CHRISTIAN SCIENCE READING ROOM JOINTLY MAINTAINED, a
California non-profit religious corporation, and
David M. Sacks, Plaintiffs-Appellees,
v.
CITY AND COUNTY OF SAN FRANCISCO, a municipal corporation;
Airports Commission of the City and County of San Francisco;
Morris Bernstein, J. Edward Fleishell, Ruth E. Kadish, Z.L.
Goosby, and William K. Coblentz as members of the Airports
Commission of the City and County of San Francisco; and
Louis A. Turpen, as Director of Airports of the City and
County of San Francisco, Defendants-Appellants.
Nos. 84-2076, 84-2415.
United States Court of Appeals,
Ninth Circuit.
Sept. 4, 1986.
Dissenting Opinion Jan. 14, 1987.
Richard E. Levine, Fenwick, Stone, Davis & West, Palo Alto, Cal., for plaintiffs-appellees.
Diane L. Herman, Dist. Co. Atty., San Francisco, Cal., for defendants-appellants.
Before SKOPIL, REINHARDT, and HALL, Circuit Judges.
ORDER
The panel has voted to deny the petition for rehearing and to reject the suggestion for rehearing en banc.
The full court has been advised of the suggestion for en banc rehearing, and an active judge called for a vote on whether to rehear the case en banc. A majority of the active judges did not vote for en banc consideration. Fed.R.App.P. 35(b).
The petition for rehearing is denied and the suggestion for a rehearing en banc is rejected.
NORRIS, Circuit Judge, dissenting from the court's rejection of the suggestion for rehearing en banc:
I dissent from the court's failure to rehear this case en banc because I believe the panel decision represents a radical departure from the settled jurisprudence of judicial deference to the policy choices of the political branches of government in regulating the economy. Disregarding the painful lessons of constitutional history--most noteworthy the lessons of the discredited Lochner era--the panel holds that a leasing policy regulating the tenant mix in a government-owned and managed shopping mall is so irrational that it violates the Equal Protection Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment. In my view, judges are rarely, if ever, justified in using their Article III power of judicial review to strike down such garden-variety economic regulation for failing to pass equal protection muster under the rational basis test. As the Supreme Court forcefully stated in City of New Orleans v. Dukes,
In essence the panel repeats the mistakes of the Supreme Court in Morey and the Fifth Circuit in Dukes by arrogating to itself the power to sit as a "superlegislature" second-guessing the policy choices of the other branches of government. Dukes,
The panel employs two techniques to reach the astonishing conclusion that the Airport's leasing policy fails the equal protection rational-basis test. First, in disposing of the argument that the leasing policy was justified by the Airport's expressed concern that leasing space to some but not all religious groups might raise establishment clause problems, the panel simply makes its own determination that no establishment clause problems would be created and that ergo the policy was irrational. Because the Airport's evaluation of the potential establishment clause problems constituted legislative factfinding, it is entitled to great judicial deference. Thus the relevant judicial inquiry is not whether in the court's opinion the old Airport practice of leasing only to the Christian Science Reading Room in fact violated the establishment clause, but whether an airport commissioner could rationally believe that the old practice raised establishment clause problems. Instead the panel's opinion stands as precedent for the remarkable proposition that legislative assessments of potential legal problems are reviewed de novo.
Second, the panel refuses to even consider the rational relationship between the Airport's new leasing policy and certain purposes asserted in the litigation that were not articulated when the policy was adopted. The panel rests this refusal on its conclusion that these purposes "could not" have been entertained by the Airport. See
Not only do these erroneous holdings enable the panel to strike down a legislative classification that otherwise would have easily survived rationality review, but they also radically change the methodology of rationality review in this circuit. Unless the rational basis test is applied with great care and precision, rationality review will once again become a vehicle for judicial meddling. Because the panel's opinion warps the methodology of garden-variety rationality review, it threatens to undermine the deference to economic regulation that has been the hallmark of the post-Lochner era.
