Nell A. CAMMACK; Genie Lucas; Douglas Paul Root; Carolyn
L. Stapleton; Michele Wallace, Plaintiffs-Appellants,
v.
John W. WAIHEE, in his capacity as Governor of the State of
Hawaii; Alfred Lardizabal, in his capacity as Director of
Personnel Services of the State of Hawaii; Frank F. Fasi,
in his capacity as Mayor of the City & County of Honolulu;
Jeremy Harris, in his capacity as Managing Director of the
City & County of Honolulu; Loretta K. Fukuda, in her
capacity as the Director of Civil Service of the City &
County of Honolulu; United Public Workers, Local 646,
AFSCME; Hawaii State Teachers Association; University of
Hawaii Professional Assembly; Hawaii Fire Fighters
Association, Local 1463, IAFF; State of Hawaii Organization
of Police Officers, Defendants-Appellees.
No. 87-15073.
United States Court of Appeals,
Ninth Circuit.
Argued and Submitted Nov. 14, 1988.
Decided April 30, 1991.
As Amended Aug. 9, 1991.
Kirk Cashmere and Karen A. Essene, American Civil Liberties Union, Honolulu, Hawaii, for plaintiffs-appellants.
Steven S. Michaels, Deputy Atty. Gen., Honolulu, Hawaii, for defendant-appellee, State of Hawaii.
Danny J. Vasconcellos, Honolulu, Hawaii, for defendant-appellee United Public Workers, Local 646, AFSCME and Hawaii Government Employees' Ass'n, Local 152, AFSCME.
Vernon Yu and T. Anthony Gill, Gill, Park, Park & Kim, Honolulu, Hawaii, for defendant-appellee Hawaii State Teachers Ass'n and University of Hawaii Professional Assembly.
Appeal from the United States District Court for the District of Hawaii.
Before D.W. NELSON, O'SCANNLAIN and TROTT, Circuit Judges.
O'SCANNLAIN, Circuit Judge:
We are asked to decide the constitutionality of a Hawaii statute declaring Good Friday a state holiday. Our task is not as simple as it might appear.
* In 1941, the Territory of Hawaii enacted a bill declaring that Good Friday, the Friday preceding Easter Sunday, shall be "set apart and established as [a] territorial holiday[ ]." Act effective Apr. 30, 1941, No. A-1, Sec. 1, 1941 Haw.Sess.Laws 1. Upon statehood, the legislation was ratified and now appears as part of Hawaii Revised Statutes section 8-1, which designates Hawaii state holidays.1 Good Friday has thus been a public holiday in Hawaii for fifty years. Good Friday is also a public holiday in twelve other states: Delaware, Florida, Georgia, Indiana, Louisiana, Maryland, New Jersey, New Mexico, North Carolina, North Dakota, Tennessee, and Wisconsin.2
Hawaii's section 8-1 appropriates no funds to carry out its purposes. By providing for state holidays, however, the statute has at least the fiscal impact that many state and local government offices are closed and many state and local government employees need not report to work. Furthermore, in 1970, the Hawaii Legislature enacted a public collective bargaining law which mandated that the terms and conditions of public employment be determined through a collective bargaining process. The statute recognized that "joint decisionmaking [between public employees and their employers] is the modern way of administering government." Id. Sec. 89-1. The number and dates of paid leave days are among the mandatory subjects of collective bargaining. All collective bargaining agreements currently in effect between public employees and their employers provide for numerous paid leave days, either expressly or through incorporation of section 8-1. Good Friday is included as one such paid leave day. These collective bargaining agreements cover approximately sixty-five percent of Hawaii's public employees.
II
Nell A. Cammack, Genie Lucas, Douglas Paul Root, Carolyn L. Stapleton, and Michele Wallace, Hawaii taxpayers and residents, filed suit under 42 U.S.C. Sec. 1983 in federal district court against the Governor of the State of Hawaii, the Mayor of the City and County of Honolulu, other officials, and public employee organizations (collectively called "government"), seeking declaratory relief and attorney fees.3 They allege that the Hawaii statute setting apart Good Friday as a state holiday violates both the establishment clause of the first amendment of the United States Constitution and article I, section 4 of the Hawaii State Constitution.4 Appellants also seek a declaration that the state and city collective bargaining agreements are unconstitutional to the extent that they provide for paid leave on Good Friday.
The district court granted summary judgment in favor of the government, determining that the appellants had standing to bring the action but upholding section 8-1 and the collective bargaining agreements as constitutional. See Cammack v. Waihee,
III
The government contends that this court lacks jurisdiction because appellants' notice of appeal is defective and because appellants do not have standing. We examine each argument in turn.5
* Appellants' notice of appeal reads, in pertinent part: "Notice is hereby given that Plaintiffs above-named hereby appeal ... the final judgment...." Notice of Appeal, Cammack v. Waihee, Civil No. 87-0260 (D.Haw. Dec. 4, 1987). The compound adjective "above-named" apparently refers to the notice's caption, which states: "Nell A. Cammack, et al., Plaintiffs, vs. John Waihee, et al., Defendants." Id.
