Chapman v. Higbee Co.Chapman v. Higbee Co.
Lead Opinion
OPINION
Plaintiff-Appellant, Lynette Chapman, brought suit against Defendant-Appellee, Dillard Department Store, alleging that her rights were violated when a department store security officer stopped and searched her due to a suspicion of shoplifting. Chapman alleges that the stop and search were racially motivated and violated her right to the “full and equal benefit of the law” under
I.
Lynette Chapman is an African-American. On February 20, 1997, Chapman was shopping at Dillard Department Store in Cleveland, Ohio. She chose some clothing to try on, and a sales assistant pointed out a fitting room for her use. A white woman
The Dillard security guard was an off-duty sheriffs deputy. He wore his official sheriffs department uniform, badge, and gun while working at Dillard. While he stopped and searched Chapman, he did not threaten to, or attempt to, arrest her.
As a result of this incident, Chapman brought suit against The Higbee Company, doing business as Dillard Department Stores, Inc., alleging 1) a violation of the full and equal benefit clause of
II.
The standard of review for appeal of a summary judgment is de novo. See Wolotsky v. Huhn,
III.
A.
Chapman argues that the Magistrate erred in finding that the full and equal benefit clause of
(a) Statement of equal rights
All persons within the jurisdiction of the United States shall have the same right in every State and Territory to make and enforce contracts, to sue, be parties, give evidence, and to the full and equal benefit of all laws and proceedings for the security of persons and property as is enjoyed by white citizens, and shall be subject to like punishment, pains, penalties, taxes, licenses, and ex-actions of every kind, and to no other.
(b) “Make and enforce contracts” defined
For purposes of this section, the term “make and enforce contracts” includes the making, performance, modification, and termination of contracts, and the enjoyment of all benefits, privileges, terms, and conditions of the contractual relationship.
(c) Protection against impairment
The rights protected by this section are protected against impairment by nongovernmental discrimination and impairment under color of State law.
Congress amended
Chapman claims that the addition of subsection (c) to the statute makes it clear that the full and equal benefit clause applies to private action. Chapman argues that subsection (c) is unambiguous and thus the Court should not look to legislative history in order to interpret the statute. Further, Chapman contends that subsection (c) refers to “the rights protected by this section” and that the plural word “rights” must mean all of the rights protected by subsection (a), the right to the full and equal benefit of the laws as well as the right to make and enforce contracts. Moreover, Chapman argues that the absence of limiting language distinguishes this provision from other civil rights laws. For example,
It is axiomatic that a court may not look to legislative history in order to interpret a statute that is clear on its face. “There can be no construction where there is nothing to construe.” United States v. Hartwell,
We agree with Chapman that the statute is unambiguous and that it is not necessary to look to legislative history in order to interpret the statute’s language. We disagree with Chapman’s conclusion that the equal benefit clause applies to private action. Chapman’s reading of subsection (c) is plausible only if subsection (c) is read in isolation. Yet, the statute must be read as a whole. Implicit in the concept of “full and equal benefit of all laws and proceedings for the security of persons and property” is state action. In
Even if Chapman’s interpretation were correct, we could still look beyond the language of the statute if a literal interpretation would lead to 1) internal inconsistencies, 2) an absurd result, or 3) an interpretation inconsistent with the intent of Congress. See Vergos,
Second, interpreting the equal benefit clause as applying to private action creates the absurd result of federalizing state tort law. The Supreme Court has cautioned against the creation of a general federal tort law. “[A]s a rule we should be and are ‘reluctant to federalize’ matters traditionally covered by state common law.” Patterson v. McLean Credit Union,
Finally, Chapman’s interpretation is inconsistent with the intent of Congress. Chapman contends that the legislative history establishes that the purpose of the 1991 amendments was to respond to recent decisions of the Supreme Court by broadly expanding the scope of relevant civil rights statutes. The Congressional record, however, does not support such a broad intent. The legislative history reflects that in adding subsection (c) to the statute, Congress merely codified Runyon v. McCrary,
This result is also supported by the case law. The majority of courts, both pre- and post-the 1991 amendment, have held that the full and equal benefit clause applies to state action and not to private action. In one of the first cases to consider the issue, Mahone, supra, the Third Circuit distinguished between the two substantive provisions of
The state, not the individual, is the sole source of the law, and it is only the state acting through its agents, not the private individual, which is capable of denying to blacks the full and equal benefit of the law. Thus, while private discrimination may be implicated by the contract clause ofsection 1981 , the concept of state action is implicit in the equal benefits clause.