I. DE NOVO REVIEW OF LEGISLATIVE ASSESSMENTS OF POTENTIAL
LEGAL PROBLEMS
The panel decides there was no rational relationship between the Airport's establishment clause concerns and the Airport's leasing policy without deferring in any way to the Airport's assessment that renting to some, but not all, religious groups raised establishment clause problems. Rather, the panel decides that the Airport's concerns bore no rational relationship to the new policy of not leasing commercial space to any religious organization by making its own determination that the Airport's old practice of leasing to the Christian Science Reading Room could not violate either the federal or state establishment clause. See
The Airport's determinations that establishment clause problems existed and could be eliminated by its new leasing policy are in essence findings of legislative facts. The panel does not deny that the new policy would be rationally related to the Airport's establishment clause concerns if the old practice in fact raised establishment clause problems. Rather the panel rejects the Airport's premise by deciding de novo that no establishment clause problem existed. Here the panel clearly errs. A wealth of Supreme Court cases establishes that courts should not independently determine legislative facts--including legislative facts such as whether a problem actually exists or whether the challenged classification will in fact have its desired effect of promoting the governmental purpose. Courts should ask only whether a reasonable decisionmaker could have thought a problem existed that would be solved by the classification at issue. The Supreme Court has, for example, explicitly stated that: "states are not required to convince the courts of the correctness of their legislative judgments. Rather, 'those challenging the legislative judgment must convince the court that the legislative facts on which the classification is apparently based could not reasonably be conceived to be true by the governmental decisionmaker.' " Minnesota v. Clover Leaf Creamery Co.,
These Supreme Court cases differ from the present case in one respect--here the legislative factfinding involves an assessment of possible legal pitfalls. But this difference should not alter the level of deference due. Although one reason for judicial deference to legislative factfinding--the limited ability of courts to gather a broad spectrum of information and to make political judgments about how to use that information in rulemaking--is arguably not present, the other reasons for deference continue to hold true. Rulemaking bodies have every right to make their own assessments of what is and is not required of them by law and to make policy choices accordingly. Indeed, this sort of self-policing should be encouraged. Although courts must, of course, continue to decide de novo whether rulemaking bodies have in fact acted within the law, courts should be deferential in deciding whether the attempt to comply with the law was rational. Certainly a court's after-the-fact judgment that a rule change was not required by law does not make it irrational for a rulemaker to have made the change out of concern for violating the law. In short, I see no justification for striking down a legislative attempt to comply with the law solely on the basis of an independent judicial determination that, in hindsight, the attempt was unnecessary. Legislative bodies, after all, must be presumed to have some competence to assess the legal pitfalls of their actions, particularly in a case such as this one where a subdivision of the State of California, relying on the advice of a government lawyer, seeks to comply with state constitutional requirements.
Moreover, a decision by the Ninth Circuit that the old Airport practice of leasing to the Christian Science Reading Room created no establishment clause problems cannot lay the Airport's concerns to rest. The same issue could be raised again in future litigation brought by different parties, upon whom our court's decision would have no preclusive effect. Nor, in such litigation, would our decision be binding precedent on the United States Supreme Court or, with respect to the state constitution's establishment clause, on any state court. Thus, the Airport could still be held in violation of the state or federal establishment clause for failing to adopt the leasing policy that our court holds they were irrational in adopting. Cf. Edgar v. Mite,
Finally, the panel reads the Airport's establishment clause concerns much too narrowly. The panel declares the establishment clause concerns unfounded because the prior practice of leasing space to the Christian Science Reading Room did not violate the establishment clause. See
The San Francisco Airport Commission, a governmental body charged with the heavy responsibility of managing a major commercial enterprise, serving the traveling public, and conserving public resources, must constantly make a myriad of tough business decisions. Like the management of any such enterprise, the commissioners have limited time and resources available to make an exhaustive record of the concerns that may animate their decisions. If a court is indeed intent on considering only articulated concerns, then it should at least read those concerns in a manner that shows proper appreciation for the practical difficulties of requiring detailed articulation.
