Lead Opinion
In 1993, Congress enacted a statute regulating the service of homosexual persons in the United States military. 10 U.S.C. § 654 (2007)(the Act). The Act, known as “Don’t Ask, Don’t Tell,” provides for the separation of members of the military who engage, attempt to engage, intend to engage, or have a propensity to engage in a homosexual act. Id. § 654(b). In the aftermath of this congressional action, several members of the military brought constitutional challenges, claiming the Act violated the due process and equal protection components of the Fifth Amendment and the free speech clause of the First Amendment. These challenges were rejected in other circuits. See Able v. United States,
In 2003, the United States Supreme Court invalidated, on substantive due process grounds, two convictions under a Texas law criminalizing sodomy between consenting homosexual adults. Lawrence v. Texas,
I. Statutory and Regulatory Scheme
We begin by summarizing the statutory framework and the accompanying Department of Defense (Department) directives. During the 1992 campaign, President Clinton, preceding his first election, promised to revisit the longstanding Department policy of separating homosexual individuals from military service. After taking office, President Clinton directed the Secretary of Defense to review Department policy, and Congress undertook its own review.
As part of the congressional review, then-Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, Colin Powell, in testimony explicitly adopted by the Senate Armed Services Committee, explained the rationale for the policy of separating certain homosexual
It is very difficult in a military setting, where you don’t get a choice of association, where you don’t get a choice of where you live, to introduce a group of individuals who are proud, brave, loyal, good Americans, but who favor a homosexual lifestyle, and put them in with heterosexuals who would prefer not to have somebody of the same sex find them sexually attractive, put them in close proximity and ask them to share the most private facilities together, the bedroom, the barracks, latrines, and showers. I think that this is a very difficult problem to give the military. I think it would be prejudicial to good order and discipline to try to integrate that in the current military structure.
S.Rep. No. 103-112 at 283 (1993).
Congress’ review culminated in the passage of the Act. See National Defense Authorization Act for Fiscal Year 1994, Pub.L. No. 103-160, 107 Stat. 1547 § 571, codified at 10 U.S.C. § 654. The Act opens with a series of findings that echo General Powell’s concerns: “military life is fundamentally different from civilian life;” “[sjuccess in combat requires military units that are characterized by high morale, good order and discipline, and unit cohesion;” and “the presence in the armed forces of persons who demonstrate a propensity or intent to engage in homosexual acts would create an unacceptable risk to the high standards of morale, good order and discipline, and unit cohesion that are the essence of military capability.” See 10 U.S.C. § 654(a).
To avoid the risk to unit cohesion created by the continued service of those who are likely to engage in a homosexual act, the Act provides that members of the military are subject to separation from service where one of three findings is made: (1) the member has engaged or attempted to engage in a homosexual act;
If a finding is made that a member of the military has engaged or attempted to engage in a homosexual act, the member may avoid separation by establishing that: (1) the conduct was a departure from the member’s usual and customary behavior; (2) such conduct is unlikely to recur; (3) such conduct was not accomplished by use of force, coercion, or intimidation; (4) under the particular circumstances of the case, the member’s continued presence in the military is consistent with the interests of the military in proper discipline, good order, and morale; and (5) the member does not have a propensity or intent to engage in a future homosexual act. Id. § 654(b)(l)(A)-(E). Similarly, a member found to have stated, in effect, that he or she is homosexual, may avoid separation by demonstrating “that he or she is not a person who engages in, attempts to engage in, has a propensity to engage in, or intends to engage in a homosexual act.” Id. § 654(b)(2).
Pursuant to authority granted by the Act, the Department issued directives for executing separation proceedings. The directives recite the three reasons under the Act for separation and provide that a member’s statement that he or she is a homosexual “creates a rebuttable pre
II. The Complaint and Motion to Dismiss
The plaintiffs are twelve former members of the United States military who were separated from service under the Act. The plaintiffs’ complaint asserted the following claims: (1) the Act violates the plaintiffs’ right to substantive due process on its face and as applied; (2) the Act denies the plaintiffs equal protection of the law on the basis of sexual orientation; and (3) the portion of the Act that triggers separation proceedings based on a member’s statement that he or she is homosexual violates the right to freedom of speech.
The government moved to dismiss the plaintiffs’ complaint under Fed.R.Civ.P. 12(b)(6). The government also contended that the plaintiffs’ due process and equal protection claims failed because the Act was subject only to rational basis review, and Congress’ “unit cohesion” justification sufficed to sustain the law under this standard as a matter of law. It also argued that the evidentiary use of a member’s statement that he or she is homosexual to prove that the member has engaged, intends to engage, or has a propensity to engage in a homosexual act does not abridge First Amendment rights.
III. The District Court Opinion
The district court began its analysis by dispatching with the plaintiffs’ as-applied due process challenges. Cook v. Rumsfeld,
Although the complaint alleges that [the Act] is unconstitutional ... as it has been particularly applied to each of [the plaintiffs], their legal reasoning ... make[s] it clear that the constitutional defects they perceive inhere in any application of the policy to homosexual service members, rather than in the particular way the policy might be (or might have been) applied in specific cases. In other words, none of the plaintiffs claim that the policy, if valid in general, was misapplied in his or her particular case to result in separation when a proper application of the policy would have allowed him or her to remain in service. Rather, their objections ... are that the policy was applied, not how it was applied. This is classically a facial challenge to the statute, and their arguments will be evaluated with that understanding.
Id. at 390 (emphases supplied).
