CITIZENS FOR GROWTH MANAGEMENT and Sandra Bahr, Petitioners, v. Jeff GROSCOST, Speaker of the Arizona House of Representatives and Chair of the Legislative Council; Brenda Burns, President of the Arizona Senate and member of the Legislative Council; Representative Lori Daniels, member of the Legislative Council; Representative Herschella Horton, member of the Legislative Council; Representative Marilyn Jarrett, member of the Legislative Council; Representative John Loredo, member of the Legislative Council; Representative Robert McLendon, member of the Legislative Council; Representative Jim Weiers, member of the Legislative Council; Senator Russell Bowers, member of the Legislative Council; Senator Jack Brown, member of the Legislative Council; Senator Chris Cummiskey, member of the Legislative Council; Senator Ann Day, member of the Legislative Council; Senator Darden Hamilton, member of the Legislative Council; Senator Peter Rios, member of the Legislative Council; Betsey Bayless, Secretary of State; all in their official capacity, real parties in interest, Respondents.
No. CV-00-0259-SA
Supreme Court of Arizona, En Banc.
Dec. 8, 2000
13 P.3d 1188
Gallagher & Kennedy, P.A. by John E. Lundin and Jeffrey D. Gross, Phoenix, Attorneys for Respondents Groscost and Burns.
OPINION
ZLAKET, Chief Justice.
¶1 This special action challenges the Arizona Legislative Council‘s analysis of the Citizens Growth Management Initiative (CGMI). We considered the case without oral argument and issued an order accepting jurisdiction and granting relief on August 7, 2000. Pursuant to
¶3 Prior to elections in which an initiative or referendum is on the ballot, the Secretary of State is required to prepare a publicity pamphlet for distribution to Arizona voters.
¶4 At issue here is the CGMI analysis prepared by the Legislative Council. Section 19-124(B) states that the Council “shall prepare and file . . . an impartial analysis of the provisions of each ballot proposal of a measure or proposed amendment.” (Emphasis added). The purpose of the analysis is to “assist voters in rationally assessing an initiative proposal by providing a fair, neutral explanation of the proposal‘s contents and the changes it would make if adopted.” Greene, 180 Ariz. at 590, 886 P.2d at 1346. Its language “must not mislead, be ‘tinged with partisan coloring,’ or argue for one side or the other.” Howe, 192 Ariz. at 383, 965 P.2d at 775 (citations omitted).
¶5 The Legislative Council‘s analysis of the CGMI contains the following opening paragraph:
Arizona cities, towns and counties currently have extensive authority to regulate development and land uses in their communities through local planning and zoning powers. These local planning powers have been expanded by new laws passed in 1998 and 2000. The new laws, already in effect, require among other things, increased citizen review and involvement in rezonings and other land use decisions. They also require the development of comprehensive growth management plans, in conjunction with their citizens and other affected parties including, among others, the Department of Water Resources and the Department of Environmental Quality. The plans must be approved by voters in large or fast-growing cities and towns. In addition, major amendments to these plans have to be held for consideration at a single annual community hearing. These existing laws also appropriated $220,000,000 for preserving open space.2
¶6 As can be seen, this paragraph does not mention the CGMI at all. Instead, it offers an interpretation of existing law. While we accept that the Council‘s analysis may provide a neutral description of current law in explaining a proposal‘s potential effect,
¶7 As previously mentioned, the summary says that cities and towns currently have “extensive” authority to regulate development and land use. But whether such power is “extensive,” as respondents argue, or “limited,” as petitioners contend, is at the heart of Arizona‘s heated debate about growth. In this context, the words have partisan connotations.
¶8 The analysis also states that present law “require[s] the development of comprehensive growth management plans.” However, nothing like the term “comprehensive growth management plan” is used in the Growing Smarter legislation, which merely continues the use of “general plans” in dealing with growth-related matters.
¶9 Terminology aside, the paragraph in question clearly implies that Growing Smarter‘s approach to growth management issues is equal to, or better than, that of the CGMI. But again, whether Growing Smarter or the CGMI best addresses Arizona‘s needs stands at the heart of the controversy. The Legislative Council‘s “impartial” analysis is not the proper place to argue the merits of either position.
¶10 Finally, we are troubled by the Council‘s statement that the Growing Smarter Act allocates $220 million “for preserving open space.” Section 41–511.23(D)(2) appropriates $20 million per year in fiscal years 2000-2011 for a land conservation fund. However, those dollars must be matched by private donations or other monies and may only be used “[t]o purchase or lease state trust lands that are classified as suitable for conservation purposes pursuant to title 37, chapter 2, article 4.2.”