Federal Rule of Appellate Procedure 3(c) provides that a notice of appeal "shall specify the party or parties taking the appeal." In Torres v. Oakland Scavenger Co.,
In a recent case tracking more closely the facts of the controversy before us, this court ruled that a bare reference to "defendants" in the body of the notice, coupled with use of "et al." in the caption, constituted sufficient notice that all defendants sought appeal of the district court's judgment.6 See National Center for Immigrants' Rights, Inc. v. INS,
As in National Center for Immigrants' Rights, Inc., the notice of appeal in this case is sufficiently clear to alert the court and defendants that all plaintiffs are seeking to appeal. There is no Rule 3(c) jurisdictional bar to this appeal, and we decline the government's invitation to dismiss the appeal.7
B
A more difficult question is whether the appellants have standing to maintain this action in federal court. The original complaint alleges each plaintiff to be a citizen of the State of Hawaii, a resident of the City and County of Honolulu, and a taxpayer to each of these entities. Complaint 2-3, Cammack v. Waihee, Civil No. 87-0260 (D.Haw. April 6, 1987). The complaint's allegations include the assertion that $3.4 million in state tax revenues and $850,000 in city tax revenues are expended on the holiday. See id. at 7.
The district court held that the plaintiffs had state taxpayer standing to challenge the Hawaii statute in federal court. See Cammack,
* The bedrock requirement for standing is that the challenger suffer "injury." We first consider whether appellants, as state and municipal taxpayers, have properly alleged an injury sufficient to endow them with taxpayer standing to challenge the Good Friday public holiday. This requires an examination of the injury requirements which pertain to each relevant form of taxpayer standing--state and municipal.
The seminal state taxpayer standing case is Doremus v. Board of Education,
This court has not previously ruled on the different injury requirements, if any, for municipal taxpayer standing.8 It seems to us, however, that the Doremus requirement of a pocketbook injury applies to municipal taxpayer standing as well as to state taxpayer standing. Doremus itself, while treating the specific question of state taxpayer standing, quoted a municipal taxpayer standing case for the proposition that a direct injury was necessary. See Doremus,
Our next inquiry is whether appellants have, in fact, established the requisite "pocketbook" injury. In Hoohuli, state taxpayers challenged an Hawaiian program which was designed to disburse benefits to state residents who were descendants of the aboriginal inhabitants of the islands. The program, established pursuant to an amendment to the state constitution, involved the expenditure of tax dollars through an administrative division (the Office of Hawaiian Affairs) created to implement the amendment. Hoohuli,
Similarly, appellants' allegations satisfy the Doremus pocketbook injury requirement for standing. They have set forth their status as state and municipal taxpayers and specifically have stated the amount of funds appropriated and allegedly spent by the taxing governmental entities as a result of the Good Friday holiday.
The government contends that taxpayers as such cannot have standing to challenge section 8-1 because the bare declaration of Good Friday as a state holiday does not, standing alone, involve any expenditure of tax revenues. This argument cannot prevail. Legislative enactments are not the only government activity which the taxpayer may have standing to challenge. See id. (contrasting state taxpayer's ability to challenge executive conduct with federal taxpayer's) (quoting Public Citizen, Inc. v. Simon,
2
Having recognized an injury allegedly suffered by the taxpayer, we now consider the causation and redressability requirement. Causation and redressability are essentially identical requirements where the remedy is an order to desist. See Allen v. Wright,
The district court impliedly found that appellants have established causation and redressability. Cammack,
3
In summary, we conclude that appellants have standing as both state and municipal taxpayers to challenge the expenditure of tax revenues on paid leave days for the Good Friday holiday. Appellants have asserted the necessary injury--actual expenditure of tax dollars--and that a successful challenge would remedy the injury. This notion of standing is consistent with the traditional judicial hospitality extended to establishment clause challenges by taxpayers generally. See, e.g., School Dist. of Grand Rapids v. Ball,
IV
The first amendment provides that "Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of religion...." U.S. Const. amend. I. The establishment clause is made applicable to the states by the fourteenth amendment. Everson,
Recently the Supreme Court stated that it "has come to understand the Establishment Clause to mean that government may not promote or affiliate itself with any religious doctrine or organization." County of Allegheny v. ACLU,
* The government argues that this case is controlled by Marsh v. Chambers,
Hawaii's recognition of Good Friday stems back to its days as a territory; the holiday has been celebrated for longer than Hawaii has even been a state. Nonetheless, it cannot be said that the Good Friday holiday is as deeply embedded in the fabric of the state as was legislative prayer in Marsh. We are reluctant to extend a ruling explicitly based upon the "unique history" surrounding legislative prayer, id. at 791,
Although the Supreme Court has rejected any absolute approach in applying the establishment clause, it has generally relied upon the test first enunciated in Lemon v. Kurtzman,
In Lemon, the Court stated:
Every analysis in this area must begin with consideration of the cumulative criteria developed by the Court over many years. Three such tests may be gleaned from our cases. First, the statute must have a secular legislative purpose; second, its principal or primary effect must be one that neither advances nor inhibits religion; finally, the statute must not foster "an excessive government entanglement with religion."
