Burroughs and Cannon v. United StatesBurroughs and Cannon v. United States
delivered the opinion of the Court.
An indiсtment returned by a grand jury sitting in the District of Columbia charges petitioners, in ten counts, with violations of the Federal Corrupt Practices Act of February 28, 1925, c. 368, Title III, 43 Stat. 1053, 1070; U.S.C., Title 2, § 241,
et seq.
The pertinent provisions of the act are contained in §§ 241-, 242 and 243, reproduced in the margin,
*
,and in §§ 244 and 252. Section 241 de
The first eight counts of the indictment purрort to charge petitioners with substantive violations of the act, and the ninth and tenth counts, with conspiracy to violate it—four of the eight counts charging willful violations; the other four merely charging violations, that is to say “ unlawful ” violations.
In the supreme court of the District, a demurrer was interposed to the indictment on the grounds (1) that each count of the indictment failed to allege facts sufficient to constitute an offense against the United States, and (2) that the Federal Corrupt Practices Act contravenes § 1, Art. II, of the Federal Constitution, providing for the appointment by each state of electors. The District supreme court sustained the demurrer upon the first ground, rendering unnecessary any ruling as. to the second. Upon appeal to the District court of appeals the judgment was reversed. That court ruled each of the ten counts sufficient, and upheld the constitutionality of the act.
First.
We do not stop to describe the eight substantive counts. In the opinion of a majority of the court, there is a failure in each count to charge an offense under- the
The tenth -count charges in substantially identical language a conspiracy to commit the four offenses not designated as willful, charged in the second, fourth, sixth and eighth counts of the indictment, namely, unlawful failure to file the required statements, the allegations of those counts being likewise incorporated by reference as fully as if repeated.
We are of opinion that thеse allegations are sufficient in each count to charge a conspiracy to violate the pertinent provisions of the act. Knowledge of the facts constituting the contemplated substantive offenses is suffi
Second. The only point of the constitutional objection necessary to be considered is that the power of appointment of presidential electors and the manner .of their appointment are expressly committed by § 1, Art. II, of the Constitution to the states, and that the congressional authority is thereby limited to determining “ the time of choosing the electоrs, and the day on which they shall give their votes; which day shall be the same throughout the United States.” So narrow a view of the powers of Congress in respect of the matter is without warrant.
The congressional act under review seeks to preserve the purity of presidential and vice presidential elections. Neither in purpose nor in effect does it interfere with the power of a state tо appoint electors or the manner in which their appointment shall be made. It deals with political committees organized for the purpose of influencing elections in two or more states, and with branches or subsidiaries of national committees, and excludes from its operation state or local committees. Its operation, therefore, is confined to situations which, if not beyond the power of the state to deal with at all, are beyond its
While presidential electors are not officers or agents of the federal government
(In re Green,
In
Ex parte Yarbrough,
“ That a government .whose essential character is republican, whose executive head and legislative body are both elective, whose most numerous and powerful branch of the legislature is elected by the people directly, has no power by appropriate laws to secure this election from the influence of violence, of сorruption, and of fraud, is a proposition so startling as to arrest attention and demand the gravest consideration.
“ If this government is anything more than a mere aggregation of delegated agents of other States ¿nd governments, each of which is superior to the general government, it must have the power to protect the elections on which its existence depends from violence аnd corruption.
“ If it has not this power it is left helpless before the two great natural and historical enemies of all republics, open violence and insidious corruption.”
And, answering the objection that the right to vote for a member of Congress is not dependent upon the Constitution or laws of the United States but is governed by state-law, the court further said (p. 663):
“ If this were conceded, the importancе to the general government of having the actual election—the voting for those members—free from force and fraud is not diminished by the circumstance that the qualification of the voter is determined by the law of the State where he votes. It equally affects the government, it is as indispensable to the proper discharge of the great function of legislating
And finally (pp. 666-667):
“ In a republican government, like ours, where political power is reposed in representatives of the entire body of the people, chosen at short intervals by populаr elections, the temptations to control these elections by violence and by corruption is a constant source of danger.
“ If the recurrence of such acts as these prisoners stand, convicted of are too conimon in one quarter of the country, and give omen of danger from lawless violence, the free use of money in elections, arising from the vast growth of recent wealth in other quarters, presents equal cause for anxiety.