The district court then turned to the plaintiffs’ facial challenges, beginning with the due process and equal protection claims. Id. at 391-407. The court believed that the success of these claims hinged primarily on the level of scrutiny that applies after Lawrence. Id. at 393. The court closely analyzed Lawrence and determined that the Supreme Court employed rational basis review to invalidate the convictions under the Texas law against homosexual sodomy. The court, thus, concluded that Lawrence did not al
Finally, the district court rejected the plaintiffs’ First Amendment challenge. Id. at 407-08. The court noted that the Act does not make a member’s statement that he or she is a homosexual a basis for separation; rather separation is mandated only where there has been homosexual conduct or a demonstration of a propensity or intent to engage in such conduct. Id. at 407. Based on this understanding, the court concluded that the Act merely provides for the “evidentiary use” of a member’s statement regarding sexual orientation and that such use does not violate the First Amendment. Id. at 408.
Having concluded that all of the plaintiffs’ claims failed as a matter of law, the district court dismissed the complaint with prejudice and entered a final judgment. Id. at 410. The plaintiffs appealed.
IV. Standard of Review
We review a district court’s grant of a motion to dismiss de novo, accepting the complaint’s well-pleaded facts as true and indulging all reasonable inferences in the plaintiffs favor. SFW Arecibo, Ltd. v. Rodriguez,
V. Discussion
On appeal, the plaintiffs challenge all aspects of the district court’s ruling. They contend that the district court incorrectly dismissed their substantive due process and equal protection claims because the court misunderstood Lawrence to mandate a rational basis standard of review, rather than some form of heightened judicial scrutiny.
In addition, the plaintiffs dispute the district court’s ruling that they did not present as-applied due process and equal protection challenges. Finally, they posit that they sufficiently pleaded a First Amendment challenge to the portion of the Act that triggers separation proceeding based on a member’s statement of sexual identity because such a statement is a form of protected speech that is punished by the Act.
A. Due Process
We agree with the parties and the district court that interpreting Lawrence is the critical first step in evaluating the plaintiffs’ substantive due process claim. Prior to Lawrence, the courts of appeals, relying on the Supreme Court’s holding in Bowers v. Hardwick,
It has long been held that, despite their name, the due process clauses of the Fifth and Fourteenth Amendments “guarantee[ ] more than fair process.” Troxel v. Granville,
The Supreme Court acts with “caution and restraint” when classifying a particular liberty interest as triggering substantive due process protection, Moore v. City of E. Cleveland,
In Glucksberg, the Supreme Court cata-logued the following “liberty interests” as “specially protected” by the due process clause: the right to marry; to have children; to direct the education of one’s children; to enjoy marital privacy; to use contraception; to maintain bodily integrity; to choose to have an abortion; and to refuse unwanted medical treatment. Glucksberg,
In Lawrence, the Court considered a substantive due process challenge to two criminal convictions under a Texas statute criminalizing homosexual sodomy. Id. at 564,
Lawrence addressed this question by considering a line of Supreme Court au
Lawrence used these precedents as the launching point for its critique of Bowers. In Bowers, the Court rejected a due process challenge to a Georgia statute similar to the one challenged in Lawrence. Lawrence,
To say that the issue in Bowers was simply the right to engage in certain sexual conduct demeans the claim the individual [in Bowers ] put forward, just as it would demean a married couple were it to be said that marriage is simply about the right to have sexual intercourse. The laws involved in Bowers and here are, to be sure, statutes that purport to do no more than prohibit a particular sexual act. Their penalties and purposes, though, have more far-reaching consequences, touching upon the most private human conduct, sexual behavior, and in the most private of places, the home. The statutes do seek to control a personal relationship that whether or not entitled to formal recognition in law, is within the liberty of persons to choose ...
Id. at 566-67,
After identifying this analytical flaw in Bowers, the Lawrence Court observed:
[A]dults may choose to enter [into personal relationships] in the confines of their homes and their own private lives and still retain their dignity as free persons. When sexuality finds overt expression in intimate conduct with another person, the conduct can be but one element in a personal bond that is more enduring. The liberty protected by the Constitution allows homosexual persons the right to make this choice.
Id. at 567,
Placing the final nail in Bowers’ coffin, the Lawrence Court quoted from Justice Stevens’ Bowers dissent that “ ‘individual decisions by married persons, concerning the intimacies of their physical relationship, even when not intended to produce offspring, are a form of liberty protected by the Due Process Clause. Moreover, this protection extends to intimate choices by unmarried as well as married persons.’ ” Id. at 578,
Having dispatched with Bowers, the Court turned to analyze the constitutionality of the convictions under the Texas statute:
The present case does not involve minors. It does not involve persons who might be injured or coerced or who are situated in relationships where consent might not easily be refused. It does not involve public conduct or prostitution. It does not involve whether the government must give formal recognition to any relationship that homosexual persons seek to enter. The case does involve two adults who, with full and mutual consent from each other, engaged in sexual practices common to a homosexual lifestyle. The petitioners are entitled to respect for their private lives. The State cannot demean their existence or control their destiny by making their private sexual conduct a crime. Their right to liberty under the Due Process Clause gives them the full right to engage in their conduct without intervention from government. “It is a promise of the Constitution that there is a realm of personal liberty which the government may not enter.” The Texas statute furthers no legitimate state interest which can justify its intrusion into the personal and private life of the individual.
Id. (quoting Planned Parenthood of Southeastern Pa. v. Casey,
Courts and commentators interpreting Lawrence diverge over the doctrinal approach employed to invalidate the petitioners’ convictions. Some have read Lawrence to apply a rational basis approach.
There are at least four reasons for reading Lawrence as recognizing a protected liberty interest. First, Lawrence relies on the following due process cases for doctrinal support: Griswold, Eisenstadt, Roe, Carey, and Casey.
