Foster v. University of Maryland-Eastern Shore
unknown
United States Court of Appeals, Fourth Circuit
256
In Paroline, the plaintiff produced evidence that her employer had failed to investigate prior complaints that the man who harassed her had engaged in unwanted touching of other women in the office. 879 F.2d at 103. Here, however, Foster concedes that the University investigated Employee C‘s allegations and found them to lack credibility. Moreover, according to Holden‘s uncontradicted testimony, the MCHR also investigated Employee C‘s allegations and similarly returned a finding of “no probable cause.”19 J.A. 563-64. We conclude as a matter of law that, for purposes of the Paroline failure-to-warn theory, an employer may reasonably rely upon the findings of a state civil rights agency in determining whether an employee poses a risk of creating a hostile work environment. To hold otherwise would effectively require employers to discipline or terminate all employees accused of harassment, regardless of whether the accusations against them are supported by evidence. This we decline to do.
Viewing the evidence in the light most favorable to Foster, she has failed to create a jury question regarding whether the University reasonably should have anticipated that she would be the victim of Jones‘s sexual harassment. The harassment is therefore not imputable to the University, and so we affirm the district court‘s grant of summary judgment on Foster‘s hostile work environment claim.
V.
For the foregoing reasons, we reverse in part the district court‘s order granting summary judgment to the University and remand to the district court for further proceedings consistent with this opinion.
AFFIRMED IN PART, REVERSED IN PART, AND REMANDED
Calla WRIGHT; Willie J. Bethel; Amy T. Lee; Amygayle L. Womble; John G. Vandenbergh; Barbara Vandenbergh; Ajamu G. Dillahunt; Elaine E. Dillahunt; Lucinda H. MacKethan; William B. Clifford; Ann Long Campbell; Greg Flynn; Beverley S. Clark; Concerned Citizens for African-American Children, d/b/a Coalition of Concerned Citizens for African-American Children; Raleigh Wake Citizens Association, Plaintiffs-Appellants, v. State of NORTH CAROLINA; Wake County Board of Elections, Defendants-Appellees.
No. 14-1329
United States Court of Appeals, Fourth Circuit
Decided: May 27, 2015
Argued: Dec. 10, 2014.
ARGUED: Anita Sue Earls, Southern Coalition for Social Justice, Durham, North Carolina, for Appellants. Alexander McClure Peters, North Carolina Department of Justice, Raleigh, North Carolina; Scott Wood Warren, Wake County Attorney‘s Office, Raleigh, North Carolina, for Appellees. ON BRIEF: Roger A. Askew, Claire A. Hunter, Wake County Attorney‘s Office, Raleigh, North Carolina, for Appellee Wake County Board of Elections.
Before MOTZ, GREGORY, and WYNN, Circuit Judges.
WYNN, Circuit Judge:
“The right to vote is protected in more than the initial allocation of the franchise. Equal protection applies as well to the manner of its exercise. Having once granted the right to vote on equal terms, the State may not, by later arbitrary and disparate treatment, value one person‘s vote over that of another.” Bush v. Gore, 531 U.S. 98, 104-05, 121 S.Ct. 525, 148 L.Ed.2d 388 (2000) (citation omitted).
Thirteen citizens of Wake County, North Carolina challenge a state law redrawing the Wake County Board of Education electoral districts. Plaintiffs contend that under the new redistricting plan, some citizen‘s votes will get significantly more weight than other‘s in violation of the
I.
Accepting the facts in Plaintiffs’ complaint as true, as we must on a motion to dismiss, Plaintiffs allege that until 2013, the Wake County Board of Education (“Board of Education“) was composed of members elected from nine single-member districts. The Board of Education‘s func-
In 2010, the census showed that Wake County‘s population had grown by 43.51% over the preceding decade, with a maximum population deviation among the then-existing school board districts of 47.89%.1 The Board of Education thus redrew its districts in 2011, resulting in geographically compact districts with a maximum population deviation of 1.66% and no district deviating from the ideal district population by even 1%. See Appendix 1 (from Plaintiffs’ complaint at J.A. 19).
