13 Gratt. 78 | Va. | 1855
The mode of suing in this case and the jurisdiction of the court have both been called in question but as I think upon insufficient grounds. The act in question is one necessarily affecting all the inhabitants of the district named who in respect of persons or property were liable to taxation under its provisions; and as they were many in number but had a common interest, it was allowable according to settled practice, for some to file a bill on behalf of themselves and the other inhabitants similarly situated seeking any relief to which they might all in common be justly entitled, although their individual’interests might be several and distinct. Calvert on Parties 28; Cockburn v. Thompson, 16 Ves. R. 321; Chancey v. May, Pr. in Chy. 592; Attorney General v. Heelis, 2 Sim. & Stu. 67, 1 Cond. Eng. Ch. R. 348; Gray v. Chaplin, 2 Sim. & Stu. 267, Id. 451; Blackham v. The Warden and Society of Sutton Coldfield, 1 Chy. Cas. 269; Mit. Pl. 137; Milligan v. Mitchell, 3 Mylne & Craig 72, 14 Eng. Ch. R. 72. And it would seem where a large number of persons are thus interested in a common subject and acts be done to the injury of the common right, the approval of the majority will neither excuse the wrong nor take away from the other parties their remedy by suit. Bromley v. Smith, 1 Sim. R. 8, 2 Cond. Eng. Ch. 5. See also Sto. Eq. Pl. § 107, 112, 114, 120; Taylor v. Salmon, 4 Mylne
Nor is the jurisdiction of the court of equity in such a case more difficult to be maintained. It may be that for each act of the board of commissioners affecting the inhabitants of the district, every one who is aggrieved might have a remedy at law of some sort, more or less effectual, but the remedy in equity would be far more perfect adequate and complete, and as the acts of the commissioners would be in their nature continuing and to be renewed from time to time, to restrict the parties to their legal remedies would be to consign them to interminable litigation and involve endless multiplicity of suits. Hence the court of chancery will interpose by its injunction to prevent the threatened wrong and provide a remedy which shall at once reach the whole mischief and secure the rights of all both for the present and the future: and its jurisdiction in such cases would seem to be well defined and fully sustained by authority. Mit. Pl. 89, et seq. 117; Sto. Eq. Jur. § 33, § 437; Hughes v. Trustees of Modern College, 1 Ves. R. 188; Shand v. Aberdeen Canal Company, 2 Dow. Par. R. 519; Agar v. Regent's Canal Company, Coop. Eq. R. 77; Gardner v. Trustees of Newburgh, 2 John. Ch. R. 162; Belknap v. Belknap, Ibid. 463; Osborn v. U. S. Bank, 9 Wheat. R. 738; Charles River Bridge v. Warren Bridge, 6 Pick. R. 376; Crenshaw v. Slate River Company, 6 Rand. 245; Goddin v. Crump, 8 Leigh 120.
These difficulties being overcome, we are brought to the merits in the front rank of which stands the question raised as to the validity and legal operation of the act of assembly in question. This has been denied upon two grounds: First: because the legislature has no power under the constitution to make the operation of a law depend upon the result of a vote of the peo
T¡jere js certainly no express inhibition in the constitution upon the provisional mode of legislation adopted in this case. The fourth article contains various restrictions and qualifications of the legislative power, and prescribes certain rules which the general assembly is required to observe in the exercise of its appropriate functions and the enactment of laws, but there is nothing which directly forbids the legislature to make the operation of an act dependent upon a vote of the people thereafter to be taken or other future'contingency. The objection however is that it is inconsistent with the representative principle and the theory of our government, in transferring the power and duty of making the law directly to the people or a portion of them, and thus relieving the representative body of their proper duty and just responsibility.