Second, the language employed throughout Lawrence supports the recognition of a protected liberty interest. Lawrence associated the right at issue with the core constitutional rights of “freedom of thought, belief, and expression,” rights which undoubtedly mandate special protection under the Constitution. Id. at 563,
Third, in overruling Bowers, Lawrence relied on Justice Stevens’ Bowers dissent as stating the controlling principles. ■ Id. at 578,
Finally, if Laurrence had applied traditional rational basis review (the appropriate standard if no protected liberty interest was at stake, see e.g., Medeiros,
Taking into account the precedent relied on by Lawrence, the tenor of its language, its special reliance on Justice Stevens’ Bowers dissent, and its rejection of morality as an adequate basis for the law in question, we are convinced that Lawrence recognized that adults maintain a protected liberty interest to engage in certain “consensual sexual intimacy in the home.” The district court, relying on cases from other circuits, read Lawrence as applying rational basis review. We, however, do not find any of the four primary reasons supporting this view persuasive. See Muth v. Frank,
First, the argument has been made that Lawrence nowhere explicitly stated that the right at issue was “fundamental” and therefore the opinion cannot be read as recognizing a fundamental right under the due process clause. See Cook,
Second, it has been maintained that Lawrence could not have identified a protected liberty interest because the Supreme Court did not engage in a thorough analysis of the “Nation’s history and tradition” as required under Glucksberg. Muth,
Moreover, to the extent that Lawrence did not adhere to the Glucksberg approach of locating the right to private, consensual adult intimacy in the Nation’s history and tradition, it explicitly disavowed the exclusivity of this approach. See Lawrence,
[W]e think that our laws and traditions in the past half century are of most relevance here. These references show an emerging awareness that liberty gives substantial protection to adult persons in deciding how to conduct their private lives in matters pertaining to sex.
Id. at 571-72,
Third, it has been suggested that the Lawrence majority’s refusal to respond to Justice Scalia’s Lawrence dissent, in which he argued that the majority had not recognized a protected liberty interest, indicates that the majority agreed with the dissent’s analysis. See Sylvester v. Fogley,
This is a possible explanation for the majority’s silence, but it is not the only explanation. It is equally possible that the Lawrence majority believed that the text of its opinion stood for itself and that there was little to be gained by debating Justice Scalia on this point. Cf. Cent. Bank of Denver N.A. v. First Interstate Bank of Denver N.A.,
Finally, it has been claimed that Lawrence’s conclusion that “[t]he Texas statute furthers no legitimate state interest which can justify its intrusion into the personal and private life of the individual” indicates that Lawrence did not recognize a protected liberty interest. Sylvester,
To say, as we do, that Lawrence recognized a protected liberty interest for adults to engage in consensual sexual intimacy in the home does not mean that the Court
applied strict scrutiny to invalidate the convictions. Several pre-Lawrence cases that have recognized protected liberty interests did not mandate that the challenged law be “narrowly tailored to serve a compelling state interest” — the strict scrutiny standard. For example, in Sell v. United States,
Lawrence is, in our view, another in this line of Supreme Court authority that identifies a protected liberty interest and then applies a standard of review that lies between strict scrutiny and rational basis. In invalidating the convictions, the Lawrence Court determined that there was no legitimate state interest that was adequate to “justify” the intrusion on liberty worked by the law.
Having defined the nature of the constitutional review mandated by Lawrence, we now consider whether the plaintiffs’ facial due process challenge to the Act can survive a motion to dismiss.
“A facial challenge to a legislative Act is, of course, the most difficult challenge to mount successfully, since the challenger must establish that no set of circumstances exists under which the Act would be valid. The fact that [an Act] might operate unconstitutionally under some conceivable set of circumstances is insufficient to render it wholly invalid.... ” United States v. Salerno,
The plaintiffs’ facial challenge fails. Lawrence did not identify a protected liberty interest in all forms and manner of sexual intimacy. Lawrence recognized only a narrowly defined liberty interest in adult consensual sexual intimacy in the confines of one’s home and one’s own private life. Lawrence,
The plaintiffs’ as-applied challenge, on the other hand, presents a more difficult question. The plaintiffs point out that the Act could apply to some conduct that falls within the zone of protected liberty identified by Lawrence. The Act, for example, could cover homosexual conduct occurring off base between two consenting adults in the privacy of their home.
The Supreme Court has articulated essentially two reasons for this deference. The first involves institutional competence. The Court has remarked:
It is difficult to conceive of an area of governmental activity in which courts have less competence. The complex, subtle, and professional decisions as to the composition, training, equipping and control of a military force are essentially professional military judgments, subject always to civilian control of the Legislative and Executive Branches.
Gilligan v. Morgan,
The second relates to the constitutional power of Congress to “raise and support armies and to make all laws necessary and proper to that end.” United States v. O’Brien,
It is unquestionable that judicial deference to congressional decision-making in the area of military affairs heavily influences the analysis and resolution of constitutional challenges that arise in this context. The Court’s examination of the equal protection challenge leveled in Rost-ker provides an example. That case concerned a statute that required only males to register for selective service. The lower court had invalidated the statute as unlawful gender discrimination. 453 U.S.
The Court’s treatment of First Amendment and Due Process challenges brought in this area similarly manifests this deference to congressional judgment. In Parker v. Levy,
Fully apprised of the constraints on our constitutional inquiry when considering constitutional challenges in the military context, we now examine both the process by which Congress passed the Act and the rationale Congress advanced for it.