These courts have emphasized that interpreting the clause to apply to private action would give rise to a federal cause of action for every racially motivated private tort. See Mahone,
Although it is conceptually possible for a private party to deprive another of the “equal benefit” of those laws, it is difficult to imagine what such a deprivation would be other than the violation of the state laws themselves, coupled with a racial animus. Reading the clause to encompass this kind of conduct, however, risks creating a § 1981 action “whenever a white man strikes a black [man] in a barroom brawl.”
Spencer,
A minority of courts have held that the equal benefit clause applies to private action. See Franceschi v. Hyatt Corp.,
In Hawk v. Perillo,
This general reference, however, did not manifest in the language of the equal benefit clause, which refers only to “the full and equal benefit of all laws and proceedings for the security of persons and property....” Thus, Hawk’s reasoning that “[t]he absence of any words expressly limiting
Hawk found further support for its broad interpretation by looking to three other statutes: 1) section 2 of the Civil Rights Act of 1866; 2)
Second, Hawk pointed out that section 1 of the Civil Rights Act of 1866 was the predecessor to
Finally, the Hawk court compared
In sum, we hold that
B.
Chapman alleges in her Complaint that Dillard violated her constitutional rights under
A private party’s actions constitute state action under
1. Public Function Test
Under the public function test, a private party is deemed to be a state actor if he exercised powers traditionally exclusively reserved to the state. This has been interpreted narrowly. Only functions like holding elections, see Flagg Bros. v.
In White, the Fifth Circuit held that the detention of a suspected shoplifter is not an exclusive state function.
A merchant’s detention of persons suspected of stealing store property simply is not an action exclusively associated with the state. Experience teaches that the prime responsibility for protection of personal property remains with the individual. A storekeeper’s central motivation in detaining a person whom he believes to be in the act of stealing his property is self-protection, not altruism. Such action cannot logically be attributed to the state.
2. Symbiotic Relationship/Nexus Test
Under the symbiotic or nexus test, a plaintiff must demonstrate that there is a sufficiently close nexus between the government and the private party’s conduct so that the conduct may be treated as that of the state itself. See Jackson,
The inquiry is fact specific and the presence of state action is determined on a ease by case basis. See Burton v. Wilmington Parking Auth.,
The acts of an on-duty police officer are acts done “under color of law,” whether done in the proper performance of official duties or whether done outside of the officer’s authority. “Acts of [police] officers who undertake to perform their official duties are included whether they hew to the line of their authority or overstep it.” Screws v. United States,
The Sixth Circuit has gone even further by holding that when an officer acts pursuant to his official duty, even without identifying himself as a policeman and without a uniform or badge, he engages in state action. See Stengel v. Belcher,
In contrast, when a police officer acts as a private citizen, not pursuant to police department policy and without identifying himself as an officer, his actions are private actions which do not fall under
Similarly, in Robinson v. Davis,
Just as an off-duty police officer who acts with actual authority, see Stengel, supra, is deemed to be a state actor, a private party who purports to exercise official authority can be a state actor. “It is [also] clear that under ‘color’ of law means under ‘pretense’ of law.” Screws,
If an individual is possessed of state authority and purports to act under that authority, his action is state action. It is irrelevant that he might have taken the same action had he acted in a purely private capacity or that the particular action which he took was not authorized by state law.
Id.
In the context of store security officers, courts also have found state action where there was a prearranged plan between the police and the merchant. Thus, in Smith v. Brookshire Bros.,
Courts have also looked to other factors to determine whether there was state action, such as government regulation, the existence of a government contract, and dual employment. Each of these standing alone has been deemed insufficient to constitute state action. See Jackson,
Here, the Dillard security guard who stopped and searched Chapman was an off-duty sheriffs deputy, wearing his official sheriffs department uniform, badge, and sidearm. He briefly stopped and searched Chapman, but did not arrest or threaten to arrest her, nor did he contact the sheriffs department. Under the circumstances of this case, the off-duty deputy did not act pursuant to his official duties and thus did not engage in state action.
Chapman argues that the security guard was a state actor because as an off-duty sheriffs deputy he had the power to arrest and to transport suspects to the police station, he could sign an arrest warrant with his rank and badge number, and he could run an outstanding warrant check on detained suspects and arrest on any outstanding warrant. While the off-duty officer/security guard retained the power to act as a sheriffs deputy, in this case he did not exercise that power. He did not arrest or threaten to arrest Chapman, nor did he contact the sheriffs department. The nature of his actions were not state actions.