Lemon,
* The first prong of the Lemon test requires that the statute at issue have "a secular legislative purpose." Lemon,
* The purpose prong is clearly violated when there is no legitimate secular purpose for the legislation. See, e.g., Edwards,
When there are both religious and legitimate, sincere secular purposes motivating legislation, it appears that the existence of the secular purpose will satisfy the first Lemon prong. See id. ("[N]o consideration of the second or third criteria is necessary if a statute does not have a clearly secular purpose. For even though a statute that is motivated in part by a religious purpose may satisfy the first criterion, ... the First Amendment requires that a statute must be invalidated if it is entirely motivated by a purpose to advance religion.") (citations omitted, emphasis added). In Lynch v. Donnelly, the Court noted that the city of Pawtucket had "a" secular purpose for its creche display, and therefore the purpose prong was satisfied. See
The Supreme Court most recently examined the secular purpose prong of the Lemon test in Bowen v. Kendrick,
In reviewing a challenged statute for a secular purpose, we must be "reluctant to attribute unconstitutional motives to the states, particularly when a plausible secular purpose for the State's program may be discerned from the face of the statute." Mueller,
Given this guidance for the appropriate application of the purpose prong of the Lemon test, we turn to the facts of this case. The legislative history of section 8-1 and its predecessors informs us as to its purpose.
An examination of the legislative history surrounding the 1941 bill, which ultimately became law, and the earlier bills, which failed to establish a Good Friday holiday, demonstrates that the primary concern motivating selection of the holiday was simply timing. For example, the 1941 bill provided for the creation of two new holidays, Lincoln's Birthday and Good Friday. It is clear from the Senate Standing Committee report accompanying the bill that the committee was most interested in the timing of the proposed new holiday:
This bill designs to add Lincoln's Birthday and Good Friday to the list of territorial holidays.
Your committee feels that Good Friday should be set aside as a legal holiday but feels that, inasmuch as Washington's Birthday is a legal holiday and falls within the short month of February, to have another holiday within that month would be inadvisable.
Haw.Sen.Stand.Comm.Rep. No. 296 (H. Bill No. 154), reprinted in 1941 Haw.Sen.J. 710.
Nothing in the legislative history concerning the 1941 bill suggests a religious motivation for its ultimate passage. Indeed, the legislature's approval of both proposed holidays and the governor's expressed opposition, because "the holidays were getting a bit thick about that time of year," betray no particular interest in the secular or sectarian origins of either day.
The legislature's consideration of earlier attempts to have Good Friday declared a public holiday are similarly devoid of sectarian influences.14 A 1929 bill proposing establishment of Good Friday as a legal holiday was tabled because the state senate's Committee on Judiciary determined "that there are already enough legal holidays." Haw.Sen.Stand.Comm.Rep. No. 225 (Sen. Bill No. 136), reprinted in 1929 Haw.Sen.J. 727. A second bill was tabled in 1931 because "[y]our Committee sees no good reason for adding to the number of Territorial holidays now prescribed by law." Haw.Sen.Stand.Comm.Rep. No. 239 (H. Bill No. 297), reprinted in 1931 Haw.Sen.J. 803.
In 1939, the Hawaii Territorial Legislature passed a bill designating Good Friday as a public holiday. The bill was vetoed by the governor, again due to concerns about the number of holidays already recognized in Hawaii. See Governor's Veto Message, H. Bill No. 39, May 3, 1939 ("I have had many objections from business men throughout the Territory to creating additional holidays and I see no reason for adding to those which we now have."). Accompanying that bill was the following committee report:
There are now ten legal holidays in the Territory, including Thanksgiving, plus primary and general election days. Public sentiment is divided on the advisability of creating Good Friday a legal holiday. Some feel that we already have too many holidays to the detriment of both private and public business. On the other hand, others feel equally strongly that Good Friday being in theory at least a day of solemn religious observance by the members of the various churches and religious denominations should be given legal sanction. More and more churches are now conducting the three-hour service on that day and many business houses are allowing their employees to take time off for this purpose. If the legislature should feel that we should have more legal holidays than we now have, it would seem that in view of the religious significance of Good Friday observance of this day would have as much justification as Thanksgiving or Christmas.
Haw.H.Stand.Comm.Rep. No. 254 (H. Bill No. 39), reprinted in 1939 Haw.H.J. 890.
The district court concluded that a fair reading of the 1939 committee report demonstrates that the primary purpose of the bill was to have more legal holidays. We happen to agree, recognizing, of course, that this clearly secular purpose need not even be "primary" to satisfy the purpose prong. Although the passage recognizes that some people consider Good Friday to be a " 'solemn religious observance,' " the legislative purpose for the bill was that Hawaii " 'should have more legal holidays.' " Cammack,
Furthermore, even to the extent that an improper purpose could be gleaned from the statute's legislative history, that would not compel a finding of improper purpose now, some fifty years later. See McGowan v. Maryland,
c
It is of no constitutional moment that Hawaii selected a day of traditional Christian worship, rather than a neutral date, for its spring holiday once it identified the need. The Supreme Court has recently identified as an "unavoidable consequence of democratic government" the majority's political accommodation of its own religious practices and corresponding "relative disadvantage [to] those religious practices that are not widely engaged in." See Employment Div. v. Smith, --- U.S. ----,
In Zorach v. Clauson,
When the state ... cooperates with religious authorities by adjusting the schedule of public events to sectarian needs, it follows the best of our traditions. For it then respects the religious nature of our people and accommodates the public service to their spiritual needs.... The government must be neutral when it comes to competition between sects. It may not thrust any sect on any person. It may not coerce anyone to attend church, to observe a religious holiday, or to take religious instruction. But it can close its doors or suspend its operations as to those who want to repair to their religious sanctuary for worship or instruction.