Congress’ process for developing the Act was involved and it included sustained consideration of the Act’s necessity and its impact on constitutional rights. After President Clinton was inaugurated, he directed the Secretary of Defense to submit a draft Executive Order “ending discrimination on the basis of sexual orientation in determining who may serve in the Armed Services.” Memorandum on Ending Discrimination in the Armed Forces, 1 Pub. Papers 23 (Jan. 29, 1993). The President instructed the Secretary to consult with the military’s professional leadership and others concerned with the issue. Id. While this review was in progress, an interim policy was imposed that ended the practice of asking new recruits to confirm that they were heterosexual.
Congress quickly intervened. A few weeks after President Clinton was sworn in, Congress passed a provision calling for a review of the military’s approach to homosexuals serving in the military by the Secretary of Defense and the Senate Armed Services Committee. See Pub.L. 103-3 § 601, 107 Stat. 6, 28-29 (1993).
Subsequently, the Department and congressional committees engaged in an exhaustive policy review. The Senate and House Armed Services Committees conducted fourteen days of hearings, heard more than fifty witnesses, and traveled to
While this congressional review was ongoing, the Department conducted its own review. The Department convened a military working group comprised of senior officers, commissioned a RAND Corporation study, studied the history of the military’s response to social change, and consulted legal experts.
In July 1993, President Clinton announced a new policy for the service of homosexuals in the military. Under the policy, applicants for military service would not be asked their sexual orientation but, once inducted into service, a member could be separated for homosexual conduct. 1 Pub. Papers 1111 (July 19, 1993).
A few weeks after the President’s announcement, the House and Senate Armed Services Committees proposed to codify the military’s policy. The Senate Report, in support of this effort, stated that the Committee was acting only after it had considered “a wide range of experiences, including those of current and former ser-vicemembers who have publicly identified themselves as gay or lesbian” and after having “carefully considered all points of view.” S. Rep. 103-112 at 270. Similarly, the House Committee reported that its recommendation was based on “an extensive hearing record as well as full consideration of the extended public debate on this issue ...” H.R. Rep. 103-200 at 287 (1993) reprinted in 1993 U.S.C.C.A.N 2073 at 2074. The Senate Report also focused explicitly on the effect that the Act could have on constitutional rights of homosexuals, concluding that “if the Supreme Court should reverse its ruling in Bowers and hold that private consensual homosexual acts between adults may not be prosecuted in civilian society, this would not alter the committee’s judgment as to the effect of homosexual conduct in the armed forces.” S. Rep. 103-112 at 287.
Prior to the enactment of the Act, the full House and Senate debated the measure and considered floor amendments. In particular, each house rejected amendments that would have permitted the military to develop whatever policy it deemed appropriate and would have allowed the Department to resume asking applicants to state their sexual orientation. 139 Cong. Ree. S11168-11228 (Sept. 9, 1993); 139 Cong. Rec. H7084-86 (Sept. 29, 1993). The Act became law in November 1993, and, as stated earlier, the Act expressly identified its purpose as preserving “high standards of morale, good order and discipline, and unit cohesion” in the military. 10 U.S.C. § 654(a)(15).
The circumstances surrounding the Act’s passage lead to the firm conclusion that Congress and the Executive studied the issues intensely and from many angles, including by considering the constitutional rights of gay and lesbian service members. S. Rep. 103-112 at 286-87. Congress ultimately concluded that the voluminous evi-dentiary record supported adopting a policy of separating certain homosexuals from
Acknowledging the government interest identified in this case, one that our deferential posture requires us to take at face value, as-applied challenges to the Act must fail as well.
Here, as in Rostker, there is a detailed legislative record concerning Congress’ reasons for passing the Act. This record makes plain that Congress concluded, after considered deliberation, that the Act was necessary to preserve the military’s effectiveness as a fighting force, 10 U.S.C. § 654(a)(15), and thus, to ensure national security. This is an exceedingly weighty interest and one that unquestionably surpasses the government interest that was at stake in Lawrence. See Lawrence,
Every as-applied challenge brought by a member of the armed forces against the Act, at its core, implicates this interest. Every member of the armed forces has one fact in common — at a moment’s notice he or she may be deployed to a combat area. 10 U.S.C. § 654(a)(ll). The conditions of service in such an area bring into play the animating concerns behind the Act, namely, maintaining the morale and unit cohesion that the military deems essential to an effective fighting force. See 10 U.S.C § 654(a)(12), (15). Accordingly, we have no choice but to dismiss the plaintiffs’ as-applied challenge.
To be sure, deference to Congressional judgment in this area does not mean abdication. Rostker,
B. Equal Protection
In addition to their due process claim, the plaintiffs assert that the Act is unconstitutional under equal protection principles.
In Romer, the Supreme Court invalidated, on equal protection grounds, a Colorado constitutional amendment which prohibited the enactment of any measure designed to protect individuals due to their sexual orientation. The Court analyzed the constitutionality of the amendment through the prism of rational basis, asking whether the classification bore “a rational relation to some legitimate end.” Id. at 631,
Romer, by its own terms, applied rational basis review. The ground for decision was the notion that where “a law is challenged as a denial of equal protection, and all that the government can come up with in defense of the law is that the people who are hurt by it happen to be irrationally hated or irrationally feared, ... it is difficult to argue that the law is rational if ‘rational’ in this setting is to mean anything more than democratic preference.” Milner v. Apfel,
Lawrence does not alter this conclusion. As discussed earlier, Lawrence was a substantive due process decision that recognized a right in all adults, regardless of sexual orientation, to engage in certain intimate conduct. Indeed, the Lawrence Court explicitly declined to base its ruling on equal protection principles, even though that issue was presented. See Lawrence,
As neither Romer nor Lawrence mandate heightened scrutiny of the Act because of its classification of homosexuals, the district court was correct to analyze the plaintiffs’ equal protection claim under the rational basis standard. As stated earlier, an enactment survives this level of scrutiny so long as the “classification drawn by the statute is rationally related to a legitimate state interest.” City of Cleburne, Tex. v. Cleburne Living Ctr.,
The plaintiffs maintain that, even under this standard, their claim survives because they will be able to demonstrate that the Act was based on irrational animus and therefore is invalid under Romer.