Chapman also argues that there was state action because the sheriffs department retains control over the deputies while they work at Dillard. The sheriffs department requires off-duty officers to follow department rules and procedures, the department has to approve of a deputy working at Dillard, and the department can terminate an officer’s off-duty work at Dillard. Also, the department posts job openings at Dillard. In addition, until April of 1998 there was an annual written indemnity and hold harmless agreement between Dillard and the sheriff department. Chapman’s argument lacks merit because none of the foregoing facts amounts to evidence of a prearranged plan between the sheriffs department and Dillard concerning the execution or scope of the security officer’s duties, nor does it constitute evidence of a state law which compelled the security guard to act. See Lewis,
IV.
The equal benefit clause of
Notes
. The American Civil Liberties Union Foundation of Ohio, Inc. filed an amicus brief in favor of Chapman. The following merchants' associations from the states comprising the Sixth Circuit filed a joint amicus brief on behalf of Dillard: Ohio Council of Retail Merchants; Kentucky Retail Federation, Inc.; Michigan Retailers Association; and Tennessee Council of Retail Merchants. The ACLU argues that the equal benefit clause of
.
. The legislative history of the 1991 amendments only briefly mentions subsection (c). It largely focuses upon subsection (b), which was enacted in order to overrule part of the Supreme Court’s opinion in Patterson v. McLean Credit Union,
. Chapman did not allege a cause of action under the “make and enforce contracts” clause of
. Hawk v. Perillo has since been rejected by another court in the Northern District of Illinois. See Rochon v. Dillon,
. Section 1 of the Civil Rights Act of 1866, the predecessor to
That all persons born in the United States and not subject to any foreign power, ... are hereby declared to be citizens of the United States; and such citizens, of every race and color, without regard to any previous condition of slavery or involuntary servitude, ... shall have the same right, in every State and Territory in the United States, to make and enforce contracts, to sue, be parties, and give evidence, to inherit, purchase, lease, sell, hold, and convey real and personal property, and to full and equal benefit of all laws and proceedings for the security of person and property, as is enjoyed by white citizens, and shall be subject to like punishment, pains, and penalties, and to none other, any law, statute, ordinance, regulation, or custom, to the contrary notwithstanding.
(Emphasis added.)
.Section 2 of the Civil Rights Act of 1866 provided:
That any person who, under color of any law, statute, ordinance, regulation, or custom, shall subject, or cause to be subjected, any inhabitant of any State or Territory to the deprivation of any right secured or protected by this act, or to different punishment, pains, or penalties on account of such person having at any time been held in a condition of slavery or involuntary servitude, except as a punishment for crime whereof the party shall have been duly convicted, or by reason of his color or race, than is prescribed for the punishment of white persons, shall be deemed guilty of a misdemeanor, and, on conviction, shall be punished by fíne not exceeding one thousand dollars, or imprisonment not exceeding one year, or both, in the discretion of the court.
.
All citizens of the United States shall have the same rights, in every State and Territory, as is enjoyed by white citizens thereof to inherit, purchase, lease, sell, hold, and convey real and personal property.
. In addition, the Hawk court ignored the need, recognized in Griffin, to confine the reach of the federal civil rights laws so as not to create a general federal tort law. See Griffin v. Breckenridge,
. While it was not addressed below, Chapman does not have a viable Fifth Amendment claim in this case. The Fifth Amendment applies to federal action, not to private action or state action. See Bolling v. Sharpe,
Concurrence Opinion
concurring.
I fully concur in the majority’s reasoning. I write separately to respond to the dissent.
The dissent believes that the language of
However, to read the statute this way requires one to not read the phrase “full and equal benefit of all laws and proceedings” according to its ordinary and common meaning. As the dictionary definition establishes, implicit in the concept of “law” is state action: “a binding custom or practice of a community: a rule or mode of conduct or action that is prescribed or formally recognized as binding by a supreme controlling authority or is made obligatory by a sanction (as an edict, decree, rescript, order, ordinance, statute, resolution, rule, judicial decision, or usage) made, recognized, or enforced by the controlling authority.” WEBSTER’S THIRD INTERNATIONAL DICTIONARY 1278 (1986). This perception of the term “law” would have been shared by members of the Thirty-ninth Congress:
Law:
1. A rule, particularly an established or permanent rule, prescribed by thesupreme power of a state to its subjects, for regulating their actions, particularly their social actions. Laws are imperative or mandatory, commanding what shall be done; prohibitory, restraining from what is to be forborne; or permissive, declaring what may be done with- • out incurring a penalty.