It will not be questioned that it is entirely competent for the legislature to provide for taking a vote of the people or of any portion of them upon a measure directly affecting them, and if a given number be found in favor of its adoption to enact a law thereupon carrying it into effect. And there would seem to be but little difference in substance in a reversal of the process by first enacting the law in all its parts but providing that its operation is to be suspended until it be ascertained that the requisite number of the people to be affected by it were in favor of its adoption. In regard to many measures especially those of a local character, it might be eminently just and proper that before they should be actually enforced the wishes of a majority or some other proportion of those who are to bear the burdens and reap the benefits, if any, should be ascertained in some
It will be conceded that the legislature may provide that an act shall not take effect until some future day named or until the happening of some particular event or in some contingency thereafter to arise or upon the performance of some specified condition. The exigencies of the government may frequently require laws of this character and to deny to the legislature the right so to frame them would be unduly to qualify and impair the powers plainly and necessarily conferred. Accordingly we find this a familiar feature in the legislation both of the national and state governments. The constitution of the United States was submitted by resolution of the convention, to congress and to the delegates of the different states in convention assembled, for their assent and ratification, with a further resolution declaring it to be the opinion of the convention that the proper steps should be taken to execute the constitution as soon as it should be ratified by nine of the states. By the ordinance of the 13th of July 1787 erecting the territory northwest of the Ohio the governor and judges were to adopt and publish such laws of the original states as were necessary and best suited to the circumstances of the district which were to be in force until the organization of the general assembly therein unless disapproved by congress. The validity and effect of this provision was affirmed both in the Supreme court and in the Court of errors of New York in-a case involving the right of the government of the territory of Michigan, which was erected in 1805 out of part of
Now if the legislature may make the operation of its act depend on some contingency thereafter to happen, or may prescribe conditions, it must be for them
That there can be nothing in the contingency of a
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I am aware there are cases to be found in the reported decisions in some of the states in which the contrary doctrine has been maintained. Several have been cited by the counsel for the appellants. • One of these is the case of Rice v. Foster, 4 Harring. R. 479. This appears to be a leading case as it is cited in all the other cases which I have seen in which the decisions have accorded with it, and the line of argument
The case of Parker v. Commonwealth, 6 Barr Pa. R. 507, was upon a similar law of the state of Pennsylvania, and the case was decided in the sazne way as in the Delawai’e case, and upon very similar reasoning. And yet it will be seen that Judge Bell who delivered the opinion of the majority of the court (two of the judges dissenting) fully sustains the constitutionality of the school law of 1836, one of the provisions of which was that elections should be held at stated periods within each district at which the question of establishing common schools should be decided by the
The doctrine of Rice v. Foster appears to have been applied to laws concerning free schools in two cases in New York. They are Thome v. Cramer, 15 Barb. R. 112, and Bradley v. Baxter, Ibid. 122. I will not stop to distinguish the law in question in those cases from our act, because whatever respect may be due them, I yet think in point of authority they are far outweighed by the cases establishing a different doctrine. The reasoning of the judges tends rather to demonstrate the inexpediency of this provisional legislation than its unconstitutionality, and to my mind it is far less cogent and convincing as to the latter than that which pre
wjS(jom an¿ expediency of this kind of legislation, this is not the place to express an opinion. To say that it is liable to be abused is but to affirm what is equally true of every mode of legislation. Whilst there may be occasions on which it may be adopted with advantage to the public interest, it may also be resorted to upon others to enable the representative to escape from his just responsibilities. Yet however profoundly impressed the judicial mind may be in any given instance with its impropriety and inexpediency, it will not do to say that for that cause the law may be set aside. This would but be for the judiciary to set itself up as a revisory body upon the acts of the general assembly and would be a plain usurpation upon the powers conferred upon that body. Unlike a question of constitutionality proper which must depend upon fixed principles, this would fluctuate with the varying views of different minds. What one judge might deem most unwise and dangerous another might think highly proper and beneficial. How great soever the evil may be the security against it must be sought in the wisdom and integrity of the legislative body or failing these, the corrective will be found in the virtue and intelligence of the people.
The second ground of objection to the act is equally unsustainable. The maxim potestas delegates non potest .delegari however true in the abstract can have no application here. The authority of the legislature to delegate to other bodies the power of taxation for certain purposes can no longer be considered an open question. As early as in the time of Judge Pendleton this court decided that the power of laying levies for county purposes might well be conferred upon the
Upon the construction of the act several questions have been made which I will now briefly consider.