In sum, the district court was correct to reject the plaintiffs’ equal protection claim because homosexuals are not a suspect class and the legitimate interests Congress put forward are rationally served by the Act.
C. First Amendment
The plaintiffs’ final challenge attacks the portion of the Act that subjects a member to possible separation for making a statement identifying himself or herself as a homosexual. The plaintiffs assert that they have adequately stated a claim that this aspect of the Act violates the First Amendment because it subjects a member to separation for stating his or her sexual identity.
There is no question that members of the military are engaging in speech when they state their sexual orientation. See Hurley v. Irishr-American Gay & Lesbian & Bisexual Group of Boston, Inc.,
The Act does affect the right of military members to express their sexual orientation by establishing the possibility of adverse consequences from announcing their sexual orientation. But the Act’s purpose is not to restrict this kind of speech. Its purpose is to identify those who have engaged or are likely to engage in a homosexual act as defined by the
The Supreme Court has held that the First Amendment “does not prohibit the evidentiary use of speech to establish” a claim “or to prove motive or intent.” Wisconsin v. Mitchell,
There is no constitutional impediment, ... to the use of speech as relevant evidence of facts that may furnish a permissible basis for separation from military service. No First Amendment concern would arise, for instance, from the discharge of service members for declaring that they would refuse to follow orders, or that they were addicted to controlled substances. Such remarks provide evidence of activity that the military may validly proscribe.
Thomasson,
We think that the Fourth Circuit has correctly analyzed this claim. To the extent that the Act may be constitutionally applied to circumscribe sexual conduct, the First Amendment does not bar the military from using a member’s declaration of homosexuality as evidence of a violation of the Act. We therefore join the other courts that have rejected First Amendment challenges to the Act on this basis. See Holmes,
The plaintiffs argue that, after Lawrence, this analysis is “outmoded.” We disagree. The Act does not punish a member for making a statement regarding sexual orientation; separation from service is mandated only because a member has engaged, intends to engage or has a propensity to engage in a homosexual act. This is still a question concerning conduct (or likely conduct); the member’s speech continues to have only evidentiary significance in making this conduct-focused determination.
Citing Dawson v. Delaware,
Finally, plaintiffs argue that the Act’s rebuttable presumption violates their First Amendment rights. The Act’s rebuttable
the member has stated that he or she is a homosexual or bisexual, or words to that effect, unless there is a further finding, made and approved in accordance with procedures set forth in the regulations, that the member has demonstrated that he or she is not a person who engages in, attempts to engage in, has a propensity to engage in, or intends to engage in homosexual acts.
10 U.S.C. § 654(b)(2) (emphasis added).
The plaintiffs’ attack on the rebuttable presumption is twofold. First, they claim that for homosexual military members, the rebuttable presumption is functionally impossible to rebut. Because they are homosexual within the meaning of section 654(f)(1), they cannot prove that they are not homosexual as section 654(b)(2) effectively requires. Second, the plaintiffs argue that even if section 654(b)(2) did offer a presumption capable of being rebutted by homosexual members, the existence of such a presumption “would still force [them] and other gay and lesbian service members to live in an environment that severely restricts and chills constitutionally protected speech.” We deal with each contention in turn.
Each plaintiff has agreed that he or she is a person who “engages in, attempts to engage in, has a propensity to engage in, or intends to engage in homosexual acts.” 10 U.S.C. § 654(f)(1). Because they admit they fall within section 654(f)(l)’s definition of homosexual, none of them could have proved at a separation proceeding that she or he was not a person who “engages in, attempts to engage in, has a propensity to engage in, or intends to engage in” prohibited conduct because, by definition, they are such a person. See id. In that sense, for a military member who is homosexual as defined by 654(f)(1), the rebuttable presumption would be functionally impossible to rebut.
But that does not mean the Act violates the plaintiffs’ First Amendment rights. As noted earlier, the government may use a member’s statement that he or she is a homosexual as evidence that he or she “engages in, attempts to engage in, has a propensity to engage in, or intends to engage in homosexual acts.” If a person cannot show otherwise, because in fact he or she does engage in or have such a propensity to engage in homosexual conduct, then the military is entitled to separate that person from the service. The military, in that scenario, is not punishing speech but conduct or propensity to engage in conduct.
Moreover, the contention that it is functionally impossible for a gay member to say “I am homosexual” and then rebut the presumption according to the terms of section 654(b)(2) is inaccurate on its face. A member’s personal definition of “homosexuality” may not be coextensive with the Act’s. For example, a person may say he or she is homosexual even though the person does not engage in, attempt to engage in, have a propensity to engage in, or intend to engage in homosexual acts. In that scenario, there is a meaningful opportunity to rebut the presumption. The Ninth Circuit’s opinion in Holmes provides examples.
One female Naval officer admitted to her homosexuality but submitted a statement, in which she stated, inter alia, that she understands the rules against homosexual conduct and intended to obey those rules. Another female Naval officer stated that she was a lesbian but that the statement ‘in no way, was meant to imply [ ] any propensity or*65 intent or desire to engage in prohibited conduct.’