The plan was put into place by a Board of Education that was majority Republican. But under the new plan, the fall 2011 elections resulted in a Board of Education with a Democratic majority. Plaintiffs allege that because the new plan resulted in a Democratic majority, the Republican-controlled North Carolina General Assembly, in turn, “over the objection of a majority of the Wake County School Board, passed a local bill making numerous changes in the method of selection.” J.A. 11. “No Democratic member of the legislature voted for it, and no African-American member of the legislature voted for it.” J.A. 21.
The bill, Session Law 2013-110 (“Session Law“), made “numerous” changes to the Wake County Board of Education‘s methods of election. Central to Plaintiffs’ complaint, the Session Law changed the Board of Education‘s make-up from nine single-member districts to seven single-member districts and set less geographically compact boundaries for this new set of districts. See Appendix 2 (from Plaintiffs’ complaint at J.A. 23). The maximum population deviation among the single-member districts is 7.82%.
Further, the Session Law created two “super districts.” One super district forms a donut of “outer, rural areas of the county,” while the other forms a donut hole in the “inner, urban” area. J.A. 11. See Appendix 3 (from Plaintiffs’ complaint at J.A. 25). The maximum population deviation between the super districts is 9.8%.
The Session Law also prohibits the Board of Education from “making any further changes in its method of election until 2021,” something it previously could do. J.A. 11. Wake County is thus burdened with some “substantially over-populated” districts, where votes will be diluted vis-à-vis other “substantially under-populated” districts. J.A. 26. Those districts are “visually and mathematically less compact” and “split 21 unique precincts in the county” (as opposed to the prior districts, which split only 11 precincts). J.A. 28.
Plaintiffs sued the State of North Carolina and the Wake County Board of Elections (“Board of Elections“), the entity charged with administering the Board of Education‘s elections. Plaintiffs complained that the Session Law “overpopu-
Defendants answered and moved to dismiss. Plaintiffs, in turn, sought leave to amend their complaint, substituting Governor Patrick McCrory, Senate President Pro Tem Phillip Berger, and General Assembly Speaker Thom Tillis (“individual state officials“) in their official capacities for the State of North Carolina.
The district court granted Defendants’ motions to dismiss and denied Plaintiffs’ motion to amend as futile. Specifically, the district court held that it had no jurisdiction over the State, that
II.
We first consider Plaintiffs’ argument that the district court erred in ruling that Proposed Defendants Tillis and Berger (“Proposed Defendants“) were not proper parties to their suit.2 And we do so de novo. Franks v. Ross, 313 F.3d 184, 192-93 (4th Cir.2002) (noting that “the existence of sovereign immunity is a question of law that we review de novo” and that “we review de novo a . . . legal determination [of] whether Ex parte Young relief is available“) (quotation marks and citations omitted).
Under the
While the
To be amenable to suit under the
For example, in McBurney v. Cuccinelli, 616 F.3d 393, 400-02 (4th Cir.2010), we held that Virginia‘s attorney general did not have a specific duty to enforce the state‘s freedom of information act and thus was not subject to suit under Ex parte Young. We noted that Virginia had vested such authority in local prosecutors as opposed to the attorney general. Further, we likened the attorney general‘s duty to issue advisory opinions to the governor‘s duty to uphold state law—not sufficient to impose the required “special relation” to enforce the law so as to make him a proper defendant. Id. at 401.
By contrast, in S.C. Wildlife Federation, we held that the sued state official—there the director of South Carolina‘s Department of Transportation—had a sufficiently close relationship with the challenged law or action to be amenable to suit. 549 F.3d at 332-34. In that case, the plaintiffs alleged violations of the National Environmental Policy Act arising from the proposed construction of a bridge in South Carolina. We held that both state and federal law imposed specific duties upon the director that gave rise to the required special relation. Id. at 333-34.
Turning to the case at hand, we agree with the district court that neither Proposed Defendant had a special duty to enforce the challenged Session Law, and thus neither is amenable to suit. The North Carolina Constitution clearly assigns the enforcement of laws to the executive branch.