“ If the government of the United States has within its constitutional domain no authority to provide against these evils, if the very sources of power may be poisoned by corruption or controlled by violence and outrage, without legal restraint, then, indeed, is the country in danger, and its best powers, its highest purposes, the hopes which it inspires, and1 the love which enshrines it, are at the mercy of the combinations of those who respect no right- but brute force, on the one hand, and unprincipled corruptionists on the other.”
These excerpts are enough to control the present case. To pursue the subject further would be merely to repeat their substance in other, and less impressive words.
The power of Congress to рrotect the election, of Presi- - dent and Vice President from corruption being clear, the. choice of means to that end presents a question primarily; addressed to the judgment of Congress. If it can be seen [
The 'judgment of the court below will be affirmed in respect of the ninth and tenth counts of the indictment only, and the cause remanded to the supreme court of the District for further proceedings in conformity with this opinion.
Affirmed in Part.
Separate .opinion of
To me it seems sufficiently clear that the trial judge rightly sustained the demurrer to the entire indictment.
Since counts one to eight fail to charge any offense under the statute, but are nevertheless incorporated by reference in the conspiracy counts (nine аnd ten), we must carefully consider the exact language by which the latter, undertake to describe the conspiracy.
Count Nine, with italics supplied, alleges:
And the grand jurors aforesaid, upon their oath aforesaid, do .further present, that said Ada L. Burroughs and
Count Ten, with italics supplied, alleges:
' And the grand jurors aforesaid, upon their oath aforesaid, do further present, that said Ada L. Burroughs and James Cannon, jr., hereinafter called defendants, said James Cannon, jr., throughout said period of time being the chairman of said political committee, continuously throughout said period of time, and while said Ada L. Burroughs was such treasurer of said political committee and said James Cannon, jr., was chairman thereof as aforesaid, each of said defendants then well knowing all the premises aforesaid, unlawfully and feloniously did
conspire, combine,
confederate and agree togethér, and with divers' other persons to said grand jurors unknown,
Interpreted with proper regard to the defendants’ rights, count nine, also count ten, undertakes to describe a conspiracy to commit crimes said to be charged against Burroughs in other сounts. But this Court now affirms that those counts fail adequately to specify any offense whatsoever.
Thus, we have allegations of what are called conspiracies to commit crimes which are nowhere adequately described. And I cannot think that such pleading should find toleration in any criminal action.
An indictment ought-to set out with fair certainty the charge to which the accused must respond. If сrime has been committed, a fairly, capable prosecuting officer can definitely describe it.
Here, we have an example of what seems to me inordinate difficulty unnecessarily thrust upon the accused. An experienced trial judge was unable to find proper de-. scription of crime in any of the ten counts of the indictment. The Court of Appeals, with a judge of long service dissenting, rulеd that every count was sufficient. This Court, being divided, now declares eight of the counts bad, but holds that two are sufficient.
Surely, such contrariety of opinion concerning allegations of the indictment indicates plainly enough that no man should be required to go to trial under it.
Notes
“ Section 241. Definitions.—When used in this chapter—
' “(c) The term ‘political committee’ includes any committee, association, or organization which accepts contributions or makes expenditures for the purpose of influencing or attempting to influence the election of candidates or presidential and vice presidential electors (1) in two or more States, or 12) whether or not in more than one State if such committee, association, or organization (other than a
“ 242. Chairman and treasurer of political committee; duties as to contributions; accounts and receipts.—(a) Every political committee shall have a chairman and a treasurer. No contribution shall be accepted, and no expenditure made, by or on behalf of a political committee for the purpose of influencing an election until such chairman and treasurer have been chosen.
“(b) It shall be the duty of the treasurer of a political committee to keep a detailed and exact account of—
"(1)- All contributions made to or for such committee;
“(2) The name and address of every .person making any such contribution, and the date thereof;
“(3) All expenditures made by or on behalf of such committee; and
“(4) Thе name and address of every person to whom any such expenditure, is made, and the date thereof.
“(c) It shall be the duty of the treasurer to obtain and keep a receipted bill, stating the particulars, for every expenditure by or on behalf of a political committee exceeding $10 in amount. The treasurer -shall preserve all receipted bills and accounts required to be kept by this section for a period of at least two years from the date of the filing of the statement containing such items.
“ 243. Accounts of contributions received.—Every person who receives a contribution for a political committee shall, on demand of the treasurer, and in any event within five days after the receipt of such contribution, render to the treasurer a detailed account thereof, including the name and address of the person making such contribution, and the date on which received.”