24 Gratt. 624 | Va. | 1873
delivered the opinion of the court.
Doctor J. S. Dorsay Cullen was sent before the grand jury of the Hustings court of the city of Richmond to ' give evidence on behalf of the Commonwealth on au indictment charging John S. Meredith, William L. Royall, William R. Trigg and William B. Tabb with the murder of John B. Mordecai, as principals, in the second degree, and accessories before the fact, the actual killing being charged to have been accomplished by W. Page McCarty. When Dr. Cullen appeared before the grand jury the following question was propounded to him: “ State all you know in regard to a duel alleged to have taken place on the 9th day of May last, near Oakwood, between W. Page McCarty and John B. Mordecai?” Dr. Cullen declined to make any disclosure on the subject to the grand jury, saying to them in substance as follows: ■“I must decline to answer the question because my answer thereto will criminate myself.” The witness was then brought before the Hustings court, and still insisting on his right to decline to answer, that court, after hearing testimony, ordered the witness to answer the question. He again declined for the reason already stated; whereupon the Hustings court adjudged him guilty of a contempt, imposed on him a fine of fifty dollars, and ordered him to be imprisoned for one day.
To that judgment Dr. Cullen applied for and obtained a writ of error and supersedeas from one of the judges of this court, on which the case is now before us. The question is, was Dr. Cullen guilty of a contempt of the Hustings court in refusing, for the reason stated by him, to make the disclosure called for by the grand jury and ordered by the court?
It is insisted by his counsel that he was not, because he
The right to refuse to answer such questions before any judicial tribunal was the well-3ettled law of England long before the separation of the American colonies from the mother country; but the State of Virginia, ever foremost in proclaiming principles of personal liberty and security, -and providing safeguards to individual rights, was unwilling, when she assumed the attitude of an independent and sovereign State, to leave this great principle and -others of kindred character subject, as at common law, to the mutations of legislative will or to the hazard of judicial discretion. She therefore thought proper, as far back as June 12th, 1776, and prior to the declaration of independence, when forming her own State Constitution, to make a solemn declaration of the rights of the good people of Virginia, “which rights do pertain to them and their posterity as the basis and foundation of government.” And we find that by the 8th section of that declaration it is provided as follows:
“ That in all capital or criminal -prosecutions, a man hath a right to demand the cause and nature of his accusation, to be confronted with the accusers and witnesses, to eall for evidence in his favor, and to a speedy trial by .an impartial j ury of his vicinage, without whose unanimous consent he cannot be found guilty; nor can he be -COMPELLED TO GIVE EVIDENCE AGAINST HIMSELF; that no man be deprived of his liberty, except by the law of the land or the judgment of his peers.”
This section was framed nearly one hundred years .ago by “men of the days gone by.” It was framed for
But were this otherwise — were it, in fact, obvious that the primary and strictly grammatical sense of the words and structure of the sentence would lead to the restricted construction contended for, yet, when we consider the-time and circumstances under which that declaration was promulged, and the character and purposes of the-men who made it, we revolt instinctively from a conclusion “so lame and impotent,” and are of opinion that it was intended to be and is, in effect, a complete protection to the citizen against self-accusation — a broad and catholic declaration that he shall not, before any tribunal or in any proceeding, be compelled to give evidence which, on a prosecution against himself, would tend to criminate him; and of this protection, in a proper case for its-application, he cannot be deprived by legislation.
We are fortified in the liberal construction we have given to this declaration, by the form in which the same-principle was affirmed by the constitutions of other States, which followed in the wake of Virginia, and made-her bill of rights the basis of their own.
Massachusetts, who at that early day evinced a generous rivalry of Virginia in her efforts to declare and vindicate the “rights of man,” announced the principle as follows: “No subject ‘shall’ be compelled to accuse or furnish evidence against himself; ” evidently giving to Virginia’s declaration the broad construction adopted by this-court.
