CALIFORNIA MEDICAL ASSOCIATION ET AL. υ. FEDERAL ELECTION COMMISSION ET AL.
No. 79-1952
Supreme Court of the United States
Argued January 19, 1981-Decided June 26, 1981
453 U.S. 182
Rick C. Zimmerman argued the cause for appellants. With him on the briefs was David E. Willett.
Charles N. Steele argued the cause for appellees. With him on the brief was Kathleen Imig Perkins.*
JUSTICE MARSHALL delivered the opinion of the Court with respect to Parts I, II, and IV, and delivered an opinion with respect to Part III, in which JUSTICE BRENNAN, JUSTICE WHITE, and JUSTICE STEVENS joined.
In this case we consider whether provisions of the Federal Election Campaign Act of 1971, 86 Stat. 11, as amended,
*Bruce J. Ennis, Jr., filed a brief for the American Civil Liberties Union as amicus curiae urging reversal.
Louis R. Cohen, A. Stephen Hut, Jr., Roger M. Witten, Kenneth J. Guido, Jr., and Ellen G. Block filed a brief for Common Cause as amicus curiae urging affirmance.
I
The California Medical Association (CMA) is a not-for-profit unincorporated association of approximately 25,000 doctors residing in California. In 1976, CMA formed the California Medical Political Action Committee (CALPAC). CALPAC is registered as a political committee with the Federal Election Commission, and is subject to the provisions of the Federal Election Campaign Act relating to multicandidate political committees.1 One such provision,
On May 17, 1979, pursuant to the special expedited review provisions of the Act set forth in
II
Because the Commission vigorously contends that this Court does not have jurisdiction over this appeal, we first consider the complex judicial review provisions of the Federal Election Campaign Act.6 The Act provides two routes by which questions involving its constitutionality may reach this Court. First, such questions may arise in the course of an enforcement proceeding brought by the Commission under
However, because Congress was concerned that its extensive amendments to the Act in 1974 might raise important constitutional questions requiring quick resolution,7 it provided an alternative method for obtaining expedited review of constitutional challenges to the Act. This procedure, outlined in
“The Commission, the national committee of any political party, or any individual eligible to vote in any election for the office of President may institute such actions in the appropriate district court of the United States, including actions for declaratory judgment, as may be appropriate to construe the constitutionality of any provision of this Act. The district court immediately shall certify all questions of constitutionality of this Act to the United States court of appeals for the circuit involved, which shall hear the matter sitting en banc.”
§ 437h (a) .
Although Congress thus established two avenues for judicial review of constitutional questions arising under the Act, it failed to provide any mechanism for coordinating cases in which the same constitutional issues are raised by the same parties in both a
Although we agree with the Commission that the judicial review provisions of the Act are scarcely a blueprint for efficient litigation, we decline to construe
In addition, the language of
claims that are also presented in
III
Appellants’ First Amendment claim is based largely on this Court‘s decision in Buckley v. Valeo, 424 U. S. 1 (1976) (per
statute, as we interpret it today, is subject to the criticisms raised by the dissent. Supra, at 190. The remedy, however, lies with Congress.
Moreover, in its effort to justify rewriting
certification of constitutional claims that are frivolous, see, e. g., Gifford v. Congress, 452 F. Supp. 802 (ED Cal. 1978); cf. California Water Service Co. v. City of Redding, 304 U. S. 252, 254-255 (1938) (per curiam), or that involve purely hypothetical applications of the statute. See, e. g., Clark v. Valeo, supra; Martin Tractor Co. v. Federal Election Comm‘n, supra; 627 F. 2d, at 384-386, 388-390. Finally, as a practical matter, immediate adjudication of constitutional claims through a
None of these considerations, however, pertain to this case. At least the individual appellants have standing to bring this challenge. See n. 6, supra. Additionally, appellants here expressly challenge the statute on its face, and there is no suggestion that the statute is susceptible to an interpretation that would remove the need for resolving the constitutional questions raised by appellants. Finally, as evidenced by the divided en banc court below, the issues here are neither insubstantial nor settled. We therefore conclude that this case is properly before us pursuant to
Although the $5,000 annual limit imposed by
While these contentions have some surface appeal, they are in the end unpersuasive. The type of expenditures that this Court in Buckley considered constitutionally protected were those made independently by a candidate, individual, or group in order to engage directly in political speech. Id., at 44-48. Nothing in
We would naturally be hesitant to conclude that CMA‘s determination to fund CALPAC rather than to engage directly in political advocacy is entirely unprotected by the First Amendment.16 Nonetheless, the “speech by proxy” that CMA seeks to achieve through its contributions to CALPAC is not the sort of political advocacy that this Court in Buckley found entitled to full First Amendment protection. CALPAC, as a multicandidate political committee, receives contributions from more than 50 persons during a calendar year.