Noah Webster, AN AMERICAN DICTIONARY OF THE ENGLISH LANGUAGE at 651 (rev. & enlarged, Springfield, Mass., George & Charles Merriam 1864). And it is to the dictionary that we look in determining the plain meaning of a word. See, e.g., Williams v. Taylor,
Only the state can prescribe laws, and only the state can deprive an individual of the benefit of those laws.
The state, not the individual, is the sole source of law, and it is only the state acting through its agents, not the private individual, which is capable of denying to blacks the full and equal benefit of the law. Thus, while private discrimination may be implicated by the contract clause ofsection 1981 , the concept of state action is implicit in the equal benefit clause.
Mahone v. Waddle,
Ironically, the dissent omits reference to the third clause in subsection (a): the like punishment clause, which provides that “[a]ll persons ... shall be subject to like punishment, pains, penalties, taxes, license, and exactions.” No one can seriously argue that an individual can subject another individual to unequal punishment or taxes. As Mahone remarked: “Only the state imposes or requires ‘taxes, licenses, and exactions’ and the maxim noscitur a sociis suggests that the ‘punishment, pains [and] penalties’ to which the clause refers are those imposed by the state.” Id. Yet, to accept the dissent’s argument, one must agree that the like punishment clause applies to private conduct as well.
The dissent responds to this argument with the following remark: “In our experience, it is the state that usually imposes punishment, etc. upon its citizens. Such was not the case, however, when the Act of 1866, the precursor to
Punishment:
n. Any pain or suffering inflicted on a person for a crime or offense, by the authority to which the offender is subject, either by the constitution of God or of civil society. The punishment of the faults and offenses of children, by the parent, is by virtue of the right of government with which the parent is invested by God himself. This species of punishment is chastisement or correction. The punishment of crimes against the laws is inflicted by the supreme power of the state, in virtue of the right of government vested in the prince or legislature. The right of punishment belongs only to persons clothed with authority. Pain, loss, or evil, willfully inflicted on another, for his crimes or offenses, by a private, unauthorized person, is revenge, rather than punishment.
at 889.
Penalty:
1. The suffering in person or property which is annexed by law or judicial decision to the commission of a crime, offense, or trespass, as a punishment. A fine is a pecuniary penalty. The usual penalties inflicted on the person are whipping, cropping, branding, imprisonment, hard labor, transportation, or death.
at 810.
Pain:
(n.) 1. An uneasy sensation in animal bodies, of any degree from slight uneasiness to extreme distress or torture, proceeding from pressure, tension, or spasm, separation of parts by violence, or any derangement of functions. This violent pressure or stretching of a limb gives pain; inflammation produces pain; wounds, bruises, and incisions give pain.
6. Penalty; punishment suffered or denounced; suffering or evil inflicted as punishment for a crime, or annexed to the commission of a crime.
at 790.
In short, there is little support for the dissent’s semantical argument.5
The legislative history behind subsection (c) does not help the dissent either. I agree with the dissent that the legislative history to the 1991 Amendment is not lengthy. But that is perhaps because Congress had a single-minded purpose:
This section amends42 U.S.C. § 1981 (commonly referred to as “Section 1981 ”) to overturn Patterson v. McLean Credit Union and to codify Runyon v. McCrary,427 U.S. 160 ,96 S.Ct. 2586 ,49 L.Ed.2d 415 (1976).
Subsection (c) Prohibiting discrimination in private contracting. — This subsection is intended to codify Runyon v. McCrary. In Runyon, the Court held thatSection 1981 prohibited intentional racial discrimination in private, as well as public, contracting. The Committee intends to prohibit racial discrimination in all contracts, both public and private.
H.R.Rep. No. 102-40(11), at 37 (1991), U.S. Code Cong. & Admin. News at 549, 731 (emphasis added).
Congress’s intent in enacting subsection (c) could not have been any clearer: it intended to prohibit racial discrimination “in all contracts,” but only contracts, because that is all it wrote.
The dissent also derives support from
Notwithstanding these rather clear pronouncements by the Supreme Court, the dissent asserts that:
In our experience, it is the state that usually imposes punishment, etc. upon its citizens. Such was not the case, however, when the Act of 1866, the precursor to§ 1981 , was passed. At that time, Congress was especially concerned with prohibiting those incidents of private, racially motivated violence — the punishment, pains, or penalties — which were commonplace in the South.