Of course, a situation may arise where a gay member triggers the rebuttable presumption by stating he is gay, proves he is not a person who “engages in, attempts to engage in, has a propensity to engage in, or intends to engage in homosexual acts,” and yet is still separated from service. This member would have an administrative challenge available to him. See 5 U.S.C. § 701. No facts have been plead suggesting such a scenario arose in this case.
We now turn to the plaintiffs’ alternative argument that the rebuttable presumption, even if capable of being rebutted by homosexual military members, chills their First Amendment rights. The plaintiffs suggest that the presumption is content based and thus unconstitutional. The Fourth Circuit rejected a similar argument in Thomasson. It observed:
Whenever a provision prohibits certain acts, it necessarily chills speech that constitutes evidence of the acts. A regulation directed at acts thus inevitably restricts a certain type of speech; this policy is no exception. But effects of this variety do not establish a content-based restriction of speech.
Thomasson,
As we explained, the Act’s purpose is not to restrict military members from expressing their sexual orientation. Its purpose is to identify those who have engaged in or are likely to engage in a homosexual act. The fact that the Act may, in operation, have the effect of chilling speech does not change the analysis. See Ward v. Rock Against Racism,
VI. Conclusion
The constitutional challenges presented in this case are all aimed at a federal statute regulating military affairs. Although the wisdom behind the statute at issue here may be questioned by some, in light of the special deference we grant Congressional decision-making in this area we conclude that the challenges must be dismissed.
We affirm the judgment of the district court. No costs are awarded.
So ordered.
Notes
. The 9th Circuit recently decided Witt v. Dep't of the Air Force,
. Homosexual act means “any bodily contact, actively undertaken or passively permitted, between members of the same sex for the purpose of satisfying sexual desire and any bodily contact which a reasonable person would understand to demonstrate a propensity or intent to engage in [the homosexual act previously described].” 10 U.S.C. § 654(f)(3).
. Where no protected liberty interest is implicated, substantive due process challenges are
. The statute defined deviate sexual conduct as "any contact between any part of the genitals of one person and the mouth or anus of another person; or the penetration of the genitals or the anus of another person with an object.” Tex. Penal Code Ann. § 21.01(1)(2007).
. Sylvester v. Fogley,
. Williams,
.United States v. Marcum,
. The district court did not reach the merits of the plaintiffs’ as-applied due process challenge to the Act. It concluded that, although the plaintiffs tried to plead as-applied challenges, the complaint failed to identify facts showing that the Act was "misapplied” in certain cases. We view differently the necessary factual predicate for an as-applied constitutional challenge to the Act. A claim that the Act was "misapplied” in a particular case is actionable, if at all, under the Administrative Procedures Act. See Richenberg v. Perry,
. Other examples of the deferential approach the Court has taken when analyzing constitutional challenges in the military context include: Goldman v. Weinberger,
. In Witt, the 9th Circuit resolved an as-applied, post -Lawrence substantive due process challenge to the Act differently then we do here.
. The Fifth Amendment does not contain an equal protection clause but the due process clause has been interpreted to include an equal protection component. See Bolling v. Sharpe,
. The plaintiffs acknowledge that a conclusion that the Act survives rational basis review defeats their facial and as-applied equal protection challenges.
. For the first time on appeal, the plaintiffs contend that a wide variety of expressive activities could trigger discharge proceedings. They argue, "A service member might wave a rainbow flag or wear a pink triangle, or he might state that he opposes 'Don’t Ask, Don't Tell.' Under § 654 ... these possibilities and more could force the service member— whether straight or gay — into discharge proceedings where he must prove that he has no propensity to engage in homosexual conduct.” None of the plaintiffs contend that they were separated from service because they participated in expressive activities. Moreover, the explicit terms of the Act do not indicate that such activities could trigger separation proceedings and the government has stipulated they do not. DOD Directive 1332.414 § E3.A4; DOD Instruction 1332.40 § E8. In any event, we decline to reach this newly raised overbreadth argument on appeal. See Brown v. Hot, Sexy & Safer Productions, Inc.,
Concurrence Opinion
concurring and dissenting.
I concur with the majority opinion regarding the application of Lawrence to the “Don’t Ask, Don’t Tell” statute, 10 U.S.C. § 654 (the “Act”). I also concur with the majority’s discussion of the plaintiffs’ equal protection challenge. However, I respectfully dissent from the discussion of the plaintiffs’ claim that 10 U.S.C. § 654(b)(2)
1. The Claims
Plaintiffs argue that the statement presumption violates the First Amendment in two ways. First, they contend that the presumption is a dead letter in practice because, as applied, “it is functionally impossible for a gay service member to say T am gay’ and then prove that he has no ‘propensity1 to engage in homosexual activity, even if the service member could show a track record of celibacy and an honest intent to refrain from prohibited conduct.” In the plaintiffs’ view, the only way to avoid discharge is to recant their sexual orientation. As such, the statement presumption is allegedly used to punish plaintiffs’ speech concerning their own status as homosexuals.
Second, the plaintiffs argue that the statement presumption is an unconstitutional allocation of the burden of proof, which chills their own speech as well as a whole range of protected expression by both gay and straight service members. The plaintiffs argue that:
The provision’s burden falls on any speaker whose “[ljanguage or behavior” suggests to “a reasonable person” that the person “intended to convey” that he or she is gay. This broad definition could chill a whole range of protected expression: A service member might wave a rainbow flag or wear a pink triangle, or he might state that he opposes “Don’t Ask, Don’t Tell.” Under § 654’s burden-shifting mechanism, these possibilities and more could force the service member — whether straight or gay — into discharge proceedings where he must prove that he has no propensity to engage in homosexual conduct.