Plaintiffs counter that if the Proposed Defendants are not party to their suit, there will be no mechanism for forcing a constitutionally valid election, should they succeed in enjoining the Session Law.3 This assertion is, however, incorrect. The district court could, for example, mandate that the Board of Elections conduct the next election according to the scheme in place prior to the Session Law‘s enactment until a new and valid redistricting plan is implemented. State law also provides, for example, that the State Board of Elections can make reasonable interim rules with respect to pending elections.
In sum, neither Proposed Defendant has any enforcement authority over election proceedings, and, accordingly, neither falls within the
III.
With their main argument on appeal, Plaintiffs contend that the district court erred when it dismissed their complaint for failure to state a claim upon which relief could be granted. We review the district court‘s dismissal of the Plaintiffs’ complaint de novo, “accept[ing] as true all of the factual allegations contained in the complaint” and drawing “all reasonable inferences in favor of the plaintiff.” E.I. du Pont de Nemours & Co. v. Kolon Indus., Inc., 637 F.3d 435, 440 (4th Cir. 2011) (quotation marks and citations omitted). Further, while the complaint “must contain sufficient facts to state a claim that is plausible on its face,” it nevertheless “need only give the defendant fair notice of what the claim is and the grounds upon which it rests.” Id. (quotation marks and citations omitted).
To the extent Plaintiffs’ claims do “not fall within the four corners of our prior case law,” this “does not justify dismissal under
Finally, we bear in mind that “‘a complaint is to be construed liberally so as to do substantial justice.‘” Pub. Employees’ Ret. Ass‘n of Colo. v. Deloitte & Touche LLP, 551 F.3d 305, 311 (4th Cir. 2009) (quoting 5 Charles Alan Wright & Arthur R. Miller et al., Federal Practice and Procedure § 1202 (3d ed.2004)). See also, e.g., Anderson v. Found. for Advancement, Educ. & Emp‘t of Am. Indians, 155 F.3d 500, 505 (4th Cir.1998) (noting that “pleading standards require that the complaint be read liberally in favor of the plaintiff“).
A.
The
The one person, one vote principle applies not just to the federal government but also to state and local government. Avery v. Midland Cnty., 390 U.S. 474, 480, 88 S.Ct. 1114, 20 L.Ed.2d 45 (1968). Of particular note in this case, the Supreme Court has left no doubt that one person, one vote applies to school boards. Id. (“If voters residing in oversize districts are denied their constitutional right to participate in the election of state legislators, precisely the same kind of deprivation occurs when the members of a city council, school board, or county governing board are elected from districts of substantially, unequal population.” (emphasis added)).
The courts have recognized that “[m]athematical exactness or precision is hardly a workable constitutional requirement” and do not hold state or local government districts to such a standard. Daly, 93 F.3d at 1217 (quoting Reynolds, 377 U.S. at 577). Nevertheless, governments must “make an honest and good faith effort” to construct districts as close to equal population “as is practicable.” Id. at 1217 (quoting Reynolds, 377 U.S. at 577).