As my discussion, infra, of the history surrounding the passage of the 1866 Act reveals, the statute’s original phrasing, which included the language “punishment, pains, or penalties,” was directed to private conduct.
Ante, at 438 n. 1.
Although she quotes from it, Judge Moore has not provided the Supreme Court’s entire explanation of the history of
[W]e must be mindful of the “events and passions of the time” in which the law was forged. United States v. Price,383 U.S. 787 , 803,86 S.Ct. 1152 ,16 L.Ed.2d 267 (1966). The Civil War had ended in April 1865. The First Session of the Thirty-ninth Congress met on December 4, 1865, some six months after the preceding Congress had sent to the States the Thirteenth Amendment and just two weeks before the Secretary of State certified the Amendment’s ratification. On January 5, 1866, Senator Trumbull introduced the bill that would become the 1866 Act.
“Since the abolition of slavery the Legislatures which have assembled in the insurrectionary States have passed new laws relating to the freedmen, and in nearly all the States they have discriminated against them. They deny them certain rights, subject them to severe penalties, and still impose upon them the very restrictions which were imposed upon them in consequence [of] the existence of slavery, and before it was abolished. The purpose of the bill under consideration is to destroy all these discriminations, and to carry into effect the [Thirteenth] amendment.” Cong. Globe, 39th Cong, 1st Sess, 474 (1866).
Of course, this Court has found in the legislative history of the 1866 Act evidence that Congress sought to accomplish more than the destruction of state-imposed civil disabilities and punishments. We have held that both§ 1981 and§ 1982 , “prohibit all racial discrimination, whether or not under color of law, with respect to the rights enumerated therein.” Jones v. Alfred H. Mayer Co.,392 U.S., at 436 ,88 S.Ct. 2186 ....
Gen. Bldg. Contractors,
Equally invalid is the rationalization that the equal benefit and like punishment clauses of
The dissent also cobbles together select passages from Jones v. Alfred H. Mayer Co.,
In the landmark Civil Rights Cases,
Against this legal landscape, the Supreme Court was asked to decide whether
The respondents in Jones argued that “the only evil Congress sought to eliminate was that of racially discriminatory laws in the former Confederate States [i.e. the Black Codes].” Id. at 426,
Thus, the central issue in Jones was whether
In Runyon, the principal issue was “whether a federal law, namely
Finally, the dissent urges a broad interpretation because
In short, the dissent’s interpretation must be rejected as a facile attempt at analyzing a complex and multi-faceted statute that seeks to eliminate various forms of private discrimination and various forms of discriminatory state action.
. The dissent also argues that "the limiting language surrounding the 'full and equal benefit' clause ... serves to cabin both the number and nature of claims that may be brought under this clause.” Ante, at 440. In other words, the dissent claims that its interpretation of
However, one need look no further than the opening pages of Prosser on Torts to understand that the limiting phrase "for the security of persons and property” encompasses tort law:
Included under the head of torts are miscellaneous civil wrongs, ranging from simple, direct interferences with the person, such as assault, battery and false imprisonment, or with property, as in the case of trespass or conversion, up through various forms of negligence, to disturbances of intangible interests, such as those in good reputation, or commercial or social advantage. ... [I]t is not easy to discover any general principle upon which they may all be based, unless it is the obvious one that injuries are to be compensated, and antisocial behavior is to be discouraged.
There remains a body of law whch [sic] is directed toward the compensation of individuals, rather than the public, for losses which they have suffered within the scope of their legally recognized interests generally, rather than one interest only, where the law considers that compensation is required. This is the law of torts.
The law of torts, then, is concerned with the allocations of losses arising out of human activities; and since they cover a wide scope, so does this branch of law. Arising out of the various and ever-increasing clashes of the activities of persons living in a common society, carrying on business in competition with fellow members of that society, owning property which may in any of a thousand ways affect the persons of property of others — in short, doing all the things that constitute modern living — there must of necessity be losses, or injuries of many kinds sustained as a result of the activities of others. The purpose of the law of torts is to adjust these losses, and to afford compensation for injuries sustained by one person as the result of the conduct of another.
Prosser & Keeton on Torts, § 1, p. 3-6 (5th ed.1984).
In short, under the dissent's interpretation, the equal benefit clause could be applied to every garden-variety state tort claim with a racial component. If this is not federalization of tort law, I do not know what is.
. By contrast, an individual violates laws. An individual may cause injury to another in the process of violating a law, but this cannot rightly be viewed as a deprivation of “the full and equal benefit of all law and proceedings for the security of persons and property.'' That is because a private actor does not give protections under the law, and therefore cannot take them away. Private injury can be redressed by law, however.