(internal citations omitted).
2. Content Neutrality
The starting point for the analysis is the difficult question of whether the statement presumption restricts speech based on its content or viewpoint. I ultimately agree with the majority’s position that the statement presumption is content-neutral, but I believe that the issue is a much closer call.
“The First Amendment generally prevents government from proscribing speech, or even expressive conduct, because of disapproval of the ideas expressed. Content-based regulations are presumptively invalid.” R.AV. v. City of St. Paul,
However, “[a] restriction that on its face appears to be content-based, yet serves another purpose that by itself is not speech restrictive, may be constitutionally permitted.” Able,
Even a content-neutral statute, though, must pass First Amendment muster. A content-neutral regulation is permissible:
if it is within the constitutional power of the Government;
if it furthers an important or substantial governmental interest;
if the governmental interest is unrelated to the suppression of free expression; and
if the incidental restriction on alleged First Amendment freedoms is no greater than is essential to the furtherance of that interest.
Wayte v. United States,
The four circuits that addressed the constitutionality of the Act soon after its passage (and before Lawrence)
The statute does not target speech declaring homosexuality; rather it targets homosexual acts and the propensity or intent to engage in homosexual acts, and permissibly uses the speech as evidence. The use of speech as evidence in this manner does not raise a constitutional issue — “the First Amendment ... does not prohibit the evidentiary use of speech to establish the elements of a crime,” or, as is the case here, “to prove motive or intent.”
Id. at 931 (quoting Wisconsin v. Mitchell,
Two circuits similarly held that the Act and its implementing DoD Directives do not target mere status or speech, but seek to identify and exclude those who are likely to engage in homosexual acts. See Richenberg v. Perry,
In a thoughtful opinion, the Second Circuit in Able v. United States,
Contrary to the district court, we do not believe that, in the context of a facial challenge, we may conclude that the Act equates status with propensity. To be sure, in most cases a member who admits to a homosexual orientation will eventually be separated from the armed forces. But that is because the eviden-tiary value of the admission is strongly linked to what it is used to prove: a likelihood of engaging in homosexual acts. The plaintiffs cannot prove and the district court cannot credibly maintain that there are no instances in which a person will be retained, despite admitting to a homosexual status, because there is no likelihood that he will engage in such acts. The Directives promulgated by the DoD in accordance with the Act specifically contemplate that such an event may occur. See DoD Directive No. 1332.14, end. 3, pt. 1, at H.l.b(2).
Id. at 1298.
As the Supreme Court has held, when it is not clear whether a restriction is content-based or content-neutral, the controlling consideration is the governmental purpose in enacting the legislation. Renton,
While the question is close, I conclude that the statement presumption is better viewed as content-neutral because its primary purpose, as set forth by the government, is to target conduct, not speech. But see Thomasson,
Thus, under the standard that applies to content-neutral restrictions on speech, the critical remaining inquiries are “(1) whether the statement ] presumption furthers a substantial governmental interest, and (2) whether the statement] presumption restricts the plaintiffs’ speech no more than is essential.” Able,
3. Dead Letter
Undaunted by pre-Lawrence case law, the plaintiffs, who all admit they are homosexual within the meaning of Section 654(f)(1),
The government disagrees with plaintiffs’ dead letter theory that the statement presumption is impossible to rebut in practice. The government points out that, although the Act broadly defines homosexual conduct to include a “propensity to engage in” homosexual conduct, 10 U.S.C. § 654(f)(1), the implementing DoD Directives narrowly interpret “propensity to engage in” homosexual conduct to mean “more than an abstract preference or desire to engage in homosexual acts; it indicates a likelihood that a person engages in or will engage in homosexual acts.” DoD Directive No. 1332.14 ¶E2.1.10 (defining “propensity”) (emphasis added); see also
As several courts have pointed out, the line between “propensity” and “orientation” is razor-thin at best. See, e.g., Able,
In my view, if the Act were applied to punish statements about one’s status as a homosexual, it would constitute a content-based speech restriction subject to strict scrutiny. See Meinhold v. U.S. Dep’t of Def.,
It is telling that the government does not contend it has a substantial interest, let alone a compelling one, in separating a service member because of his or her status as a homosexual. Rather, the government protests that it is not punishing homosexual status, and insists that it has an interest only in identifying and proscribing homosexual conduct to further its substantial interest in morale, good order and discipline, and unit cohesion.
As proof that the statement presumption is in fact rebuttable, the government highlights opinions, in particular Able and Holmes, that have found that the statement presumption has been successfully rebutted in the past. See Able,
Finally, the government argues that even if the statement presumption is a dead letter in practice, any misapplication of the presumption can be cured by the availability of administrative review. It may be true that an individual service member may prevail in rebutting the presumption on administrative review short of recanting his status, by stating, for example, that he will refrain from engaging in prohibited homosexual conduct. However, the availability of an administrative remedy does not defeat a First Amendment claim that the government is systematically applying the Act in such a way that it unconstitutionally burdens protected speech. See Califano v. Sanders,
Accordingly, when all reasonable inferences are drawn in their favor, the plaintiffs have alleged a viable cause of action that the burden placed by the government on gay and lesbian service members’ speech is “greater than is essential” to the government’s interest in preventing the occurrence of homosexual acts in the military.
4. Chill
Plaintiffs also argue that the statement presumption is an unconstitutional allocation of the burden of proof, which chills a whole range of protected expression.