Generally, therefore, a district apportionment plan with a maximum population deviation under 10% will not, “by itself,” support an equal protection claim. Daly, 93 F.3d at 1217-18. The 10% threshold does not, however, “insulate” a state or local districting plan from attack. Id. at 1220. Rather, it determines the “allocat[ion of] the burden of proof,” with a plaintiff in a case below the 10% population disparity mark unable to “rely on it alone to prove invidious discrimination or arbitrariness. To survive summary judgment, the plaintiff would have to produce further evidence to show that the apportionment process had a ‘taint of arbitrariness or discrimination.‘” Id. (quoting Roman v. Sincock, 377 U.S. 695, 710, 84 S.Ct. 1449, 12 L.Ed.2d 620 (1964)).4
Our task is to determine whether Plaintiffs have pled a plausible violation of the state and federal constitutions. E.I. du Pont de Nemours, 637 F.3d at 440 (citing Bell Atlantic Corp. v. Twombly, 550 U.S. 544, 570, 127 S.Ct. 1955, 167 L.Ed.2d 929 (2007)). That task does not hinge on the determination of whether Plaintiffs have pled a maximum population deviation exceeding 10%, which is
Here, Plaintiffs allege such a “taint of arbitrariness or discrimination.” Id. Specifically, Plaintiffs complain that the challenged districts discriminate between urban and rural voters, “overpopulat[ing], without justification, certain districts, causing the vote of Plaintiffs living in those overpopulated districts to be weighted less than votes of citizens in districts that are unjustifiably under-populated.” J.A. 11. See Reynolds, 377 U.S. at 568 (stating that “a qualified voter[ ] is no more nor no less so because he lives in the city or on the farm“). The district court itself recognized that “Plaintiffs allege a favoritism of rural areas of the county over urban areas[,]” J.A. 88, and even Defendants agree that Plaintiffs “do allege that the plan pits urban voters against rural voters.” Appellees’ Br. at 20. It is hard to square all of this with the dissenting opinion‘s assertion that “Plaintiffs do no such thing.” Post at 272. In any event, Defendants’ concession highlights that Plaintiffs here fulfilled
Further, Plaintiffs complain that the districts, particularly when compared to the previous districts that had been drawn up just two years prior, were “visually and mathematically less compact,” “confusing,” and had significantly higher population deviations. J.A. 15, 28. Plaintiffs also alleged that the challenged redistricting “split 21 unique precincts,” whereas the prior plan divided only 11. J.A. 28. Plaintiffs point out that not only did the Board of Education itself oppose the redistricting, but that “[n]o Democratic member,” and “no African-American member” of North Carolina‘s General Assembly supported the redistricting, suggesting, for
Finally, Plaintiffs contend that the challenged redistricting is intended “to disfavor incumbents who are registered Democrats and support progressive education policies.” J.A. 28. According to Plaintiffs, the redistricting “further[s] Republican interests and advance[s] conservative agenda policies—over the wishes of the Wake County electorate“—which they contend is “not a legitimate state interest that justifies the population deviations.” Id. Again, even the district court recognized that Plaintiffs allege “the targeting of democratic incumbents” and “impermissible political bias.” J.A. 88.
When Plaintiffs’ complaint is viewed through the forgiving lens mandated at the motion-to-dismiss stage, it states a plausible claim for which relief can be granted. Plaintiffs allege in detail a redistricting that resulted in a maximum population deviation of nearly 10%. Plaintiffs describe how and why that deviation was unjustified, discriminatory, and unconstitutional. They do not allege that the apportionment plan with a maximum population deviation just barely under 10% “by itself” supports their equal protection claim, but rather they plead facts indicating that the apportionment “had a taint of arbitrariness or discrimination.” Daly, 93 F.3d at 1217, 1220 (quotation marks and citation omitted).
The dissenting opinion is quick to reject the complaint for its failure to engage in talismanic incantations of magic words like “arbitrary.” Post at 270 (making much ado of the fact that the “complaint does not even contain the words ‘bad faith’ [or] ‘arbitrariness‘“). That Plaintiffs chose to plead facts sounding in arbitrariness rath-
Similarly, the district court rejected Plaintiffs’ allegations and dismissed their complaint. In doing so, it cited not a single case on all fours with this one nor any case mandating such an outcome. Defendants similarly have identified no precedent that suggests that dismissing Plaintiffs’ complaint at this stage is warranted, much less required.
To the contrary, a closer look at the precedent Defendants and the district court cite underscores that Plaintiffs’ claims should survive. For example, both Defendants and the district court rely on Daly, 93 F.3d 1212, to justify dismissal here. Tellingly, however, we held in Daly that a plaintiff in a case falling below the 10% population disparity mark may not “rely on it alone to prove invidious discrimination or arbitrariness. To survive summary judgment, the plaintiff would have to produce further evidence to show that the apportionment process had a ‘taint of arbitrariness or discrimination.‘” Id. at 1220 (quoting Roman, 377 U.S. at 710) (emphasis added).5 Thus, in Daly, rather than dismiss the plaintiffs’ claims, we remanded the matter, stating that “[w]hether Plaintiffs can produce any credible evidence to establish that the apportionment plan at issue here was the product of bad faith, arbitrariness, or invidious discrimination should be addressed on remand.” Id. at 1222.
