the instant case constitute local regulation of education, and that since the Legislature has not expressly delegated to the city the power to regulate school teachers in this manner, these provisions are invalid. However, sinсe the General Assembly ratified each and every provision of this charter, P.L. 1953, ch. 3235 and P.L. 1969, ch. 234, §3, defendant’s argument must fail.
*332 III
The defendant’s third contention is that the charter provisions forcing him to choose between his employment as a teacher and his office as state senator are invalid because the city is, in effect, regulating state elections and setting qualifications for holding state office, an area exclusively reserved for regulation by the state. This contention is without merit. The charter provisions do not attempt to limit the right to vote or to establish qualifications for office. The city employee is free to run for office; the provisions simply require that, if elected, the еmployee must choose between that office and his city employment. Moreover, if the employee fails to make such a choice, the charter does not disqualify him from holding elective office, but requires that he forfeit his city employment.
IV
The defendant next contends that since the senate did not disqualify him, it is evident that it did not delegate the power of regulation to the city. However, as we previously noted, the charter provisions do not attempt to disqualify defendant from membership in the state senate. They simply provide that he must choose between the two positions, and that if he fails to do so, he must forfeit employment with the city. Consequently, this argument is without merit.
V
Finally, defendant contends that these charter provisions violate first amendment rights. Specifically, defendant argues that these provisions are overly broad because they purport to regulate protected as well as unprotected conduct, i.e., they prohibit city employees from holding any elective office, partisan and nonpartisan, state, local and federal. We agree.
The simultaneous holding of more than one public office has been a traditional subject of public concern.
Osetek
v.
*333
City of Chicopee,
A general survey of case law and materials applying the common law rule against incompatibility and statutory restrictions on dual position-holding fails to disclose any discussion of constitutional limitations on such restrictions. However, at the time most of these cases were decided, public employment and office-holding were considered privileges to which any conditions, even those infringing on constitutional rights, might be attached. Since then, the distinction between privileges and rights has been eliminated, and unconstitutional conditions cannot be placed on public employment.
Pickering
v.
Board of Educ.,
It is well-established that the first amendment protects freedom of political expression and activity. As the United States Supreme Court stated in
Sweezy
v.
New Hampshire,
“Equally manifest as a fundamental principle of a democratic society is political freedom of the individual. Our form of government is built on the premise that every citizen shall have the right to engage in political expression and association. This right was enshrined in the First Amendment of the Bill of Rights. *335 Exercise o£ these basic freedoms in America has traditionally been through the media of political associations.”
Numerous courts have recognized that candidacy for public office is one of the rights included within the scope of the first amendment.
Broadrick
v.
Oklahoma,
It is well-settled that where the constitutionality of a restriction on first amendment rights is at issue, the governmental unit has the burden of showing that it has a compelling interest warranting the infringement of these rights and that the restriction is the least drastic means of achieving the governmental purpose.
Broadrick
v.
Oklahoma, supra
at 611-12,
In the instant case, defendant, in arguing that the charter provisions are overbroad, analogizes these provisions to the Federal Hatch Act and the “Little Hatch Acts” of the various states, citing Broadrick v. Oklahoma and United States Civil Service Comm’n v. National Ass’n of Letter Carriers, both supra, for the proposition that a prohibition against public employees becoming candidates for nonpartisan as well as partisan public office is overbroad. 4
In Letter Carriers federal employees challenged as unconstitutionally overbroad and vague the prohibition in §9(a) of the Hatch Act, 5 U.S.C.A. §7324(a)(2), against federal employees’ taking “an active part in political management or *337 in political campaigns.” 5 The Supreme Court stated that neither the right to associаte nor the right to participate in political activities is absolute. The government has an interest in regulating the conduct and speech of its employees, an interest that
“ ‘differfs] significantly from those it possesses in connection with regulation of the speech of the citizenry in general. The problem in any case is to arrive at a balance between the interests of the [employee], as a citizen, in commenting upon matters of public concern and the interest of the [government], as an employer, in promoting the efficiency of the public services it performs through its employees.’ ” Id. at 564,93 S. Ct. at 2890 ,37 L. Ed. 2d at 808 , quoting Pickering v. Board of Educ.,391 U.S. 563 , 568,88 S. Ct. 1731 , 1734-35,20 L. Ed. 2d 811 , 817 (1968).