“While contributions may result in political expression if spent by a candidate or an association to present views to the voters, the transformation of contributions into political debate involves speech by someone other than the contributor.” 424 U. S., at 21 (emphasis added).
This analysis controls the instant case. If the First Amendment rights of a contributor are not infringed by limitations on the amount he may contribute to a campaign organization which advocates the views and candidacy of a particular candidate, the rights of a contributor are similarly not impaired by limits on the amount he may give to a multicandidate political committee, such as CALPAC, which advocates the views and candidacies of a number of candidates.17
We also disagree with appellants’ claim that the contribution restriction challenged here does not further the governmental interest in preventing the actual or apparent corruption of the political process. Congress enacted
extent that it restricts CMA‘s right to contribute administrative support to CALPAC. The Act defines “contribution” broadly to include “any gift, subscription, loan, advance, or deposit of money or anything of value . . . or . . . the payment by any person of compensation for the personal services of another person which are rendered to a political committee without charge for any purpose.”
Thus, contributions for administrative support clearly fall within the sorts of donations limited by
IV
Appellants also challenge the restrictions on contributions to political committees on the ground that they violate the equal protection component of the Fifth Amendment. Under the statute, corporations and labor unions may pay for the establishment, administration, and solicitation expenses of a “separate segregated fund to be utilized for political purposes.”
We have already concluded that
could reasonably have concluded
Accordingly, we conclude that the $5,000 limitation on the amount that persons may contribute to multicandidate political committees violates neither the First nor the Fifth Amendment. The judgment of the Court of Appeals is therefore affirmed.
So ordered.
JUSTICE BLACKMUN, concurring in part and concurring in the judgment.
I join Parts I, II, and IV of JUSTICE MARSHALL‘s opinion which, to that extent, becomes an opinion for the Court.
I write separately, however, to note my view of appellants’ First Amendment claims. Part III of the opinion appears to
Unlike the plurality, I would apply this “rigorous standard of review,” 424 U. S., at 29, to the instant case, rather than relying on what I believe to be a mistaken view that contributions are “not the sort of political advocacy . . . entitled to full First Amendment protection.” Ante, at 196. Appellees claim that
I stress, however, that this analysis suggests that a different result would follow if
JUSTICE STEWART, with whom THE CHIEF JUSTICE, JUSTICE POWELL, and JUSTICE REHNQUIST join, dissenting.
In § 313 of the Federal Election Campaign Act of 1971,
If the Commission becomes aware of a possible violation of the Act, it must notify the person responsible for the violation (who is referred to in the Act as the respondent).
The Court today holds that a person who has received formal notification of an impending
Although neither the language of the Act nor its legislative history directly addresses the issue resolved by the Court‘s holding, the structure of the Act itself expresses Congress’ intent that
Because the proceedings serve different purposes, Congress instituted separate sets of procedures tailored to the purposes of each proceeding. Thus Representative Hays-the chairman of the House Committee responsible for the bill-stated during debate: “The delicately balanced scheme of procedures and remedies set out in the act is intended to be the exclusive means for vindicating the rights and declaring the duties stated therein.” 120 Cong. Rec. 35134 (1974). In particular, in
Under the Court‘s holding today, Congress’ assessment of each of the cautiously limited rights contained in
Not only will Congress’ careful balancing of interests thus be undone by today‘s holding, but what Representative Hays referred to as the Act‘s “comprehensive system of civil enforcement,” 120 Cong. Rec. 35134 (1974), is likely to be impaired by the strain placed on the Federal Election Commission by the necessity of carrying on two lines of litigation where the Act envisions but one. I see no indication that by adopting
*The Court‘s opinion suggests that any approach other than its own would “remove a whole category of constitutional challenges from the purview of
The Court‘s opinion also suggests that the fact that
I cannot believe that Congress intended to require every federal court of appeals to hear en banc every constitutional issue arising in a
under this subsection or under section 437h” somehow supports its holding. There is no evidence that this provision of the statute contemplates more than that a court might have a wholly separate
Accordingly, I would dismiss this appeal for want of jurisdiction.