¶11 The dissent advances a whole-is-greater-than-the-sum-of-its-parts theory, finding the entire analysis impartial even though certain sentences or paragraphs are not. Infra at ¶20. Under this view, it claims there is no need to review “paragraph by paragraph and word by word.” Infra at ¶20. While such an approach may be convenient for the court and helpful to the Legislative Council, it fails to meet the needs of those citizens having an interest in a fair election. See Sotomayor v. Burns, 199 Ariz. 81, 82, 13 P.3d 1198, 1199 (2000); Harris v. Purcell, 193 Ariz. 409, 414, 973 P.2d 1166, 1171 (1998). In light of the very clear and specific directive of
¶12 The dissent‘s assertion that we have somehow “enmeshed this court in the unwholesome and unhealthy process of second guessing drafting minutiae,” infra at ¶19, is unfounded. The question presented in these cases is whether reasonable minds could conclude that the analysis is impartial, not whether the judicial system could have written it better. Howe, 192 Ariz. at 383, 965 P.2d at 775. No member of this court has any particular fondness for these challenges. Nevertheless, because “judicial review is the only method to ensure that the official publicity pamphlet for ballot proposals complies with the statutory requirements,” we are obliged to strictly enforce the laws enacted by the legislature. Id. at 383, 965 P.2d at 775 (citing Greene, 180 Ariz. at 590-91, 886 P.2d at 1346-47). The dissent‘s laissez faire approach to the problem does not comport with either the statutes or our past cases.
¶13 This is one of three similar challenges presented to us in this election cycle. See Healthy Arizona Initiative PAC v. Groscost, 199 Ariz. 75, 13 P.3d 1192 (2000); Sotomayor, 199 Ariz. at 82, 13 P.3d at 1199. We cannot help but wonder why the drafting of neutral initiative summaries proves to be
Attorneys’ Fees
¶14 Petitioners seek attorneys’ fees pursuant to
A court shall award fees and other expenses to any party other than this state . . . which prevails by an adjudication on the merits in a civil action brought by the party against the state . . . to compel a state officer . . . to perform an act imposed by law as a duty on the officer.
¶15 Respondents argue that because these claims were brought against the individual members of the Legislative Council and the Secretary of State in their official capacities, there is no action against the “state” within the meaning of the statute. The argument is without merit. The state can only act through its officers. “[A] suit against a state official in his or her official capacity is not a suit against the official but rather is a suit against the official‘s office. As such, it is no different from a suit against the State itself.” Will v. Michigan Dep‘t of State Police, 491 U.S. 58, 71, 109 S.Ct. 2304, 2312, 105 L.Ed.2d 45 (1989) (citation omitted); see also
¶16 Clearly, the respondents were acting in their roles as state officials and under the cloak of that authority. Thus, the lawsuit was brought “against the state,” and petitioners are entitled to recover reasonable fees and expenses under
CONCURRING: CHARLES E. JONES, Vice Chief Justice, RUTH V. MCGREGOR, Justice, and PHILIP E. TOCI, Judge.
Justice STANLEY G. FELDMAN recused himself. Pursuant to
MARTONE, Justice, dissenting.
¶17 Because there are substantial separation of powers issues associated with judicial review of Legislative Council drafting under
(1) “[t]he question is whether reasonable minds could conclude that the Council met the requirements of the law, not whether we believe the judicial system could itself devise a better analysis.” Id. at 383, 965 P.2d at 775.
(2) “We cannot settle each of these disputes; our function is only to ensure that a challenged analysis is reasonably impartial
and fulfills the statutory requirements defined in Greene.” Id.
(3) The “analysis” [must] “substantially compl[y] with the requirement of
A.R.S. § 19–124(B) .” Id. at 384, 965 P.2d at 776.
¶18 In Greene, Justice Moeller warned us that our “majority opinion invites the routine challenge in this court of Legislative Council analyses over the very subjective meaning of the words ‘impartial analysis’ in section 19-124(B).” 180 Ariz. at 597, 886 P.2d at 1353. We took heed of this warning by adopting a deferential standard and by noting that while “proponents and opponents are often dissatisfied with the Council‘s analyses,” “[w]e cannot settle each of these disputes.” Howe, 192 Ariz. at 383, 965 P.2d at 775.
¶19 I fear that today, in this case and in the companion case of Healthy Arizona Initiative PAC v. Groscost, No. CV-00-0274-SA, we have given credence to Justice Moeller‘s prediction and have enmeshed this court in the unwholesome and unhealthy process of second guessing drafting minutiae.
¶20 I would not parse through Legislative Council‘s analysis paragraph by paragraph and word by word. Nor are we equipped to do so under the very tight deadlines imposed by cases of this sort. In the best of all worlds, paragraph one might have been more impartial than it is. But under our standard, we must take the Council‘s analysis as a whole, not bit by bit. As a whole, I would conclude, that “reasonable minds could conclude that the Council met the requirements of the law.” Howe, 192 Ariz. at 383, 965 P.2d at 775. Taken as a whole, Legislative Council‘s analysis is “reasonably impartial.” Id. I would thus conclude that the Council‘s analysis “substantially complies with the requirements of
¶21 I therefore respectfully dissent.
Notes
180 Ariz. at 593, 886 P.2d at 1349 (emphasis added).In summary, we hold that the legislative council‘s preparation of an initiative analysis pursuant to
A.R.S. § 19-124(B) is an administrative and not a legislative function. This court, therefore, has jurisdiction to review such analyses for compliance with the legislature‘s directive that they be impartial.