The Court found that the first amendment did not invalidate a law barring partisan politicаl conduct by federal employees in view of the governmental interest in promoting efficiency and preventing corruption and coercion. They further held that the statute was neither overbroad nor vague because incorporated in the definition of “an active part in political management or in political campaigns” were “those acts of political management or political campaigning which were prohibited on the part of employees in the competitive service before July 19, 1940, by determinations of the Civil Service Commission under the rules prescribed by the President.” 5 U.S.C.A. §7324(a)(2). Finally the Court held that even if some provisions were unconstituitonally ovеrbroad, the entire statute would not be invalidated since the remainder of the statute covered a whole range of easily identifiable and constitutionally proscribable partisan conduct on the part of federal employees, and the extent to which pure expression was impermissibly *338 threatened did not make the statute substantially overbroad and thus invalid on its face.
In
Broadrick,
state employees, charged with actively participating in
partisan
political activities in violation of an Oklahoma statute patterned after the Hatch Act, challenged the statute’s validity on the grounds of vagueness and overbreadth.
6
The Supreme Court held that the statute was clearly constitutional as applied to the conduct with which the employees were charged, i.е., partisan political activity, and further held that because the statute was not “substantially overbroad,” the employees could not challenge the statute on the ground that it might be unconstitutionally applied to others. In so holding the Court noted that the traditional rules of standing were altered in the first amendment area to permit “ ‘attacks on overly broad statutes with no requirement that the person making the attack demonstrate that his own conduct could not be regulated by a statute drawn with the requisite narrow specificity.’ ”
Id.
at 612,
“It remains a ‘matter of no little difficulty’ to determine when a law may properly be held void on its face and when ‘such summary action’ is inappropriate, (citation omitted.) But the plain import of our cases is, at the very least, that facial overbreadth adjudication is *339 an exception to our traditional rules of practice and that its function, a limited one at the outset, attenuates as the otherwise unprotected behavior that it forbids the State to sanction moves from ‘pure speech’ toward conduct * * * . To put the matter another way, particularly where conduct and nоt merely speech is involved, we believe that the overbreadth of a statute must not only be real, but substantial as well, judged in relation to the statute’s plainly legitimate sweep. It is our view that §818 is not substantially overbroad and that whatever overbreadth may exist should be cured through case-by-case analysis of the fact situations to which its sanctions, assertedly, may not be applied.” Id. at 615-16,93 S. Ct. at 2917-18 ,37 L. Ed. 2d at 842 .
In determining that the statute was not substantially over-broad, the Court relied on prior interpretations by the state’s Attorney General and the state Personnel Board that restricted the scope of the statute to “partisan political activity.”
The defendant’s reliance on these two cases raises several issues. The first question is whether defendant has standing to challenge the charter provisions on the ground that they are overly broad. The District Court in
Magill
v.
Lynch,
The second issue is whether the partisan/nonpartisan distinction is pivotal in determining whether a provision restricting the political activities of public employees is overbroad. Strictly speaking, the Supreme Court in
Broadrick
and
Letter Carriers
did not hold that restrictions on the nonpartisan political activities of public employees were unconstitutional, but simply upheld restrictions on partisan political activities, since in both cases, the statutes involved, either as written or as previously interpreted, applied only to partisan political activities. However, other courts have found this distinction critical, holding that while restrictions on public employees’ partisan political activities are constitutionally valid, restrictions on nonpartisan political activities are unconstitutional, and thus, restrictions failing to distinguish between the two are over-broad.
See, e.g., Alderman
v.
Philadelphia Housing Auth.,
The essential question in cases of this type is whether the government has a compelling interest in restricting the political activities of its employees and whether the restriction is narrowly drawn to achieve this purpose. Applying this analysis, several courts, while recognizing the infringement on first amendment rights, have nonetheless upheld prohibitions against dual position-holding that were
not
restricted to partisan offices.