Similarly, Roman, 377 U.S. 695, on which we relied in Daly, was decided after a trial. And Gaffney v. Cummings, on which the district court relied and in which the Supreme Court held that an otherwise acceptable reapportionment plan was not made constitutionally vulnerable by the fact that its purpose was to achieve political fairness between the major political parties, was decided after “[c]onsiderable evidence was introduced.” 412 U.S. 735, 739, 93 S.Ct. 2321, 37 L.Ed.2d 298 (1973).6
By contrast, both Defendants and the district court try to distinguish and dispense with Larios v. Cox, a case notably more similar to the one at hand and illustrative of the district court‘s error in dismissing Plaintiffs’ complaint. 300 F.Supp.2d 1320 (N.D.Ga.2004) (three judge panel), summarily aff‘d, 542 U.S. 947, 124 S.Ct. 2806, 159 L.Ed.2d 831 (2004). In Larios, a federal court struck down a statewide legislative redistricting plan in
We recognize that “the precedential effect of a summary affirmance can extend no further than ‘the precise issues presented and necessarily decided by those actions.‘” Ill. State Bd. of Elections v. Socialist Workers Party, 440 U.S. 173, 182, 99 S.Ct. 983, 59 L.Ed.2d 230 (1979) (quoting Mandel v. Bradley, 432 U.S. 173, 176, 97 S.Ct. 2238, 53 L.Ed.2d 199 (1977)). Such summary actions “should not be understood as breaking new ground but as applying principles established by prior decisions to the particular facts involved.” Mandel, 432 U.S. at 176.
While sensitive to its limitations, we can nevertheless glean several lessons from the Larios summary affirmance. First, the Supreme Court has not created a 10% maximum population deviation threshold, below which all redistricting decisions are inherently constitutional. This point was made clear by Justice Stevens‘s opinion concurring in the affirmance and highlighting the court‘s rejection of a safe harbor for districting plans that rest within the 10% threshold:
[A]ppellant invites us to weaken the one-person, one-vote standard by creating a safe harbor for population deviations of less than 10 percent, within which districting decisions could be made for any reason whatsoever. The Court properly rejects that invitation. After our recent decision in Vieth v. Jubelirer, 541 U.S. 267, 124 S.Ct. 1769, 158 L.Ed.2d 546 (2004), the equal-population principle remains the only clear limitation on improper districting practices, and we must be careful not to dilute its strength.
542 U.S. at 949-50 (emphasis added). Second, the Supreme Court necessarily believed to be correct the district court‘s rejection of discriminatory treatment of incumbents from one party over those of another, the district court‘s rejection of allowing citizens in certain areas to have disproportionate electoral influence, or both, since the lower court‘s ruling relied on those bases in striking the redistricting as unconstitutional. Larios, 300 F.Supp.2d at 1338.
Here, Plaintiffs allege that, as in Larios, a state legislature designed a redistricting plan with a maximum deviation in population of just under 10%, designed to pit rural and urban voters against one another, and intended to favor incumbents of one political party over those of another. Even if Larios does not control this case (though neither Defendants nor the district court point to anything else squarely on point and controlling, either), we nevertheless find it persuasive.
The district court‘s rejection of Larios rested on an altogether arbitrary distinction. The district court declared that ”Larios dealt with state-wide elections whereas this case deals only with Wake County. The broad geographic differences found within a state are not found within one county.” J.A. 89. The lack of a factual basis for this statement aside, the district court failed to identify how
Similarly, the district court found it “plainly apparent in Larios that [R]epublican incumbents were being targeted, whereas here the targets are less clear.” J.A. 89. But certainty is not required to survive a motion to dismiss. Notably, the district court did not find it implausible that such targeting occurred here. Twombly, 550 U.S. at 570. While “the factual allegations in a complaint must make entitlement to relief plausible,”
B.
The district court also sought to justify dismissal here by viewing Plaintiffs’ complaint as “stat[ing] a political gerrymandering claim” that Plaintiffs had merely dressed “in the language of a one person, one vote claim.” J.A. 88. According to the district court, political gerrymandering claims are “nonjusticiable” per Vieth v. Jubelirer, 541 U.S. 267, 124 S.Ct. 1769, 158 L.Ed.2d 546 (2004). J.A. 88. We disagree.