II. FAILURE TO CONSIDER UNARTICULATED PURPOSES
The airport's policy would have survived even the panel's de novo review of legislative factfinding involving assessment of establishment clause problems if the panel had not refused to consider whether two other purposes offered by the Airport were rationally related to its policy. The two purposes advanced at trial which the panel refused to consider--(1) maximizing revenue, and (2) serving the desires of the traveling public--were clearly legitimate. Nonetheless, starting from the assumption that its first step should be to "determine the policy's purpose,"
Because we are not a "superlegislature" that sits in judgment on "the wisdom or desirability of legislative policy," Dukes,
A. The Presumption Against Refusing to Consider Asserted Purposes.
A strong presumption against refusing to consider asserted purposes is fully supported by the case law as well as by the policies that animate deferential rationality review. A discussion of the case law must start with Fritz, in which the Supreme Court, after acknowledging that previous cases had been inconsistent, purported to "state the proper application of the [equal protection rational-basis] test." United States R.R. Retirement Bd. v. Fritz,
At a minimum Fritz definitively rejects two possible rationales for refusing to consider asserted purposes under garden-variety rationality review: (1) it rejects the idea that a court can refuse to consider a purpose simply because the purpose was not articulated by the governmental decisionmaker; and (2) it rejects the idea that a court can refuse to consider a purpose simply because the court makes a finding that it did not "actually" motivate the challenged classification. The rejection of both these rationales comports with our deferential role in reviewing social and economic legislation that does not burden a suspect class or fundamental interest. The nature of the legislative process involves compromise, trading votes, and voting with several purposes in mind--some conflicting and some of which a legislator may rightfully prefer not to articulate. We cannot fairly sit in judgment on the rationality of such a process by considering only those purposes that are reflected in the public record or by engaging in an artificial factfinding process of determining the "actual" purposes.
Moreover, the Fritz Court's rejection of both these rationales is firmly established in both previous and subsequent case law of the Supreme Court on the methodology of rationality review. The Court has several times rejected the notion that asserted purposes are ineligible for basic rationality review simply because the legislative history never articulates them. See, e.g., McDonald v. Board of Election Commissioners,
Nor has the Supreme Court shown any willingness to ascertain actual purposes and reject all other purposes under garden-variety rationality review. Indeed, in countless cases the Supreme Court has endorsed the proposition that any "conceivable" purpose should be considered. See, e.g., Regan v. Taxation With Representation,
B. The "Could Not" Exception.
The panel, however, attempts to escape from this general presumption by holding that the purposes of maximizing revenue and serving the traveling public need not be considered because the Airport "could not" reasonably be understood to have entertained them. See
The "could not" exception emanates from Weinberger v. Wiensenfeld,
A much more reasonable interpretation of the "could not" exception is that a court can infer that an asserted purpose "could not" have been a legislative purpose only if the asserted purpose is inconsistent either with the purposes articulated in the legislative history or with the legislation on its face. Here the panel makes no claim that there is any inconsistency between the articulated purpose and the asserted purposes. And indeed there is no inconsistency between the Airport's articulated interest in avoiding potential establishment problems and its asserted interests in maximizing revenue and serving the traveling public. Nor, obviously, is it otherwise inconceivable that an airport would be interested in maximizing revenue and serving the traveling public.
Admittedly, the Court has yet to expressly state that inconsistency is the core of the "could not" test. Nonetheless, so far the Wiesenfeld line of cases has in fact used the articulation of purposes as a basis for refusing to consider other unarticulated purposes only where the articulated purpose (or statutory scheme) is inconsistent with the unarticulated purpose. See Lucas,
Further, a consideration of the policy interests at stake demonstrates that inconsistency with articulated purposes should be the core element of the "could not" test. The issue of which grounds a court can permissibly rely upon to infer that an asserted purpose "could not" have been a legislative purpose must take into account the strong policies against requiring legislative articulation, see Fritz,
On the one extreme, if the preamble to a statute specifically stated that X was not the purpose of the statute, there seems little reason for a court to consider purpose X under its rationality review, even if some other legislature could have rationally been motivated by that purpose. The countervailing policies of the Fritz line of cases would not be adversely affected. The refusal to consider purposes eschewed by the legislature would not force articulation since it in no way penalizes nonarticulation. The examination of intent in such a case seems unproblematic since the legislature has itself expressed its intent. Finally, any presumption in favor of the legislature has clearly been rebutted by its own statements. At the other extreme, a court cannot infer that a purpose could not have motivated the classification simply because it had never been articulated. See ante at 1473. In between these two extremes is the question of whether a court can infer that an asserted purpose could not have been an actual purpose when the legislative history articulates purposes but not the purpose asserted.