Because the plaintiffs have not expressly raised a facial challenge to the statement presumption, I will treat the claim as an as-applied challenge. The majority is correct to state that “[njone of the plaintiffs contend that they were separated from service because they participated in expressive activities.” Op. at 62 n. 13. However, the core of the plaintiffs’ as-applied challenge is that they were chilled from engaging in protected speech, not that they were punished for engaging in such speech.
As a preliminary matter, the government has argued that this alloeation-ofproof challenge to the statement presumption was not raised before the district court, and is therefore waived. While the plaintiffs raised a chilling argument before the district court, they did not raise this precise argument. However, in a First Amendment case, “[ojnce a federal claim is properly presented, a party can make any argument in support of that claim; parties are not limited to the precise arguments they made below.” See Lebron v. Nat’l R.R. Passenger Corp.,
The government contends that the DoD Directives and Issuances specifically carve out protected speech, quoting Directives and Issuances that show that the presumption is not triggered by rumors, suspicions, or capricious claims of others, see DoD Directive No. 1332.14 ¶ E3.A4.1.3.3, or by going to a gay or lesbian bar, possessing or reading homosexual publications, associating with gays and lesbians, or marching in a gay rights parade in civilian clothes. See id. ¶ E3.A4.1.3.3.4; see also S.Rep. No. 103-112, at 292 (1993) (“What the policy recognizes is that heterosexuals, as well as homosexuals, might march in gay rights parades, frequent a gay bar, [and] read gay literature.”).
Citing Parker v. Levy,
While judicial deference is “at its apogee” when legislative action regarding military affairs is challenged, “deference does not mean abdication.” Rostker v. Goldberg,
The Supreme Court has afforded its strongest deference to the military for speech in military settings. See, e.g., Goldman,
The most troubling aspect of the Act’s statement presumption is that it covers purely private speech, and public speech made off base and off duty. By its own terms, the Act is “pervasive” in scope, applies “24 hours [a] day,” and applies even to speech made “off base” and/or “off duty.” See 10 U.S.C. §§ 654(a)(9)-(ll). Thus, as alleged in the complaint, the Act required the discharge of some of the plaintiffs based upon strictly private speech, such as confiding in a friend or words within a letter from a friend or family member. In addition, the amicus brief submitted by the constitutional law professors cites the example of an Arizona state representative who spoke about his homosexuality on the floor of the legislature. After the military discovered the speech through an anonymous complaint and initiated discharge proceedings against the representative, he negotiated a voluntary separation from the Army. See generally Tobias Barrington Wolff, Political Representation and Accountability Under Don’t Ask, Don’t Tell, 89 Iowa L.Rev. 1633, 1644-50 (2004) (providing examples of the Act’s statement presumption being applied to conversations with family members, sessions with chaplains and psychotherapists, and certain public statements).
Plaintiffs argue that the statement presumption, as applied, chills speech because a service member will fear triggering a discharge proceeding, regardless of whether he or she could successfully rebut the presumption. As the Supreme Court explained when striking down a statement presumption in another context, “[t]he man who knows that he must bring forth proof and persuade another of the lawfulness of his conduct necessarily must steer far wider of the unlawful zone than if the State must bear these burdens.” Speiser v. Randall,
In conclusion, the plaintiffs’ burden is a tough one in light of the strong deference owed to Congress and the military seeking to protect unit cohesion. Yet, when all reasonable inferences are drawn in their favor, plaintiffs have made sufficient allegations that the burden that the statement presumption places on speech is greater than is essential, particularly in nonmilitary settings off base and off duty. Thus, I believe that the motion to dismiss should be denied. Because the majority holds otherwise, I respectfully dissent in this very difficult case.
. 10 U.S.C. § 654(b)(2) provides, in relevant part, that:
(b) A member of the armed forces shall be separated from the armed forces ... if one*66 or more of the following findings is made and approved ...:
(2) That the member has stated that he or she is a homosexual or bisexual, or words to that effect, unless there is a further finding, made and approved in accordance with procedures set forth in the regulations, that the member has demonstrated that he or she is not a person who engages in, attempts to engage in, has a propensity to engage in, or intends to engage in homosexual acts.
. A recent post -Lawrence challenge to the statute did not include a First Amendment claim. See Witt v. Dep’t of the Air Force,
. As the majority correctly points out, "[e]ach plaintiff has agreed that he or she is a person who 'engages in, attempts to engage in, has a propensity to engage in, or intends to engage in homosexual acts,’ ” as defined under the Act. Yet this concession by the plaintiffs does not end the matter because the plaintiffs also argue that the Act’s definition of propensity improperly includes homosexual status. Thus, I do not understand the plaintiffs to be conceding that they could not have rebutted the statement presumption under § 654(b)(2) if, as the government maintains in defending the Act, “propensity” was limited to a likelihood of engaging in prohibited homosexual acts while a service member.
. A group of constitutional law professors submitted an amicus brief in support of this argument. The professors on the brief are Akhil Reed Amar, Southmayd Professor of Law at Yale Law School; C. Edwin Baker, Nicholas F. Gallicchio Professor of Law at the University of Pennsylvania Law School; Erwin Chemerinsky, Alston & Bird Professor of Law and Professor of Political Science at Duke Law School; Owen M. Fiss, Sterling Professor of Law at Yale Law School; Pamela 5. Karlan, Kenneth and Harle Montgomery Professor of Public Interest Law at Stanford Law School; Andrew Koppelman, John Paul Stevens Professor of Law at Northwestern Law School; Kathleen M. Sullivan, Stanley Morrison Professor of Law and Former Dean of Stanford Law School; Laurence H. Tribe,