Id. at 313-14,
Hawaii's compliance with the spirit of Zorach favorably compares with California's improper recognition of Good Friday in Mandel v. Hodges,
We conclude that the Hawaii statute has a legitimate, sincere secular purpose, specifically to provide Hawaiians with another holiday, and thus is not motivated "wholly by an impermissible purpose." Kendrick,
2
We next consider whether the Good Friday holiday violates the second prong of the Lemon test, which requires examining whether the primary effect of section 8-1 is the advancement of religion. Lemon,
In McGowan v. Maryland, the Supreme Court examined whether the Sunday Closing Laws violated the establishment clause because Sunday is predominantly the Sabbath day for Christians. See
The Sunday Closing Laws provide an apt analogy to Hawaii's ongoing sanction of Good Friday as a legal holiday. Sunday was an appropriate choice for a weekly uniform day of rest because the community to a large degree already so regarded Sunday, due to its religious significance and (no doubt) to the long tradition of Sunday Closing Laws:
Sunday is a day apart from all others. The cause is irrelevant; the fact exists. It would seem unrealistic for enforcement purposes and perhaps detrimental to the general welfare to require a State to choose a common day of rest other than that which most persons would select of their own accord.
Id. at 452,
The traditional celebrations of Sundays which so moved the McGowan Court, such as family outings and trips to the country, see id. at 451-52,
In fact, Hawaii's adoption of Good Friday as a legal holiday could be viewed as less "coercive" or "endorsing" of religion than the Sunday blue laws. Under Hawaii's scheme, recognition of the holiday is simply accomplished by closing the office doors; the freed employees may enjoy virtually any leisure activity imaginable. In contrast, the Sunday Closing Laws were originally designed to funnel people into Church. See, e.g., McGowan,
The breadth of impact of section 8-1, on its face and by its incorporation into the collective bargaining agreements, contributes to the conclusion that the statute's effect is simply the creation of a paid leave day for many state employees and not the endorsement of religion. Christian employees are not singled out for the paid holiday.17 Good Friday is a paid leave day for all employees covered by the collective bargaining agreements, regardless of individual beliefs. Compare Committee for Public Educ. & Religious Liberty v. Nyquist,
Another factor in measuring the effect of a governmental action which might be construed as endorsement of religion is context. See County of Allegheny,
Good Friday's mere placement on the roll of public holidays, along with other important days of secular and (in some cases) religious significance, diminishes the likelihood of an "endorsing" effect. Cf. Lynch,
If Hawaii went further toward celebrating the religious elements of Good Friday, such as erecting displays concerning the crucifixion of Jesus, then the absence of secular aspects to counterbalance the religious would probably render the display (not necessarily the holiday) unconstitutional under County of Allegheny. Christmas displays are prone to establishment clause challenges because they move far beyond a simple governmental accommodation of Christians' desire to have a day to celebrate, and, without a sufficient secular context in which to place the display, cross the line into endorsement of the celebrating religion. Nothing in the display cases, however, provides support to the notion that the mere calendar recognition of such a holiday would have the effect of endorsing the religion. See, e.g., Lynch,
Because the primary effect of the Good Friday holiday is secular, we cannot conclude that the holiday is unconstitutional merely because the holiday may make it easier to worship on that day for those employees who may wish to do so. "[T]he 'Establishment' Clause does not ban federal or state regulation of conduct whose reason or effect merely happens to coincide or harmonize with the tenets of some or all religions." McGowan,
3
The third prong of the Lemon test requires examining whether the Hawaii statute leads to "an excessive government entanglement with religion." Lemon,
Appellants argue that the entanglement prong is not satisfied because the determination of the holiday depends upon the church's calculation of when Easter occurs each year. The required contact between the state and religious bodies, in their view, amounts to excessive administrative entanglement.
Cases in which the Supreme Court has found excessive administrative entanglement often involve state aid to organizations or groups affiliated with religious sects, such as parochial schools. See, e.g., Aguilar v. Felton,
In Lynch, the Court examined whether there was administrative entanglement between the city and the church resulting from the city's creche display. Finding that there were no direct city expenditures for the maintenance of the creche and no evidence of contact between the city and the church regarding the creche, the Court concluded that "[t]here is nothing here ... like the 'comprehensive, discriminating, and continuing state surveillance' or the 'enduring entanglement' present in Lemon." Lynch,
Appellants also contend that section 8-1 fails because its passage has resulted in political divisiveness. This divisiveness is purportedly evidenced by the attempts of nonChristian religious groups, including Buddhists and Baha'is, to have significant days in their religious calendars declared legal holidays by the state legislature.
Although political divisiveness has been considered in establishment clause cases, see, e.g., Nyquist,
It is difficult to imagine that the average Hawaiian citizen would view Hawaii's inclusion of Good Friday on a list of state holidays as any more a law establishing a religion than is the current inclusion of Christmas on the same list. Cf. County of Allegheny,
AFFIRMED.
D.W. NELSON, Circuit Judge, dissenting:
The holly and the ivy, jingling bells, red-nosed reindeer, and frosty snowmen this is not. What this case is about is Hawaii's endorsement, by means of a state holiday, of a day thoroughly infused with religious significance alone. Because I believe that such a state establishment of religion violates both the purpose and effects prongs of Lemon v. Kurtzman,
I. PURPOSE
A.
