In a superior court action for injunctive and declaratory relief, the City of Westminster unsuccessfully challenged the constitutionality of Proposition 62, a statewide statutory initiative passed in November 1986. The initiative will nullify the city’s recently enacted utility users’ tax unless the municipal electorate approves the levy by November 5, 1988. We believe the requirement of local voter ratification violates the California Constitution and reverse with directions accordingly.
I
The City of Westminster is a general law city. It has encountered increasing fiscal difficulty in recent years, partially as a result of Proposition 13, an earlier statewide initiative, and the abatement of federal revenue sharing. On September 23, 1986, the Westminster City Council enacted a 5 percent utility users’ tax and designated the revenues for the city’s general fund. The tax became effective January 1, 1987, and continues in force.
California voters approved Proposition 62, a statutory initiative, in the November 1986 general election. Sponsored by the California Tax Reduction Movement (CTRM), the initiative added sections 53720 through 53730 to the Government Code.
The city sought a declaration that Proposition 62 is unconstitutional as applied to the utility users’ tax and an injunction to restrain the County of Orange from withholding property tax monies after November 15, 1988. CTRM intervened in the action to defend the measure it had sponsored. The superior court entertained cross-motions for summary judgment and CTRM prevailed.
The threshold issue involves a brief consideration of terms. Is the ratification election mandated by Proposition 62 an initiative or a referendum as applied to the city’s utility users’ tax? If it is the latter, there is very little to discuss. As the city correctly notes, Government Code section 53727, subdivision (b) is unconstitutional insofar as it calls for local tax referenda because article II, section 9, subdivision (a) of the California Constitution exempts tax levies from the referendum power of the statewide electorate, as well as the municipal electorate in general law cities. (Cal. Const., art. II, § 11; Geiger v. Board of Supervisors (1957)
The submission of this particular tax to the local electorate resembles an initiative in some respects and a referendum in others. For example, Westminster’s utility users’ tax was enacted but not yet in effect when Proposi-' tion 62 was approved by the statewide electorate; and a referendum typically does operate to require voter ratification of measures passed but not yet in effect. (Referendum Committee v. City of Hermosa Beach (1986)
Moreover, referenda suspend the implementation of ordinances when they qualify for the ballot with the signatures of 10 percent of the voters
Consequently, and contrary to the city’s argument, we believe the ratification process mandated by Proposition 62 describes a local initiative, rather than a referendum, in the case of window period tax ordinances. We will conclude, however, that under a virtually unbroken line of appellate authority, the label is not significant in this instance.
Ill
Article II, section 8, subdivision (a) of the California Constitution provides, “The initiative is the power of the electors to propose statutes and amendments to the Constitution and to adopt or reject them.” Although use of the statewide initiative power has been upheld to repeal statewide taxes (Carlson v. Cory, supra,
These holdings cannot be overcome, based as they are on constitutional jurisprudence, by the mere passage of a statute; and Proposition 62 brought statutory changes, not constitutional amendments. Also, these cases are not distinguishable because they dealt with the powers of local voters; Geiger v. Board of Supervisors, supra, 48 Cal.2d at pages 836-839 teaches that the statewide electorate has no more authority to ignore the state constitutional ban on interference with municipal fiscal affairs by implementing a scheme of local voter control than do the local voters themselves. Thus, because “[a] statutory initiative is subject to the same . . . constitutional limitations as are the Legislature and the statutes which it enacts” (Legislature v. Deukmejian (1983)
For example, in Myers v. City Council of Pismo Beach, supra,
Carlson v. Cory, supra,
The Court of Appeal disagreed, observing that article II, section 8 of the Constitution reserved the power of the initiative to the electorate “to propose statutes and amendments to the Constitution’ without limitation.” (
CTRM suggests Carlson has limited the scope of cases such as Myers v. City Council of Pismo Beach, supra,
Carlson did recognize “the rule which requires that all doubts be [resolved] in favor of this precious reserved right of the people.” (Carlson v. Cory, supra, 139 Cal.App.3d at pp. 731-732.) But it is to be remembered that Carlson dealt with a statewide initiative and statewide taxes. The rule does not apply in cases of the sort before us: “[Decisions invalidating initiative or referendum measures to repeal local tax levies have indicated a policy of resolving any doubts in the scope of the initiative or referendum in a manner that avoids interference with a local legislative body’s responsibilities for fiscal management.” (Birkenfeld v. City of Berkeley (1976)
A requirement that local tax measures be submitted to the electorate by either referendum or initiative would be a gross interference with the fiscal responsibility of local governments. Section 24 of article XIII of the California Constitution permits the Legislature to “authorize local governments to impose [taxes].” The Supreme Court has recently noted, “When construing statutes containing generic references, such as ‘legislative body’ or ‘governing body,’ the Courts of Appeal have generally permitted exercise of the initiative and referendum when the subject matter was of purely local concern [citations].” (Committee of Seven Thousand v. Superior Court (1988)
A lonely arguable exception to the exception is Atlas Hotels, Inc. v. Acker (1964)
IV
This does not end the matter, however, for the initiative contains an embryonic severability clause (Gov. Code, § 53730). And we must give effect to the intent of the electorate to the greatest extent possible where only portions of an enactment are defective. Also, perhaps anticipating the analysis above, one amicus brief does argue the statewide electorate essentially intended Proposition 62 to repeal window period ordinances and the requirement of local voter ratification can be severed from that desire.