In stark contrast to a mere “political gerrymandering claim,” Plaintiffs allege that the Session Law violates the one person, one vote principle by creating “non-compact,” “confusing” districts with maximum population deviations reaching almost 10% and that the deviation from one person, one vote is “unjustifi[ed]” and results in discrimination amongst not only political interests but also “rural” versus “urban” populations. J.A. 11, 15. In other words, Plaintiffs here have pled an equal protection claim.
Further, even if Plaintiffs had pled only a political gerrymandering claim—which they did not—we could not agree with the district court that such a claim is necessarily a non-justiciable political question mandating dismissal. Indeed, the district court‘s assertion that “the Supreme Court found political gerrymandering claims to be nonjusticiable in Vieth v. Jubelirer,” J.A. 88, fails to appreciate that Vieth was a plurality opinion only, onto which just four justices signed. As the plurality opinion itself recognized, Justice Kennedy, in his concurring opinion, “conclude[d] that courts should continue to adjudicate such [political gerrymandering] claims.” Id. at 301. See also, id. at 306 (Kennedy, J., concurring) (“While agreeing with the plurality that the complaint the appellants filed in the District Court must be dismissed, and while understanding that great caution is necessary when approaching this subject, I would not all foreclose the possibility of judicial relief if some limited and precise rationale were found to correct an established violation of the Constitution in some redistricting cases.“) (emphasis
At the end of the day, we cannot say whether Plaintiffs will ultimately succeed with their equal protection claim. But we can say that they have made allegations sufficient to withstand a motion to dismiss for failure to state such a claim. The district court erred in holding otherwise.
C.
Separately but relatedly, Plaintiffs claim that they have been denied equal protection under the North Carolina Constitution, which also “guarantees the principle of one-person, one-vote and demands that the vote of each citizen be valued equally.” J.A. 30. As the district court noted, “Plaintiffs allege the same supporting facts for their North Carolina Constitutional claim as for their United States Constitutional claim.” J.A. 90.
North Carolina‘s courts have unequivocally stated that under the North Carolina Constitution, “[t]he right to vote on equal terms in representative elections—a one-person, one-vote standard—is a fundamental right.” Blankenship v. Bartlett, 363 N.C. 518, 681 S.E.2d 759, 762-63 (2009) (citing Northampton Cnty. Drainage Dist. No. One v. Bailey, 326 N.C. 742, 392 S.E.2d 352, 356 (1990)). Further, the Supreme Court of North Carolina‘s analysis regarding “the State Constitution‘s Equal Protection Clause generally follows the analysis of the Supreme Court of the United States in interpreting the corresponding federal clause.” Blankenship, 681 S.E.2d at 762. In fact, North Carolina courts have even found the one person, one vote principle to apply in instances where the federal courts have not. See id. at 763 (finding the one person, one vote principle applicable in North Carolina‘s election of superior court judges even though “federal courts have articulated that the ‘one-person, one-vote’ standard is inapplicable to state judicial elections“).
As with the federal constitutional claim, the district court shoe-horned Plaintiffs’ state-law one person, one vote contentions into a political gerrymandering claim it then deemed nonjusticiable. The district court stated that “plaintiffs’ factual allegations amount to a claim of impermissible political bias which is a claim of political gerrymandering.” J.A. 91. While the district court candidly admitted that it had “found no North Carolina case law which supports a finding that such a claim is nonjusticiable,” it nevertheless dismissed this claim, too, citing Vieth. Id. Its failure to find state law support for dismissal at the
IV.
Plaintiffs’ allegations in support of their claim that the Session Law violates the one person, one vote principle suffice to survive a motion to dismiss for failure to state a claim. The district court thus
AFFIRMED IN PART, REVERSED IN PART, AND REMANDED
DIANA GRIBBON MOTZ, Circuit Judge, dissenting:
No matter how liberally construed, and notwithstanding the majority‘s vigorous attempts at resuscitation, the complaint in this case fails to state a claim upon which relief can be granted. The district court properly dismissed it.