The first prong of the Lemon test requires that "the statute ... have a secular legislative purpose." Id. at 612,
The majority's great reliance on these two cases, however, is troublesome in its selectivity, for the Court has also said quite a few times that more than a or any secular purpose is required. The most critical instance is Justice O'Connor's concurrence in Lynch, where she noted that the purpose prong "is not satisfied ... by the mere existence of some secular purpose, however dominated by religious purposes." Lynch at 690-91,
Even Kendrick, which is the majority's only support for its explanation of the purpose prong, see supra n. 1, cuts both ways. After initially positing a "wholly impermissible purpose" test, id. at 602,
Analysis of these cases thus reveals that the Supreme Court wishes courts to look to the actual or primary or predominant purpose, rather than to any legitimate secular purpose. The majority, however, does not even grapple with the dilemma of which formula to apply: any legitimate secular purpose or the actual purpose. Instead, it simply invokes the first without refuting the second. The majority thus selects a formula that effectively reads the purpose prong out of the Lemon test.
I firmly believe that "primary" or "actual" secular purpose is both the test that the Supreme Court has articulated and a far preferable formulation. If a legislature need merely come up with any secular purpose that is sincere and not a sham, we have effectively gutted this prong. For instance, a legislature could decide that a state building would be enlivened by decoration, surely a reasonable secular purpose, and then install a beautiful creche on its staircase or a decorated star of David on its lawn. Both could undoubtedly adorn otherwise dreary government buildings and thereby create an improved aesthetic appearance, but I cannot believe either would pass constitutional muster. A far more logical approach is to examine whether the central or actual purpose behind the government's actions was secular or religious.
B.
Having determined that courts must seek out the primary purpose, the obvious place to start is the legislative history. Edwards v. Aguillard,
The majority believes that a reading of the long paragraph from the 1939 committee report, quoted in majority op. at 775, demonstrates that "the legislative purpose for the bill was that Hawaii should have more legal holidays." Id. at 775-776 (internal quotation omitted). I find such an interpretation baffling. The heart of this paragraph is the juxtaposition of the following two sentences:
Some feel that we already have too many holidays to the detriment of both private and public business. On the other hand, others feel equally strongly that Good Friday being in theory at least a day of solemn religious observance by the members of the various churches and religious denominations should be given legal sanction.
Haw.Bill H.Stand.Comm.Rep. No. 254 (H. bill No. 39), reprinted in 1939 Haw.H.J. 890. This excerpt makes manifest that the division was not between those who thought that there were too many holidays and those who thought there were too few. On the contrary, the division was between those who wished to create Good Friday as a legal holiday because of its religious significance and those who felt there were too many holidays. In mentioning earlier tabled bills, the majority only reinforces the theory that earlier refusals to enact Good Friday as a holiday were finally overridden by the importance of religious observances of this holy day.
The citations to the legislative history of the 1941 bill, see majority op. at 775, are similarly unhelpful to the majority. The committee report was responding to a bill proposing both Lincoln's Birthday and Good Friday as holidays. The committee "feels that Good Friday should be set aside as a legal holiday but feels that, inasmuch as Washington's Birthday is a legal holiday and falls within the short month of February, to have another holiday within that month would be inadvisable." Haw.Sen.Stand.Comm.Rep. No. 296 (H. Bill No. 154), reprinted in Haw.Sen.J. 710. This quotation makes no mention of why the committee felt Good Friday should be adopted as a legal holiday, only that dates governed the decision to reject Lincoln's Birthday. The majority thus greatly strains its inference in claiming that Good Friday's selection was dictated by calendar concerns.
C.
Even if the primary purpose behind creating a new holiday was secular, the decision to choose the specific date of Good Friday was not. In other words, if we look at the decision in two parts--to create a holiday and then to choose a date--the second decision clearly bore a religious purpose. It is difficult to think of more perspicuous language than "in view of the religious significance of Good Friday." Rep. No. 254. Though the majority attempts to get around this, its efforts are unsuccessful. The committee report also noted that Good Friday is a "day of solemn religious observance." Id. The purpose of picking the date of the Friday before Easter was primarily motivated by religious concerns. There is no primary secular purpose for picking that date instead of any other.
The majority attempts to rebut this two-part analysis by relying on the principle of accommodation. There is no doubt that " 'the government may (and sometimes must) accommodate religious practices and that it may do so without violating the Establishment Clause.' " Corporation of the Presiding Bishop v. Amos,
Just as County of Allegheny found no burden on Christians wishing to display creches, the evidence has not established that any exists here for those who wish to observe Good Friday in a religious manner. In that case, "Christians remain free to display creches in their homes and churches," County of Allegheny,
In sum, the actual purpose of the Hawaii's bill was to "give[ ] legal sanction" to the observance of Good Friday. Rep. No. 254. Since accommodation cannot save this statute, I believe that it is clearly violative of Lemon's purpose prong and thus unconstitutional.
II. EFFECTS
The second prong of the Lemon test requires the statute's "principal or primary effect ... [to] be one that neither advances nor inhibits religion." Id. at 612,
The majority supports its effects section with two different arguments. The first is that this case is similar to McGowan v. Maryland,
The majority's equation of McGowan with this case implies that Sundays and Good Friday at present have similar secular effect. To say these are of comparable secular magnitude is to argue that a candle and the sun are similar because they both give off light. While Sunday holds unique meaning for those of many faiths as well as those of none, Good Friday is still essentially a holiday with Christian connotations. As the majority noted in McGowan:
[I]t is common knowledge that the first day of the week has come to have special significance as a rest day in this country. People of all religions and people with no religion regard Sunday as a time for family activity, for visiting friends and relatives, for late sleeping, for passive and active entertainments, for dining out, and the like .... Sunday is a day apart from all others.