We agree the statewide electorate had the power to repeal the window period ordinances in general law cities (Carlson v. Cory, supra,
We first turn to the somewhat curious severability clause of Proposition 62 itself, enacted in Government Code section 53730:
The efficacy of such a provision to subvert a basic tenet of established jurisprudence we must leave to another day; It has not been briefed or argued here, although we do commend a close reading of Auto Equity Sales, Inc. v. Superior Court (1962)
Finding nothing to assist us in the language of the severability clause, we turn to a consideration of the amicus curiae suggestion that repeal of window period taxes is the gist of the proposition, i.e., the expression of the will of the electorate, and the possibility of local ratification a relatively trivial extra. Again, a plain reading of the proposition provides little to support that claim. And, for whatever it is worth, the idea is strongly belied by the ballot arguments supporting and opposing Proposition 62.
Thus, the major thrust of Proposition 62, at least as it was presented to the voters, was the fatally defective attempt to shift control of local taxation to the local electorate, the one portion of this statutory measure which clearly cannot survive constitutional scrutiny. Under these circumstances, especially in view of the odd wording of the severability clause and the total absence of any suggestion in the ballot arguments that existing taxes would be affected, we cannot infer an intent to repeal window period taxes generally on behalf of the voters.
Indeed, it would make little sense for a San Clemente voter to seek repeal of a Santa Clara tax or a Yreka voter to desire repeal of an El Centro tax. On the other hand, it would be entirely plausible for them to agree, along with the sponsors of Proposition 62, that as a matter of general principle, all local taxes should be ratified by the local electorate. In other words, we are disinclined to read an ambiguous and constitutionally defective ballot measure to repeal all local taxes enacted in this state after July 31, 1985, without recourse, where such a possibility would have been less expected than a rattlesnake in a clothes hamper by most voters.
Scoville, P. J., and Wallin, J., concurred.
The petition of intervener and respondent for review by the Supreme Court was denied December 15, 1988.
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Notes
Mark Twain’s friend, Charles Dudley Warner, said, “The thing generally raised on city land is taxes.” (Warner, My Summer in the Garden (1870) Sixteenth Week.)
The entire statutory scheme is set forth in the appendix to this opinion as it was presented to the electorate in the voter pamphlet prepared by the Secretary of State.
The court concluded, “The vote required under [Government Code] § 53727(b) is not a referendum and is not violative of Art. II, § 9(a) of the California Constitution. (Carlson v. Cory (1983)
The city petitioned this court for extraordinary relief, contending an appellate remedy was too slow and, thus, inadequate. The city’s own procrastination during the two-year grace period provided by Proposition 62 made that statement possible, of course. We denied the writ petition but nevertheless ordered the appeal expedited because of the public importance of the issue presented (Cal. Rules of Court, rule 19.3) and designated the superior court file as the appellate record, subject to an objection by the parties. None has been received.
A brief disclaimer: We know most voters do not cast ballots in most elections and strongly suspect that, of those who do, most do not engage in a detailed study of the voter pamphlet
These observations might support an argument against the ever increasing use of direct democracy to resolve the burgeoning list of issues which appear to paralyze our elected representatives, but they are only of marginal application to the present task. We must indulge in the fiction that the electorate as a whole was aware of the text of Proposition 62 for the same reason we must assume criminal offenders are entirely familiar with the Penal Code; There is no reasonable alternative. We are less certain as to whether anything should be presumed with respect to the ballot arguments, but believe they are at least of some marginal utility in attempting to assess the expectation of the electorate.