The ninth section of the first bill of rights of Pennsylvania, promulged soon after our own, is a substantial' and almost literal copy of our eighth section, but with this difference, that the clause under consideration, which-is a literal copy of ours, follows a colon, instead of a,
Delaware, after announcing as the fourteenth section of her bill of rights so much of our eighth section as precedes the clause under consideration, in almost the same words makes a distinct section of the principle announced in that clause, slightly modified as follows, viz:
“15. That no man in the courts of common law ought to be compelled to give evidence against himself.”
Maryland divided our eighth section into three separate sections — nineteenth, twentieth and twenty-first— corresponding in substance with the three separate clauses of our eighth section.
The twentieth section is as follows :
“ 20. That no man ought to be compelled to give evidence against himself in a court of common law, or in any other court, but in such cases as have been usually practiced in this State, or may hereafter be directed by the legislature.”
We have referred to these several declarations made in the revolutionary era, and very soon after Virginia’s, as showing the cotemporaneous construction of her declaration by the conventions of other States, all showing that the principle secured by the declaration was announced as a separate and general right.
We have been pointed to the judicial decisions of but two States, Massachusetts and New York, on the ques
The terms of the Yew York constitution are far more restricted than our own. They are as follows: “that no person shall be compelled, in any criminal case, to be a loitness against himself; ” and the argument as to the grammatical sense of the clause was earnestly pressed upon the court.
Judge Denio said, p. 81: “The primary and most obvious sense of the mandate is, that a person prosecuted for a crime shall not be compelled to give evidence on behalf of the prosecution against himself in that case.” But notwithstanding this impression of the j udge as to “ the primary and most obvious sense of the mandate,” he takes no such narrow and restricted view of this grave constitutional safeguard. On the contrary he goes on to say:
“ But there is great force in the argument that constitutional provisions, devised against governmental oppressions, and especially such as may be exercised under the pretence of judicial power, ought to be construed with the utmost liberality, and to be extended so as to accomplish the full object which the author apparently had in view, so far as it can be done consistently with any fair interpretation of the language employed. The mandate that an accused person should not be compelled to give evidence against himself, would fail to secure the whole object intended if a prosecutor might call an accomplice or confederate in a criminal offence, and afterwards use the evidence he might give to procure a conviction on the trial of an indictment against him. If obliged to testify on the trial of the co-offender, to matters which would show his own complicity, it might be said upon a*633 liberal construction of the language that he was com- . . pelled to give evidence against himself ; that is, to give evidence which might be used in a criminal case ° ° himself.” People v. Kelley, 24 N. Y. R., p. 82.
And in closing the view of the court on this branch of the case, he says: “ It is of course competent for the legislature to change any doctrine of the common law; but I think they could not compel a witness to testify, on the trial of another person, to facts which would prove himself guilty of a crime without indemnifying him against the consequences, because, I think, as has been mentioned, that by a legal construction, the Constitution would be found to forbid it.” Ibid, p. 83.
"We approve the reasoning and results of Judge Denio’s opinion, and will add that if such a conclusion ■can be sustained under the very restricted terms of the Yew York Constitution, a fortiori is it proper under the much broader and comprehensive terms of our bill of rights?
This important privilege being thus guaranteed to the citizen by the Constitution, the next question is, is the case before us a proper one for its exercise ?