Id. at 451-52,
Good Friday, on the other hand, carries no such wide-ranging appeal. We need think only of the schoolchild who asks her teacher why she gets Sundays and Good Friday off. The answer must be that the former are days of rest and the latter a commemoration of the death of Jesus Christ. Selecting a state holiday does much more than enable citizens to relax; it communicates a critical message about the state's priorities. See, infra, section II-C. While the present effect of Sunday is not to favor one sect over another, that of Good Friday endorses Christianity. As County of Allegheny underscored:
Whatever else the Establishment Clause may mean ... it certainly means at the very least that government may not demonstrate a preference for one particular sect or creed (including a preference for Christianity over other religions). The clearest command of the Establishment Clause is that one religious denomination cannot be officially preferred over another.
Id.
The majority also argues that this holiday has been ongoing for fifty years and thus may be analogized to Sunday closing laws. Yet the majority earlier admitted that the "unique history" of legislative prayer in Marsh v. Chambers,
The majority mentions, in addition, that Good Friday "has become a popular shopping day in Hawaii," majority op. at 778, and notes the economic benefits to businesses because of the holiday. I do not gainsay the remunerative nature of the holiday for business, but this is an ancillary result, not a secular effect, of any state holiday. See Lynch,
Finally, to argue that Christian employees alone are not given the day off is to erect a man of material flimsier than straw. The fact that such a statute would be so patently unconstitutional does not shed any light on the present one. Christians and nonChristians alike were free to gaze upon Allegheny's creche, but that, quite obviously, did not cure the constitutional flaw.
B.
The Court in County of Allegheny reminds us of another crucial aspect of the effects prong: context. A majority of the Court noted that under Lynch "the effect of a creche display turns on its setting. Here, unlike in Lynch, nothing in the context of the display detracts from the creche's religious message." Id.
The majority's context argument is that Good Friday's placement on the roll of public holidays amidst secular days diminishes its endorsing effect. Majority op. at 779-780. The context, in other words, is the list of holidays. Such an argument cannot be maintained. This is equivalent to saying that if the state erected secular displays on assorted sites, this would balance a creche on another site. Just as the context in that example should not be all displays anywhere in the state or even city, the context here cannot be all holidays, regardless of how temporally far apart.5 Furthermore, under the majority's context rationale, the state could decide tomorrow that all of holy week or any of the numerous saints' days should be holidays and that their placement on the holiday roll would be balanced by all the other secular holidays. It seems that the majority would support as a state holiday any uniquely religious day on the grounds that because it is a state holiday, it must be of primarily secular content. A greater switch in cause and effect is difficult to imagine. The reason that the holiday roll is filled with patriotic and secular days is because the state may not make any laws respecting the establishment of religion.6
The majority's other point in its discussion on context is that a state's "mere calendar recognition" of a religious holiday is less of an endorsement of religion than public displays of religious symbols. Majority op. at 780. This argument is no more tenable than the last. "Mere calendar recognition" is a euphemism for "state-declared holiday." The majority believes that the state's declaration of a public holiday and its closing of state offices on a purely religious day is somehow less of an endorsement of Christianity than is the erection of a crucifix on state property, and it notes that the display cases have not held to the contrary. Those cases, though, have never discussed the constitutionality of state declarations of purely religious days as public holidays. I believe that such an establishment of religion is clearly more offensive than state decorations with religious themes.
C.
Overall, I cannot believe that the establishment of Good Friday as a state holiday can survive the endorsement test. As Justice O'Connor stressed in her County of Allegheny concurrence,
If government is to be neutral in matters of religion, rather than showing either favoritism or disapproval towards citizens based on their personal religious choices, government cannot endorse the religious practices and beliefs of some citizens without sending a clear message to nonadherents that they are outsiders or less than full members of the political community.
Id.
To order time and mark its passing are unique means by which communities define themselves. In selecting particular state holidays, the polity does more than honor the past; it identifies the people, events, and values from which it draws inspiration and seeks guidance. The celebrations provide a sense of continuity with remote times, bestowing upon the present the virtues of the past. Hawaii's decision, therefore, should not be dismissed as a bagatelle or applauded simply because it provides an additional day of repose; on the contrary, it should be regarded as a weighty, solemn statement, at once reflecting and shaping the collectivity's character.
The majority, I fear, underestimates the importance of such decisions. And yet, we are reminded daily of their role and significance to people around the globe. The French Jacobins are perhaps the most apt example in their swift introduction of their own calendar, which bore new names for months and even dated their accession to power as Year I. In the Third World, victorious revolutionary movements are quick to solemnize historical dates: e.g., November 1st in Algeria, July 26th in Cuba. At this very moment we wonder how long October 17th will remain a national holiday in the Soviet Union. Indeed, the majority need not have searched so far in time or space, as fierce debates over the celebration of Martin Luther King Day attest to our own extreme sensitivity to this issue.
There is, as I have explained, good reason for such emotional reactions. By honoring a given day, the state endorses an event as a fair reflection of its beliefs; it establishes that event as a privileged repository of its values. Despite the potential for impassioned disputes, a state is free to do this as far as secular occurrences are concerned--hence the 4th of July, Presidents' Day, Labor Day, or Memorial Day. But the First Amendment must exclude from this list those days that are remembered for their religious significance alone. Today, and with the blessing of the majority, we are told that it need not. I believe that by declaring Good Friday a state holiday, Hawaii has endorsed a day thoroughly infused with religious meaning; such endorsement has
[t]he effect on minority religious groups, as well as on those who may reject all religion, ... [of conveying] the message that their views are not similarly worthy of public recognition nor entitled to public support. It was precisely this sort of religious chauvinism that the Establishment Clause was intended forever to prohibit.