It is this intermediate case that we face today. For the following reasons, the caselaw limiting the "could not" exception to cases where the the articulated purposes are inconsistent with the articulated purposes minimizes the encroachment of the "could not" exception on the countervailing policies against forcing articulation, against delving into legislative motive, and for presuming that legislative action is constitutionally rational. First, the refusal to consider purposes inconsistent with articulated purposes will rarely penalize nonarticulation. Second, the examination of intent in such a case seems relatively unproblematic. Finally, the presumption in favor of the legislature will have been largely rebutted by its own statements.
This methodology for screening asserted purposes under rationality review also comports best with the various policies behind rationality review deference and with an understanding of governmental decisionmaking. The panel's methodology in essence takes at face value those purposes specifically mentioned on the public record at the time a policy is adopted or legislation is passed. But to my mind, attributing to the decisionmaker only those purposes that are memorialized in the public record reflects a simplistic view of the legislative process. Policymakers are not judges, expected to set out the reasons for their decisions by identifying the applicable legal principles that dictate the result. Individual legislators--or in this case commissioners--may choose, for whatever reason, not to make a public record of their actual purposes in voting for a particular proposal. Moreover, even if an individual commissioner or legislator is willing to make a public record of one of her purposes, often a commissioner or legislator must act for a variety of reasons, some of which she would rather not express. It may, for example, be poor politics to inform the Reading Room that its lease is terminated because the traveling public would prefer to play video games. Surely it is not for us to require that every public official state all her reasons for supporting legislative action. The equal protection clause is not a warrant for forcing legislators or airport commissioners to live in a fishbowl, with every motive for every action out in the open.
Nor is the equal protection clause a warrant for eliminating the legislative practice of compromise and votetrading. Whereas compromise and vote trading have no place in the judicial process, they are an expected and necessary aspect of the legislative process. We therefore cannot always expect to find a detailed public record setting forth all the reasons behind legislative action. We should not draw any inference that an asserted purpose "could not" have been a purpose behind a governmental classification simply because other purposes for the classification were set out in the public record. As long as the legislative history does not either specifically deny that the legislative body was motivated by an asserted purpose or offer other purposes that are so inconsistent with the asserted purpose that we may safely conclude that the presumption is rebutted that some individual decisionmaker had the purpose in mind, then the asserted purpose must be considered eligible for rationality review.
C. The Exception for Sensitive Classifications.
The Supreme Court, without ever spelling it out explicitly, seems to also recognize an exception to the general presumption when reviewing the rationality of sensitive classifications. Specifically, it has shown a greater willingness to indulge in the ascertainment of actual purposes under rationality review when the challenged classification is--instead of a garden-variety economic or social regulatory classification--a classification based upon sensitive personal characteristics or a classification that approaches burdening a fundamental right. By definition, because rationality review applies, these are cases that do not sufficiently burden a suspect class or a fundamental interest to trigger stricter scrutiny. Nonetheless, the willingness to ascertain actual purposes in these cases seems sensible since such classifications would regularly raise concerns that the actual purposes behind them might be illegitimate or irrational, and yet the potential discriminatees would not be protected as suspect classes or under the rubric of fundamental rights. By screening out post hoc rationalizations in these special cases, the Court is better able to isolate and evaluate the legitimacy and rationality of the motivations actually behind the more sensitive classifications.