. The dissent finds significance in the fact that “neither the Supreme Court nor this court has ever limited the application of subsection (c) to the 'malte and enforce contracts’ clause in subsection (a).” Ante, at 439. True. Also true is the fact that neither this Court nor the Supreme Court has ever been presented with the question of whether the equal benefit or like punishment clause covers private conduct. As the dissent well knows, federal courts are not at leisure to comment on issues not properly before them.
. The dissent relies on a phrase in a congressional report before the Thirty-ninth Congress describing "a pattern of private violence 'by men who announce their determination to take the law into their own hands.' " Historical Reconstruction,
. Furthermore, the argument strains the limits of common sense. As one treatise has observed: "Whether this clause of section 1981 is limited to state action, it is virtually inevitable that any claim based upon like punishment, pains, penalties, taxes, license, and exactions of every kind,’ will involve a governmental entity....” Cook & Sobieski, 2 CIVIL RIGHTS ACTIONS, 115.03(D) (Matthew Bender & Co.2001).
. This amendment was in direct response to the Supreme Court's opinion in Patterson v. McLean Credit Union,
. In General Bldg. Contractors Ass’n v. Penn.,
[T]he origins of the law can be traced to both the Civil Rights Act of 1866 and the Enforcement Act of 1870. Both of these laws, in turn, were legislative cousins of the Fourteenth Amendment. The 1866 Act represented Congress’ first attempt to ensure equal rights for the freedmen following the formal abolition of slavery effected by the Thirteenth Amendment. As such, it constituted an initial blueprint of the Fourteenth Amendment, which Congress proposed in part as a means of "incorporating] the guaranties of the Civil Rights Act in the organic law of the land.” Hurd v. Hodge,334 U.S., at 32 ,68 S.Ct. 847 .... The 1870 Act, which contained the language that now appears in § 1981, was enacted as a means of enforcing the recently ratified Fourteenth Amendment. In light of the close connection between these Acts and the Amendment, it would be incongruous to construe the principal object of their successor, § 1981, in a manner markedly different than that of the Amendment itself.
Id. at 389-90,
Dissenting Opinion
dissenting.
I respectfully dissent from both the majority’s determination that the “full and equal benefit” clause in
I. “FULL AND EQUAL BENEFIT” CLAUSE
I begin, as I must, by examining the language of the statute. Hudson v. Reno,
(a) Statement of equal rights
All persons within the jurisdiction of the United States shall have the same right in every State and Territory to make and enforce contracts, to sue, be parties, give evidence, and to the full and equal benefit of all laws and proceedings for the security of persons and property as is enjoyed by white citizens, and shall besubject to like punishment, pains, penalties, taxes, licenses, and exactions of every kind, and to no other.
íjí 4* «I* H* H*
(c) Protection against impairment The rights protected by this section are protected against impairment by nongovernmental discrimination and impairment under color of State law.
I believe that the language of this statute is perfectly clear: according to subsection (c), the rights protected by subsection (a), i.e., the rights “to make and enforce contracts, to sue, be parties, give evidence, and to the full and equal benefit of all laws and proceedings for the security of persons and property,” are protected against impairment by private acts of discrimination. Subsection (c) does not state that some rights in the section are protected but others are not; there ip no modifier limiting the word “rights” to only certain phrases in subsection (a). On my reading of the literal language of the two sections, as written and then purposefully amended by Congress, the “rights protected by this section” must, according to that phrase’s natural meaning, mean all enumerated rights in subsection (a).
The majority contends that the statute is unambiguous and that it is clear that the word “rights” means only certain rights. According to the majority, “[ijmplicit in the concept of ‘full and equal benefit of all laws and proceedings for the security of
Second, I disagree with the substance of the majority and the concurrence’s assertion that the full and equal benefit clause requires state action because “[o]nly the state can prescribe laws, and [therefore] only the state can deprive an individual of the benefit of those laws.” Supra at 431. I accept the concurrence’s quotidian premise, but I reject its conclusion as logically flawed. Although the state does make the law, one private actor may deprive another of the full and equal benefit of those laws just as readily as a state actor, as when the state provides for equal access to public facilities by law and private persons design to deny racial minorities access to such places through intimidation, or when a private actor subjects another to a physical attack which was racially inspired.