Lynch at 701,
III. ENTANGLEMENT
Lemon's third prong states that "the statute must not foster an excessive government entanglement with religion." Id. at 613,
IV. GOOD FRIDAY, CHRISTMAS, AND THANKSGIVING
The district court made the additional effort to show that Good Friday is of a similarly secular nature as Christmas and Thanksgiving. Cammack v. Waihee,
First and foremost, I do not think that the Supreme Court agrees either. For example, "[a]s observed in this Nation, Christmas has a secular as well as a religious dimension." County of Allegheny,
Though the Court has not mentioned Good Friday, it has spoken on Easter: "The Easter holiday celebrated by Christians may be accompanied by certain 'secular aspects' ... but it is nevertheless a religious holiday." County of Allegheny,
On one side of the holiday ledger we may place secular symbols: stockings, Santa Claus, elves, reindeer, and pilgrims, Native American maize, turkey, and cranberry; on the other side we place religious symbols: creches, menorahs, palms, and crucifixes. While Good Friday is associated with the religious symbol of Jesus Christ on the cross, it is, very much unlike Thanksgiving and Christmas, associated with no secular symbols at all. In fact, I think that we would insult observing Christians by characterizing Good Friday, a solemn day of worship and reflection on the death of Jesus Christ, as a day of convivial secular celebration. Easter, perhaps because it is a celebration of Jesus' resurrection, does have some secular components such as egg hunts and chocolate bunnies, and may, in this fashion, begin to approach Thanksgiving and Christmas. Good Friday, bereft of secular symbols or joyous festivity, simply does not belong in the same category. Indeed, while the death of Jesus Christ dominates Good Friday, for many, the reigning images of Christmas are the secular Ghosts of Christmas Past, Present, and Yet to Come.
Another telling example is that people of many religions or of no religion at all celebrate Thanksgiving and even Christmas, but it would be difficult to find atheists, Jews, or Baha'is engaging in Good Friday commemorations. Christmas, indeed, may be seen as a whole season, which the man who is perhaps its greatest secularizer described as "a good time; a kind, forgiving, charitable, pleasant time; the only time I know of, in the long calendar of the year, when men and women seem by one consent to open their shut-up hearts freely, and to think of people below them as if they really were fellow-passengers to the grave, and not another race of creatures bound on other journeys." Dickens, A Christmas Carol 8-9 (Bantam ed. 1986). To say that such an ecumenical spirit pervades Good Friday is simply untenable. I must agree that there is no evidence that "the Christian holy day of Good Friday has become secularized in any degree during the course of its longtime observance by Christian sects." Mandel v. Hodges,
I find this equation of Good Friday with Christmas and Thanksgiving both distasteful to practicing Christians, who do not wish a serious day permeated by mirth and levity, and unsettling to adherents of other religions or nonreligious persons, who would not desire their secular celebrations of Thanksgiving and Christmas to be linked to a holiday they could not imagine honoring.
I, therefore, respectfully dissent.
Notes
Section 8-1 in its entirety provides as follows:
Sec. 8-1 Holidays designated. The following days of each year are set apart and established as state holidays:
The first day in January, New Year's Day;
The third Monday in January, Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr., Day;
The third Monday in February, Presidents' Day;
The twenty-sixth day in March, Prince Jonah Kuhio Kalanianaole Day;
The Friday preceding Easter Sunday, Good Friday;
The last Monday in May, Memorial Day;
The eleventh day in June, King Kamehameha I Day;
The fourth day in July, Independence Day;
The third Friday in August, Admission Day;
The first Monday in September, Labor Day;
The eleventh day in November, Veterans' Day;
The fourth Thursday in November, Thanksgiving Day;
The twenty-fifth day in December, Christmas Day;
All election days, except primary and special election days, in the county wherein the election is held;
Any day designated by proclamation by the President of the United States or by the governor as a holiday.
Haw.Rev.Stat. Sec. 8-1 (Supp.1989).