It is contended by the attorney-general that it is not, because, by the act of October 11th, 1870, entitled “an act to amend and re-enact section 1, chap. 12, of the Code of Virginia, (1860) with regard to duelling,” it is enacted, among other things, as follows: “ Every person who may have been the bearer of such challenge or acceptance, or otherwise engaged or concerned in any duel, may be required in any prosecution against any person but himself, for having fought or aided or abetted in such duel, to testify as a witness in such prosecution; but any statement made by such person, as such witness, shall not be used against him in any prosecution against him
Ve sympathise fully with the legislature in their efforts-to suppress the barbarous and anti-Christian practice of' duelling. Having its origin in false pride and a mistaken sense of honor, and upheld and sanctioned to a certain extent by a vicious public sentiment, the practice-has lingered in the Southern States much longer than it should have done, although condemned alike by the laws-of God and man ; and notwithstanding it has cost our country the lives of some of her noblest sons. "We-would gladly see it forever banished from our land. The practice is cruel in the extreme, and is founded neither in morals nor in reason, nor in common sense. It has-been well and truly said that it proves nothing, except that the parties, as is commonly the case with male animals, are willing to fight. It not unfrequently results in the-death of one or both of the combatants, and the question which called them to the field of honor (so called) remains-unsettled and is adjourned forever, leaving, quite as often, as otherwise, the injured party the victim and the wrongdoer triumphant. Nothing could be more unsatisfactory and unreasonable, and, as we have already said, we sympathise fully with the legislature in their efforts to suppress so baneful a practice. But we should ever be careful, whilst endeavoring to suppress a great evil, that' we do not ourselves fall into the error of committing a great wrong; not to do wrong that good may-come of it; not to invade the constitutional right of the the citizen. ’We are very reluctantly drawn to the conclusion that such is the effect of the act in question;. that it would deprive the witness of his constitutional
The privilege claimed in this case is one, as we have seen, which was not only allowed hy the courts, but which for near a century has been carefully guaranteed by the Constitution. Whether such constitutional privilege can be taken away by the legislature at all, on any terms of indemnity, is a question not necessary to be now decided. But we are all clearly of opinion that before it can be taken away there must be absolute indemnity provided, and that nothing short of complete amnesty to the witness — an absolute wiping out of the offence as to him, so that he can no longer be prosecuted for it — will furnish that indemnity. We do not think the act of assembly referred to furnishes such indemnity. It only provides that the “statement” made by the witness shall not be used against him in a ¡prosecution against himself. How, it is apparent that, without using one word of that statement, the attorney for the Commonwealth might in many cases, and in a case like the present inevitably would, be led by the testimony of the-witness to means and sources .of information which might result in criminating himself. This would be to deprive him of his privilege without indemnity.
We are of opinion, therefore, that the act of assembly aforesaid, failing to afford complete indemnity, does not deprive the plaintiff in error of his constitutional privilege.
But it is further contended that the plaintiff in error was not entitled to claim the privilege in this case, because the court could see from the testimony that his answer to the question propounded would not tend tocriminate him at all. Without deciding whether in this case it was or was not proper for the court to go into-
Dut it has been earnestly argued that this is not a proper case to recognize the privilege, because the witness "lias already made elsewhere a full and voluntary disclosure of the facts, and that nothing he could now say would do more to criminate him than has been done .already by that statement. Conceding this to be so, we are by no means prepared to say that it answers the ■claim of the witness to his pi’ivilege. If, as we have "held to be the case, a full disclosure of the facts might
But however that may be, it is utterly impossible for any court to know in advance what additional facts, tending to criminate the witness, might not be elicited by a rigid and searching examination by learned counsel. Indeed, a mere repetition on oath of .the same facts would of itself, as corroborative evidence, tend to criminate him; and we think it would be equivalent to a denial of the privilege altogether to expose the witness to the hazard of such examination.
It is contended in the last place that the witness has lost his privilege by waiver; that he has already made a full and voluntary disclosure of the facts before the coroner when holding an inquest over the dead body of the deceased, and was thereby precluded from thereafter asserting his privilege of refusal to answer.
We entertain no doubts that a witness may waive his privilege, whether secured to him by the Constitution or otherwise, on the familiar principle that a man may always waive a provision made for his benefit. But the waiver of such a privilege as we are now considering, must always be made understanding^ and willingly, and generally after being fully warned by the court. In 1 Greenleaf Ev., § 451, we are told that whether the
The result is, that in refusing to answer the interrogatory propounded, Dr. Cullen was exercising a privilege secured to him by the Constitution, and was not guilty of a contempt of court.
Judgment of Hustings court reversed and cause remanded, with instructions to allow the witness his privilege of declining to make the disclosure called for, if insisted on by him.
Moncure, P., dissented.
.Judgment reversed.