. It is insisted that.no power is given to the commissioners to levy taxes for school-houses and that they have transcended their authority in so doing. It is true the act does not say in terms that the commissioners may levy a tax to pay for school-houses, but it authorizes them to establish schools and after ascertaining the amount necessary to defray the expense to levy taxes for the same. To establish schools, the first step must be to provide school-houses; and it cannot be supposed that the act contemplated these would be furnished by private contributions. Nor could it have been the intention of the act that the system should not take effect unless school-houses should be so furnished. Had such been the intention it would doubtless have been plainly expressed. There is no reason for supposing that the omission to provide in express terms the power to build or purchase schoolhouses was intentional with the view of withholding that of levying taxes for that purpose. It was doubtless not expressly conferred because it was thought to be embraced sufficiently in the general powers given to the board. And if it be conceded that the act should receive a strict construction, still it must be such as to enable the board to carry the intention of the legislature into effect. This was to establish free schools and to do this the power to provide schoolhouses was indispensable. Upon the familiar principle
It is also objected that the commissioners have adopted a mode of taxation unauthorized by the act. The capitation tax levied by them was upon the white male inhabitants over the age of twenty-one years only: and the property tax was an ad valorem tax upon all the property in the district excepting slaves, and upon these was laid a tax of fifty cents for every hundred dollars worth of those above the age of twelve years, every such slave to be valued at three hundred dollars no tax at all being imposed on slaves under that age. These discriminations it is insisted the board had no power to make.
It must be supposed that it was the intention of the legislature the act should be perfect and complete in all its parts and capable of being executed without further legislation. Now while the ninth section provides for a capitation tax, nothing is any where said of the means by which the number and names of those who would be subject to it are to be ascertained. No provision is made for obtaining a list and no one authorized to require parents or heads of families to give the numbers of those who would answer the description of “ white male inhabitants.” And it can scarcely be supposed that it was the intention of the legislature the capitation tax which the act authorized should be levied on infants of what age soever, as well as upon adults. Certainly a doubt may well arise upon the construction of the ninth section as to the precise class intended to be embraced by the terms “ white male inhabitants” upon whom this capitation tax was to be laid, and reference may properly be had to the constitution under which the law was enacted in aid of its interpretation. By the twenty-fourth section of the
So with regard to the tax to be laid on property. No provision is made for any assessment of property within the district nor any mode or means prescribed for ascertaining the amount and kinds liable to taxation. Besort therefore must be again had to the books of the commissioners of the revenue. But the constitution declares a particular class of slaves only to be subject to taxation, to wit, those of the age of twelve years and upwards and it also prescribes the ratio in respect to land in which they shall be assessed. So that the commissioner’s books made out for state pur
The capitation tax provided for in the twenty-fourth section of the fourth article of the constitution is to be equal to the tax assessed on land of the value of two hundred dollars. But this is a tax which the legislature is required to levy. It may not be less than according to the ratio prescribed, but there is nothing to prevent the legislature from making it greater; and it can scarcely be doubted that it is strictly within the power of the legislature to increase this tax according to its discretion for the promotion of education and any other legitimate purpose: and this power it may delegate to the County courts or to a corporation such as that created by this act for the purposes of education to be by them exercised as it might be by the legislature, with such additional guards and restrictions as that body shall see proper to impose. Hence it was competent to the board to fix the capitation tax at a higher rate than that provided in the constitution, and as education is perhaps more fitly and appropriately the subject of a capitation tax than of a tax on
None of the objections which have been made should as it seems to me be sustained: and I am of opinion to affirm the order dissolving the injunction.
Allen, P. and Moncure, J. concurred in the opinion of Lee, J.
Daniel and Samuels, Js. thought that the commissioners erred in exempting from taxation any of the white males or slaves. On the other questions they concurred in the opinion of Lee, J.
Decree affirmed.
Note by the Judge. — The date of this decision and the occasion on which it was made do not appear. The opinion was however furnished to the reporter by Judge Pendleton himself and it was no doubt a decision of the Court of appeals in his time. That eminent judge died in October 1803.