Tellingly, the only support the majority can muster for its assessment that “the full and equal benefit clause of subsection (a) can only refer to state action,” supra at 421, is a Third Circuit decision, Mahone v. Waddle,
Second, the majority has failed to consider adequately the limiting language surrounding the “full and equal benefit” clause which serves to cabin both the number and nature of claims that may be brought under this clause. Of course “we should be and are ‘reluctant to federalize’ matters traditionally covered by state common law.” Patterson v. McLean Credit Union,
The majority’s analysis is neither borne out by the language nor the legislative
Finally, I believe that the majority’s analysis fails to account for
According to the Supreme Court, the scope of the 1866 Act was not altered when it was reenacted in 1870 pursuant to the Fourteenth Amendment, despite the fact that “some members of Congress supported the Fourteenth Amendment in order to eliminate doubt as to the constitutional validity of the Civil Rights Act [of 1866] as applied to the States.” Jones,
The Supreme Court has repeatedly remarked upon the evidence of private discrimination that motivated the original statute’s drafters. In Jones v. Alfred H.
[T]he same Congress that wanted to do away with the Black Codes also had before it an imposing body of evidence pointing to the mistreatment of Negroes by private individuals and unofficial groups, mistreatment unrelated to any hostile state legislation. ‘Accounts in newspapers North and South, Freedmen’s Bureau and other official documents, private reports and correspondence were all adduced’ to show that ‘private outrage and atrocity’ were ‘daily inflicted on freedmen.... ’ The congressional debates are replete with references to private injustices against Negroes — references to white employers who refused to pay their Negro workers, white planters who agreed among themselves not to hire freed slaves without the permission of their former masters, white citizens who assaulted Negroes or who combined to drive them out of their communities.
Jones,
Thereafter, in Runyon v. McCrary, the Supreme Court affirmed that
Reviewing the history of the 1866 Act in General Bldg. Contractors, Chief Justice Rehnquist noted:
[T]his Court has found in the legislative history of the 1866 Act evidence that Congress sought to accomplish more than the destruction of state-imposed civil disabilities and discriminatory punishments. We have held that both§ 1981 and§ 1982 ‘prohibit all racial discrimination, whether or not under col- or of law, with respect to the rights enumerated therein.’
General Bldg. Contractors,
I believe that the history of
Consistent with my understanding of
II. STATE ACTION
As an alternative to her
[T]he Dillard security guard who stopped and searched Chapman was an off-duty sheriffs deputy, wearing his official sheriffs department uniform, badge, and sidearm. He briefly stopped and searched Chapman, but did not arrest or threaten to arrest her, nor did he contact the sheriffs department. Under the circumstances of this case, the off-duty deputy did not act pursuant to his official duties and thus did not engage in state action.
Supra at 429.
Although in certain circumstances “it is possible to determine the question whether a person acted under color of state law as a matter of law, there may remain in some instances unanswered questions of fact regarding the proper characterization of the actions for the jury to decide.” Layne,
In this case, the Dillard security guard was obligated to obey Dillard’s policies and regulations, which are developed by the corporation, while he was on-duty at the store. J.A. at 150 (Dillard’s Rules and Procedures for Security Personnel). The state played no part in the promulgation of these policies. The policy does, however, directly implicate the state in one of its provisions. This provision, which offers the
According to the deposition testimony of Angelo Malena, senior security officer at Dillard and a police officer for the city of Cleveland, a security guard working at the Dillard at issue in this case cannot strictly comply with this corporate policy because, as he observed, “I guess we got to call ourselves, because we are the police.” J.A. at 262 (Malena Test.). Malena testified that he informed Dillard’s management of the conflict in the provision, but “they said, well, this came from the corporate, so it is a generalization of Dillard’s policy throughout the country.” J.A. at 262.
As the majority correctly noted, the Dillard security guard did not represent himself as a police officer, threaten to arrest Chapman, wave his badge or weapons, or establish any contact with the sheriffs department during the incident. The incident at issue in this case does, however, include the moment when Chapman was asked by the security guard to enter a fitting room with the sales manager to inspect her clothing. According to Dillard’s official corporate policy, the security guard should have called the police at this point because he knew that the search involved the removal of Chapman’s clothing. However, as Malena noted, the security officer cannot call the police pursuant to the policy because the security guard is the police.