See Public Serv. Co. v. Catron,
Because the parties have not briefed the point, we express no opinion on the efficacy of bringing an establishment clause challenge under section 1983. We note that this route has been traveled before without exciting controversy (or even comment). See, e.g., Marsh v. Chambers,
It appears that the protections afforded by both are co-extensive. See Koolau Baptist Church v. Department of Labor,
The government also argues that the district court improperly declined to abstain from deciding this case. Abstention in some instances may be appropriate. See Burdick v. Takushi,
There is no distinction between "defendants" or "plaintiffs" for the purposes of becoming "appellants" before this court
Even if we were to read the notice of appeal more narrowly, the designation of "Nell A. Cammack" in the caption would be sufficient to preserve her appeal. See National Center for Immigrants' Rights, Inc.,
In Grove v. Mead School District No. 354,
In this portion of the opinion, which was otherwise written for an unanimous eight-justice Court, Justice Kennedy was able to garner only four votes; the other four justices expressly disavowed Justice Kennedy's discussion of the injury aspect of state taxpayer standing. See
Our conclusion renders consideration of other possible bases for standing--the denial of access to state facilities and services, some plaintiffs' status as public employees--unnecessary
Although the Lynch Court insisted that it was not confined to the Lemon test in analyzing establishment clause cases, see
The dissent criticizes our reliance upon Kendrick in discerning the correct formulation of this prong of the Lemon test. Kendrick is both the most recent Supreme Court establishment clause case examining the purpose prong, and the only case since Lynch which addressed competing secular and sectarian purposes. Nowhere in Kendrick is there even a hint that the Court was searching for a primary purpose
When, in contrast to the situation which we face here, only one legislative purpose animates a governmental act, then it is sound to evaluate such "actual" purpose. In the cases cited by the dissent to justify an "actual" purpose analysis, the Court was faced with no legitimate secular purpose whatsoever, and understandably focused upon the legislature's one "actual" purpose. See Edwards,
The dissent's fear that our formulation of the purpose test "effectively gut[s] this prong," see Dissent at 783, is misplaced. The dissent worries that a creche or star of David could be installed on government buildings for the legitimate, secular purpose of aesthetics, and thus presumably would survive the first Lemon prong. This is no objection to the Kendrick formulation of the purpose prong. For one thing, even under the dissent's version of the test, if aesthetics were the "primary" purpose behind the legislature's actions, the display would pass the dissent's test as well. More to the point, the display would almost certainly fall on the second, "effects" prong of the Lemon test, described below. See County of Allegheny,
Although the earlier bills did not become law, their legislative history is relevant as the history of the 1941 bill which enacted Good Friday as a legal holiday. See Edwards,
This and the cases which are discussed below make clear that "accommodation" is not a principle limited to "burdens on the free exercise of religion," despite Justice Blackmun's remark suggesting the contrary in County of Allegheny. See
The potential effect on business of a Good Friday holiday was very much on the legislature's mind in considering establishment of the holiday. See Haw.H.Stand.Comm.Rep. No. 254 (H. Bill No. 39), reprinted in 1939 Haw.H.J. 890 (noting that some believed that too many holidays had a detrimental impact on business, but that many businesses were releasing employees to attend Good Friday services anyway)
In Zorach, the Court upheld a program under which public school students who wished to partake in religious instruction were released from class, for a limited time, to do so, although students who did not receive such instruction were required to remain at their public school. See
Nor are we persuaded by the reasoning of the Connecticut Supreme Court in Griswold Inn, Inc. v. Connecticut,
We do not accept the contention that the observation of "Good Friday" in the Western Christian world has become "secularized" in the same manner as Thanksgiving and Christmas celebrations have become in this country. Rather, we do not regard the distinction as constitutionally significant. What the Lemon test requires is that we inquire into the purpose and effect of Hawaii's recognition of this holiday. Hawaii's recognition of Good Friday as a public holiday, we conclude, is sufficiently focused toward its secular purpose and, after 50 years, has resulted in secular effects such that an objective observer, "acquainted with the text, legislative history, and implementation of the statute," Wallace,
It is noteworthy that Justice O'Connor provided the fifth vote for the Lynch majority. Therefore, since her concurrence explicitly rejects the notion that any secular purpose will do, the majority's cite of Lynch on this point is not a cite to a majority holding. The majority, then, is left only with Kendrick for support
In its most recent case on the Establishment Clause, which obviously postdates Kendrick, the Court's liberal quoting from Justice O'Connor's Lynch concurrence makes it clear that the Court continues to adopt that reasoning. See County of Allegheny v. American Civil Liberties Union,
The majority argues that "[t]he County of Allegheny footnote does not purport to describe the outer limits of permissible accommodation." Majority op. at 776 n. 15. Since they have come up with no cases that push that limit further, their proposition is mere speculation and can hardly help us in this case
Further, the discussion of Zorach v. Clauson,
Marsh and McGowan are cases that are largely based on particular laws' history being intertwined with the state's secular life. Good Friday should not receive similar judicial dispensation, for while "[t]here have been breaches of this command ["that one religious denomination cannot be officially preferred over another"] throughout this Nation's history, ... they cannot diminish in any way the force of the command." County of Allegheny,
Even were we to buy into this dubious notion that the holiday roll should be the context, Good Friday is not aided. In such a circumstance, the only holidays with any religious origin--Thanksgiving, Christmas, and Good Friday--all belong to the Christian faith. Even Justice Kennedy, who thought that both displays in County of Allegheny were constitutional, agrees:
[I]f a city chose to recognize, through religious displays, every significant Christian holiday while ignoring the holidays or all other faiths, the argument that the city was simply recognizing certain holidays celebrated by its citizens without establishing an official faith or applying pressure to obtain adherents would be much more difficult to maintain.
County of Allegheny,
The textual sentence that precedes Justice Brennan's footnote that the majority cites, see majority op. at 780, states that "it is clear that the celebration of Christmas has both secular and sectarian elements." Lynch,
See also American Civil Liberties Union v. City of St. Charles,
Christmas is a national holiday, celebrated by nonobservant Christians and many nonChristians, as well as by believing Christians. It owes its status, in part anyway, to the fact that most Christmas symbology either is unrelated to Christianity or is no longer associated with it in popular understanding. There is nothing distinctively Christian about reindeer, Santa Claus, gift-giving, eggnog, tinsel, toys, retail sales, roast goose, or the music (as distinct from the words) of Christmas carols.