Thus, it seems perfectly appropriate for courts to vigorously screen asserted purposes behind sensitive classifications such as those based on gender, legitimacy of birth, sexual orientation, alienage, mental retardation or state of residency even though the classifications are reviewed under the rational basis test.10 In fact, in many cases involving challenges to such sensitive classifications the Supreme Court has rejected asserted purposes based on its finding that the asserted purposes did not actually motivate the relevant decisionmaker. See, e.g., Hogan,
Similarly, it would seem perfectly appropriate for courts to vigorously screen asserted purposes behind a classification that comes close to burdening fundamental rights. And, although the case law is rather sketchy, it appears that the Supreme Court has been willing to ascertain actual purposes under rationality review where fundamental interests are in the background. For example, in Eisenstadt v. Baird,
The panel, however, makes no attempt to rely on an exception for sensitive classifications. Indeed, the panel expressly declines to discuss whether all religious organizations as a group constitute a suspect or quasi-suspect class or whether the Airport's policy infringes rights under the free exercise clause. See
Moreover, the policies behind a sensitive classifications exception to the general presumption against refusing to consider asserted purposes do not support extending the exception to this case. The more probing look into actual purposes permitted under a sensitive classifications exception is appropriate only in reviewing classifications that regularly raise concerns that the actual purposes are illegitimate or irrational and for which there is no independent doctrinal basis permitting closer judicial review. It is inappropriate here where the case law on the free exercise and establishment clauses already stands as a fully elaborated doctrinal restraint on discriminatory governmental action. Indeed, allowing a court to resort to such probing inquiry in these circumstances means allowing a court to evade the careful balance the Supreme Court has tried to strike in its cases between free exercise and establishment clause concerns. With the case stripped of the question of whether the Board's classification burdens the right to free exercise of religion, the classification should be evaluated as a purely business judgment about leasing commercial space in a government-owned airport. Cf. Johnson v. Robison,
CONCLUSION
One would have thought that by now the law concerning rationality review methodology would be clear. Instead, the case law reveals surprising intricacy and confusion. This state of affairs, however, is all the more reason why our court should have taken this case en banc. Because every federal and state law that classifies persons is potentially subject to equal protection rationality review, confusion about the appropriate methodology for such review poses serious problems. For an issue this important, it behooves us to at least try to straighten out the law of our own circuit.
That this case demonstrates an intracircuit confusion over the appropriate methodology for rationality review seems indisputable. Our previous cases have manifested a broad willingness to consider any asserted governmental purpose. See Bunyan v. Camacho,
Moreover, the panel's decision seems to place our circuit in conflict with other circuits as well. The Fifth Circuit reads the Supreme Court's case law as implicitly accepting the principles that any "conceivable natural basis" can be looked at and that "the legislature or other governing body need not express all its purposes when it acts and that the defendant in a constitutional case need not prove the legislative purpose as a historical fact." Shelton v. City of College Station,
In short, our court allows to stand an opinion that further muddles the already confused case law on the methodology of rationality review. Because I believe that the panel's methodology is fundamentally mistaken, and because considerable confusion exists both within and without this circuit over the proper methodology for rationality review, I dissent from this court's refusal to rehear this case en banc.
Notes
The panel expressly declines to reach either the question of whether all religions together constitute a suspect or quasi-suspect class or the question of whether the policy burdens the rights of the Christian Scientists under the Free Exercise Clause. See Christian Science Reading Room v. City and County of San Francisco,
The panel conceded that trying to avoid establishment clause problems was a legitimate purpose. See
Previous Ninth Circuit cases have manifested a similar deference. See, e.g., Hoffman v. United States,
Although language in some previous cases suggested that articulation might be necessary, see, e.g., San Antonio Indep. School District v. Rodriguez,
The panel's absolute refusal to consider the unarticulated purposes does not raise the different question of whether unarticulated purposes deserve somewhat tougher scrutiny than articulated purposes. A minority of four justices apparently continue to believe that a heightened scrutiny is appropriate in reviewing unarticulated purposes. See Schweiker v. Wilson,
We are not dealing here with a claim that the primary actual purpose is illegitimate. In such a case, a court probably should determine the primary purpose and strike down the classification if that purpose is illegitimate. Cf. Clover Leaf,
A minority of four justices apparently subscribes to the proposition that under rationality review, "[a]scertainment of actual purpose to the extent feasible ... remains an essential step in equal protection." Wilson,
Despite the apparent tension between Fritz and Wiesenfeld, and despite the fact that Fritz was decided later, Wiesenfeld must still be regarded as good law on rationality review methodology. For one thing, the Wiesenfeld principle continues to be cited by the Court in post-Fritz cases. See Michael M. v. Superior Court,
There is also a serious question about whether the "could not" exception applies in garden-variety rationality review cases at all or whether it is simply a part of the exception for sensitive classifications discussed below. I find no case in which a majority of the Court applied the Wiesenfeld exception to a non-sensitive classification. On the other hand, the Court has regularly discussed the "could not" standard as if it applies whenever the government asserts a reason for its actions. See Michael M.,
Such a practice would not be contrary to Fritz which by its own terms stated the proper methodology for rationality review only in cases "where social or economic regulations are involved." See Fritz,