State ex rel. Gonzales
v.
Manzagol,
Furthermore, in several cases in which prohibitions against candidacy for both partisan or nonpartisan office were upheld, the prohibitions aрplied only to specific positions, and thus were narrowly drawn.
Alex
v.
County of Los Angeles,
Thus, while we believe there would be a compelling governmental interest warranting more narrowly drawn restrictions on dual position-holding, the present charter provisions encompass too broad a scope because they prohibit all city employees from holding any elective office, including partisan and nonpаrtisan, state, federal and local elective office. 8 For example, an out-of-state resident, employed by the city of Woonsocket, who holds elective office in the state or city where he resides, must, under these charter provisions, resign or forfeit his employment with the city. Yet the city’s interest in so restricting him appears minimal. 9 It cannot be shown that the well-being of the municipal government requires all of the prohibitions of the present charter provisions. Consequently, we hold that these charter provisions are unconstitutional because of overbreadth. 10
The defendant’s appeal is sustained and the judgment appealed from is reversed.
*343 Mr. Justice Doris, with whom Mr. Justice Pаolino joins, concurring in part, dissenting in part. I concur with the majority in their holding as to points I, II, III and IV. However, I respectfully dissent from their conclusion as to point V.
The majority state that the first amendment protects freedom of political expression and the right of public employees to run for office. I am in complete agreement with this position.
Broadrick
v.
Oklahoma,
Most of the cases cited by the majority in support of its conclusion that there is a first amendment right at issue in this casе actually involve a proscription against running for office while holding a position of public employment. Such a situation, where mere candidacy is outlawed, is quite different from the one before us. It involves a much more extensive prohibition and is likely to have a significantly greater “chilling effect” on an employee’s right to engage in political expression. Thus, the fact that such a prohibition may run afoul of the first amendment is not determinative of the question at bar.
*344
Furthermore, there is no doubt that the more an activity partakes of the characteristics of “pure speech,” the more likely it is that it will be accorded first amendment protections, and, likewise, the more an activity resembles conduct, the less likely that it will be accorded such protection.
Broadrick
v.
Oklahoma, supra
at 617,
In addition to cases dealing with restrictions on
running
for office, the majority also cite cases which they say have implicitly “recognized * * * that restrictions on dual position-holding involve first amendment rights.”
Ante
at p. 11, citing
Lay
v.
City of Kingsport,
First of all, in none of them was the restriction in question held to be in violation of the first amendment. Therefore, any language in those cases which could be construed as supporting a constitutional right to hold office is less persuasive than it would be if the courts had actually found an infringement of free speech.
Moreover, it is far from clear to me that any of those courts even explicitly say that there is a first amendment right to hold office. In
Lay,
the court affirmed a three-judge
*345
District Court ruling which dismissed an employee’s first amendment claim on the ground that no substantial federal question was presented. In
Manzagol,
although the court quoted extensively from
Broadrick,
it did not state that there was a first amendment right to hold office. In any case, the particular statute considered there prohibited any employee from being “a
candidate
for nomination or election to any paid office.”
State ex rel. Gonzales
v.
Yanoshak, supra
at 233,
By contrast, in
Wilson
v.
Moore,
Accordingly, I would uphold the constitutional validity of the charter on the ground that the first amendment does not guarantee the right to hold an elective office. In view of this, I would not reach the issue of the possible overbreadth of the charter рrovision in question. 1
*346 Of course this is merely an example of the type of harm that the charter provision seeks to prevent. It is certainly not the province of the judiciary to impose its judgment as to what harm can or should be addressed by local, independent municipalities, unless they run afoul of constitutional directives. Since I do not believe that the charter provisions in question restrict first amendment freedoms, I would deny the appeal and sustain the judgment of the Superior Court upholding the charter provisions.
Furthermore, I think that the charter provision is rational both in its goals and in its approach to those goals. There is no question that the city of Woonsocket has a strong compеlling interest in promoting both the integrity and the loyalty of its employees. In doing so, it has chosen the approach of forbidding its employees from dual office holding. This seems to me to be a rational prophylactic designed to prevent Woonsocket city employees from having divided loyalties.