I.
Plaintiffs allege that a redistricting plan, which establishes districts for a non-partisan county school board election with a maximum population deviation of under 10%, violates the Constitution. Over 30 years ago, the Supreme Court expressly held that “a maximum population deviation under 10% falls within th[e] category of minor deviations” that render a redistricting plan presumptively constitutional. Brown v. Thomson, 462 U.S. 835, 842, 103 S.Ct. 2690, 77 L.Ed.2d 214 (1983). The Court has never retreated from this presumption and the circuit courts have faithfully applied it. See, e.g., Daly v. Hunt, 93 F.3d 1212, 1219-20 (4th Cir.1996); see also League of Women Voters of Chicago v. City of Chicago, 757 F.3d 722, 725 (7th Cir. 2014); Chen v. City of Houston, 206 F.3d 502, 523 n. 15 (5th Cir.2000).
To rebut the presumption, a plaintiff must “produce . . . evidence to show that the apportionment process had a ‘taint of arbitrariness or discrimination.‘” Daly, 93 F.3d at 1220 (quoting Roman v. Sincock, 377 U.S. 695, 710, 84 S.Ct. 1449, 12 L.Ed.2d 620 (1964)). To escape summary judgment, this standard requires that challengers offer evidence that the plan “was the product of bad faith, arbitrariness, or invidious discrimination.” Daly, 93 F.3d at 1222. To withstand a motion to dismiss, challengers need not “forecast evidence sufficient to prove the elements of [a] claim,” but their complaint must “allege sufficient facts to establish those elements.” Walters v. McMahen, 684 F.3d 435, 439 (4th Cir.2012) (internal quotation marks and citation omitted). Plaintiffs have utterly failed to do this.
The complaint does not even contain the words “bad faith,” “arbitrariness,” or “invidious discrimination,” let alone allege facts supporting such claims. What Plaintiffs do allege is that the North Carolina legislature created a redistricting plan for the Wake County School Board designed to “disfavor incumbents who are registered Democrats and support progressive education policies,” and to instead “further Republican interests and advance conservative agenda policies.”
Plaintiffs concede, however, that Wake County‘s school board elections are nonpartisan. Candidates in non-partisan elections run only under their own names, without “involving, representing, or supporting the ideas of any political party or group.” Black‘s Law Dictionary (10th ed.2014) (defining “nonpartisan“). Thus, Plaintiffs’ challenge boils down to a claim that the plan governing this non-partisan election disfavors incumbents who prefer certain “education policies” and advances those who prefer different “policies.” A presumptively constitutional redistricting plan certainly cannot be found unconstitutional simply because it affords a de minimis apportionment advantage to those who prefer certain “policies” over other “policies.”
In holding to the contrary, the majority plunges federal judges into precisely the sort of dispute that the Supreme Court has
By asking us to referee a dispute as to “policy,” the complaint urges us to enter just this sort of “political thicket.” In Plaintiffs’ view (which the majority apparently shares), they can avoid dismissal of their complaint simply by alleging that the redistricting alters the political balance among those favoring different “policies.” If this were so, then this and every other redistricting challenge of this sort would recast federal judges as pollsters. It would make federal judges employ granular scrutiny of voting patterns even in nonpartisan elections to determine if those preferring certain “policies” have been disadvantaged by redistricting. And it would require federal judges to probe the state legislature‘s motivation in adopting the plan. Until today, no court had suggested that a presumptively constitutional redistricting plan requires this level of supervision by a federal court.
Moreover, the fate of the school board incumbents, about whom Plaintiffs evince great concern, is irrelevant when assessing a one person, one vote claim. As the Seventh Circuit recently explained, the one person, one vote principle “protect[s] an individual‘s right to vote.” League of Women Voters, 757 F.3d at 726 (emphasis in original) (internal quotation marks and citation omitted). It does not “insulate individual politicians from the threat of political reprisal once redistricting occurs.” Id. “Simply alleging” that redistricting hands “the short end of the proverbial stick” to certain incumbents “is not enough to overcome a presumptively constitutional map.” Id.