Although the majority states that “the security guard in this case did not perform or seek to perform his official duties as a sheriffs deputy,” supra at 429, I believe there is a genuine issue of material fact as to whether, at the moment the security guard was required to seek the assistance of the police, that is, when the guard asked Chapman to enter the fitting room with the sales manager so that Chapman’s clothes and person could be searched, the security guard became a state actor under the corporate policy. Because the majority failed to consider these facts, I believe that the majority’s analysis is flawed and that summary judgment is inappropriate. I would reverse the district court’s judgment on this issue as well.
. In his concurring opinion, Judge Suhrhein-rich states that my analysis of
As my discussion, infra, of the history surrounding the passage of the 1866 Act reveals, the statute's original phrasing, which included the language "punishment, pains, and penalties,” was directed to private conduct. While later language, including the phrase "taxes, licenses, and exactions," which was added in 1870, may indeed refer primarily to state action, this would only mean that the "like punishment” clause may be invoked by either private or state action, depending on which explicit guarantee of equal treatment is implicated. Indeed, I believe the 1870 language was added to expand the protections of the "like punishment” clause, not to minimize them. In any case, I do not believe that possible ambiguity surrounding the "like punishment” clause detracts from my argument that the "full and equal benefit” clause may be invoked by public and private conduct, as it is incontestible that this language has been present in the statute since its inception.
. Several cases that have allowed "full and equal benefit” claims to go forward without state action have involved serious threats to a person’s security in the form of physical violence. See, e.g., Carey v. Rudeseal,
(N.D.Ill.1986) (construing language and history of statute to allow claim against private individual who engaged in vicious beating of plaintiffs motivated by racial animus).
. Moreover, I note that the argument that Chapman's reading of the statute would improperly federalize state tort law was once embraced by the Supreme Court in Patterson,
. Judge Suhrheinrich believes that "Congress did not need to explain that the equal benefit and like punishment clauses of subsection (a) do not apply to private conduct because they logically cannot." Supra at 433. I have already explained why I believe that Judge Suh-rheinrich's logic is flawed: first, there is nothing in either the language or statutory history of
. Section 1 of the Civil Rights Act of 1866 provided:
[C]itizens, of every race and color, without regard to any previous condition of slavery or involuntary servitude, ... shall have the same right, in every State and Territory in the United States, to make and enforce contracts, to sue, be parties, and give evidence, to inherit, purchase, lease, sell, hold, and convey real and personal property, and to full and equal benefit of all laws and proceedings for the security of person and property, as is enjoyed by white citizens, and shall be subject to like punishment, pains, and penalties, and to none other, any law, statute, ordinance, regulation, or custom, to the contrary notwithstanding.
Act of Apr. 9, 1866, ch. 31, § 1, 14 Stat. 27.
. The Thirteenth Amendment, which was ratified on Dec. 18, 1865, provides that "[n]either slavery nor involuntary servitude, except as a punishment for crime whereof the party shall have been duly convicted, shall exist within the United States, or any place subject to their jurisdiction.”
. According to the Supreme Court, "[sjection 16 differed from § 1 of the 1866 Act in at least two respects. First, where § 1 of the 1866 Act extended its guarantees to 'citizens, of every race and color,' § 16 of the 1870 Act — and § 1981 — protects 'all persons.' Second, the 1870 Act omitted language contained in the 1866 Act, and eventually codified as
.The Fourteenth Amendment was sent to the states for ratification just two months after passage of the 1866 Act, and was ratified in 1868. Many who supported passage of the Fourteenth Amendment viewed it as the con-stitutionalization of the 1866 Act. See Jett,
. To appreciate fully how implausible the majority and the concurrence's reasoning is, one need only turn to the original language of the 1866 Act: on their reading, we would have to believe that the first clause, the right to "make and enforce contracts," and the fifth clause, the right to inherit, purchase, lease, sell, hold, and convey real and personal property, would apply to private conduct, while the second, third, fourth, sixth and seventh clauses would not. See supra note 5 for text of Act. I cannot believe that the Congress that enacted the 1866 Act meant to create such an interpretive labyrinth.
. I agree with the majority that Chapman has alleged no facts to support a finding of state action under the public function test. See Wolotsky,
. For the purposes of explaining the relationship between the store's policy and Chapman’s claim, I must elaborate upon the majority's recitation of the facts. The majority states only that the female manager "searched Chapman’s clothing.” See supra at 419. Chapman alleges, however, and it is not disputed, that she was asked to remove her coat and her suit jacket, and to pull her blouse up over her head before the manager was satisfied that she had not stolen any merchandise. Although Dillard's policy does not define strip-searching, I believe that, because Chapman was forced to remove clothing, she was strip-searched by the Dillard’s store manager, at the direction of the security guard.