The application of this provision is particularly clear in the defendant’s case. As both a state legislator and a teacher in the local school system, the defendant might be placed in a position where his personal interests as a teacher conflicted with his duty as a legislator (not to mention conflicts in time requirements). He might also be subject to any variety of local pressures, since the state Legislature is the ultimate authority in the field of education, controlling the purse strings and the overall deportment of the local schools *347 even including the power to abolish local school committees. The abuse of political power that could occur in such a situation is limitless and the citizens of Woonsocket and the General Assembly have the right to proscribe such activity.
Notes
In
Opinion to the House of Representatives,
The test for determining whether positions are incompatible was clearly enunciated in
State ex rel. Metcalf
v.
Goff,
“[incompatibility does not depend upon the incidents of the offices, as upon physical inability to be engaged in the duties of both at the same time.
.< * * * ^}16 tgst 0f incompatibility is the character and relation of the offices: as where one is subordinate to the other, and subject in some degree to its revisory power; or where the functions of the two offices are inherently inconsistent and repugnant.”
We have also held that a conflict of interest as distinguished from one of duties does not create an incompatibility,
McCabe
v.
Kane,
In the instant case, since there is no inherent inconsistency or repugnancy between the duties of a public school teacher and a state senator, the question is whether the character and relation of each to the other are such as to make the position of public school teacher subordinate to the Legislature. McCabe v. Kane, supra. Although the Legislature has plenary power over education, we cannot conclude that such power renders the position of public school teacher subordinate to the Legislature. The Legislature’s power is state-wide; local control is exercised by the school committees of the towns and cities. It is the local school committee which supervises, hires and dismisses its teachers. Thus, the Legislature’s control over an individual school teacher is extremely attenuated and indirect. As a result, we conclude that the positions of school teacher and state senator are not incompatible.
The court in
Wilson
v.
Moore,
But see Magill v. Lynch,
Several of the employees had been or wanted to be candidates for public office in partisan elections.
A portion of the Oklahoma statute provided: “No employee in the classified service shall be * * * a candidate for nomination or election to any paid public office * * (Emphasis added.) Okla. Stat. Ann., tit. 74, §818 (1965).
Moreover, the First Circuit Court of Appeals in
Magill
v. Lynch, No. 76-1532 (1st Cir., July 1, 1977), while finding that the plaintiffs’ candidacy for nonpartisan city office could be constitutionally proscribed, remanded the case to the District Court to give plaintiffs an opportunity to show that the restriction was “substantially overbroad.” Thus, it is evident that they adopted the test enunciated in
Broadrick
v.
Oklahoma,
In Magill v. Lynch, No. 76-1532 (1st Cir., filed July 1, 1977), the court remanded the case for consideration of the plaintiffs’ overbreadth claim because this issue had not been addressed in the lower court case. However, we do not remand in the instant case, because the issue of overbreadth was the precise issue raised below, and the city failed to meet its burden of showing that these restrictions served a compelling governmental interest and were narrowly drawn.
However, a charter provision prohibiting city employees from holding office in the same city might be sufficiently narrow.
And, since we find that the charter provisions are substantially overbroad, we also find that the defendant has standing.
I note here, however, that with respect to the overbreadth issue, I fail to see the relevance of the majority’s extended discussion of the partisan-nonpartisan distinction. That issue relates to situations where the goal is to restrict the involvement of public employees in political activity such as, for example, in the Hatch Act. It is argued that such a goal may be achieved simply by outlawing participation in par *346 tisan activities only, since nonpartisan activities will not enmesh employees in the political process.
In this case, though, there is no restriction on political activity whatsoever. So far as the charter is concerned, the employee could even be chairman of his party without any problem. It is not the evils of partisan politics that the charter is intended to remedy, but potential conflicts of interest. This being the case, I do not see the point of suggesting, as the majority does, that the charter provision would be acceptable if it were limited to partisan elections. Conflicts may occur just as easily in nonpartisan elective posts as in partisan elective positions. The distinction is not relevant here.