Plaintiffs apparently prefer another redistricting plan, a plan which creates districts with less population deviation, districts that are more “compact,” less “confusing,” and split fewer “unique voting precincts.” That plan may be “more constitutionally perfect.” Daly, 93 F.3d at 1221. But “the possibility of drafting a ‘better’ plan” does not provide the basis for finding the plan created by the duly elected state legislature unconstitutional. Id.
II.
The majority attempts to rectify the complaint‘s fatal shortcomings in two ways: by lowering the federal pleading standard to remove hurdles the complaint cannot clear, and by rewriting the complaint to contain facts never alleged.
A.
The majority offers a lengthy discourse on a court‘s obligations when reviewing the dismissal of a complaint. But it fails to grapple with requirements the law imposes on parties seeking to state a federal claim.
Of course, a court must construe complaints liberally. But it must also ensure that, in them, plaintiffs “raise a right to relief above the speculative level.” Bell Atl. Corp. v. Twombly, 550 U.S. 544, 555, 127 S.Ct. 1955, 167 L.Ed.2d 929 (2007). A complaint must permit “the reasonable in-
Chief among a court‘s obligations during
B.
Even were the pleading bar as low as the majority insists, the complaint would not clear it. In an attempt to remedy this deficiency, the majority invents allegations never pled.
First, the majority asserts that “Plaintiffs complain that the challenged districts discriminate between urban and rural voters.” But Plaintiffs do no such thing. Their sole reference to a divide between urban and rural voters comes in the complaint‘s first paragraph, which characterizes the plan as creating “two ‘super-districts’ . . . with an inner, urban super-district and an outer, rural super-district.” Neither the word “urban” nor the word “rural” appears again in the complaint. Nowhere do Plaintiffs allege a claim of discrimination based on geography, let alone facts sufficient to make such a claim plausible.
Next the majority insists that “Plaintiffs allege” the redistricting plan was “intended to favor incumbents of one political party over those of another.” But again, this is simply not the case.* Rather, as plaintiffs concede, the challenged redistricting plan governs a non-partisan school board election in which no candidate is affiliated with any party.
The motive for adding these two allegations to the complaint seems clear. They are critical to the majority‘s attempt to align this case with Larios v. Cox, 300 F.Supp.2d 1320 (N.D.Ga.2004) (three-judge panel), summarily aff‘d, 542 U.S. 947, 124 S.Ct. 2806, 159 L.Ed.2d 831 (2004), on which it so heavily relies. There, the dis-
The majority‘s response to this conclusion is telling. The majority does not, because it cannot, cite or quote any portion of the complaint giving lie to this conclusion. Instead, the majority relies on statements about the complaint made by the district court and the Defendants. But such statements provide no substitute for allegations missing from the complaint itself. Indeed, the majority‘s need to rely on outside sources in its attempt to establish the complaint‘s allegations demonstrates still again how deficient the complaint is. Just as outsiders could not supply the Emperor with new clothes, they cannot supply the complaint with new allegations.
III.
In sum, the allegations in the complaint, taken in the best light for Plaintiffs, do not set forth facts that plausibly rebut the presumption of constitutionality afforded this plan. Contrary to the majority‘s contention, dismissal of the complaint here is not for want of “an opportunity to develop evidence before the merits are resolved.” It is for want of allegation of facts that would permit a court to believe Plaintiffs could establish a viable claim. See Walters, 684 F.3d at 439.
The right to vote is precious. But its invocation does not empower federal courts to commandeer state legislative functions or eliminate federal pleading requirements. The Supreme Court has long held that the Constitution, while affording enormous protection to the right to vote, tolerates minor apportionment deviations. The majority today replaces this considered judgment with its own, preferring a “vast, intractable apportionment slough,” Gaffney, 412 U.S. at 750, to the well-worn path the Supreme Court has forged and mandated we follow.
With respect, I dissent.
ANCO INSULATIONS, INCORPORATED, a Louisiana Corporation, Plaintiff-Appellant v. NATIONAL UNION FIRE INSURANCE COMPANY OF PITTSBURGH,
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