Brown v. North Carolina Division of Motor VehiclesBrown v. North Carolina Division of Motor Vehicles
Lead Opinion
Affirmed by published opinion. Chief Judge WILKINSON wrote the majority opinion, in which Judge MOON joined. Judge MURNAGHAN wrote a dissenting opinion.
OPINION
Five purchasers of North Carolina handicapped parking placards sued the state Division of Motor Vehicles (DMV) on behalf of themselves and all those similarly situated to recover a five dollar fee the state charged for the placard. Plaintiffs claimed the fee violated
The district court found that in passing the ADA, Congress exceeded its powers under Section 5 of the Fourteenth Amendment, and thus Congress could not abrogate sovereign immunity under the test set forth in Seminole Tribe v. Florida,
I.
Since 1972 the state of North Carolina has provided a system of handicapped parking for its disabled citizens. See An Act to Provide Special Parking Privileges for Disabled Persons, ch. 374, 1971 N.C. Sess. Laws 305. The state has continuously maintained and updated that system in the ensuing decades. See, e.g., An Act to Clarify the Law Pertaining to Parking Privileges for the Handicapped, eh. 632, 1979 N.C. Sess. Laws 662; An Act to Provide for the Enforceable Designation of Handicapped Parking Signs, ch. 843, 1987 N.C. Sess. Laws 2031. The current system allows persons with mobility impairments to obtain special license plates and removable windshield placards.
North Carolina law further provides that the DMV “may charge a fee sufficient to pay the actual cost of issuance, but in no event less than five dollars ($5.00) per placard.” Id. § 20~37.6(c). In accordance with this provision, the DMV charges five dollars for the placard — a fee equal to one dollar a year — to recover the costs of administering the program. From 1990 to 1996, the DMV issued some 573,450 parking placards to assist its citizens with disabilities.
Nearly twenty years after North Carolina began providing for handicapped parking, Congress passed the Americans with Disabilities Act, Pub.L. No. 101-336, 104 Stat. 327 (1990). Title II of the ADA requires that no disabled person, “by reason of such disability, be excluded from participation in or be denied the benefits of the services, programs, or activities of a public entity, or be subjected to discrimination by any such entity.”
A public entity may not place a surcharge on a particular individual with a disability or any group of individuals with disabilities to cover the costs of measures, such as the provision of auxiliary aids or program accessibility, that are required to provide that individual or group with the nondiscriminatory treatment required by the Act or this part.
Appellants are persons with disabilities who paid a five dollar fee to the DMV to receive a placard. On August 7, 1996, they filed suit in the Eastern District of North Carolina challenging, on behalf of themselves and all others similarly situated, the legality of the fee under
The district court held that the Eleventh Amendment barred this suit. Brown v. North Carolina Div. of Motor Vehicles,
II.
A.
The Eleventh Amendment provides that “The Judicial power of the United States shall not be construed to extend to any suit in law or equity, commenced or prosecuted against one of the United States by Citizens of another State, or by Citizens or Subjects of any Foreign State.” Although the text of the Amendment seems to restrict only the scope of diversity jurisdiction in federal court, the Amendment has long been interpreted to contain much broader limitations. In Hans v. Louisiana, the Supreme Court recognized that the “suability of a State without its consent” was “not contemplated by the Constitution when establishing the judicial power of the United States.”
The Supreme Court has held that Congress has a limited power to abrogate immunity. See, e.g., Fitzpatrick v. Bitzer,
To determine whether Congress has acted pursuant to a valid exercise of power, a court must ask, “Was the Act in question passed pursuant to a constitutional provision granting Congress the power to abrogate?” Seminole Tribe,
Second, the statute seeking to abrogate immunity must be constitutional. In the context of a purported exercise of the Section 5 power, this requirement means that a court must ensure that Congress was actually “acting pursuant to § 5 of the Fourteenth Amendment.” Atascadero State Hosp. v. Scanlon,
B.
The parties disagree over what this review for constitutionality entails. The United States as intervenor argues that in reviewing a scheme purporting to abrogate state sovereign immunity, courts are to look broadly at the entire statutory framework— here Title II of the ADA — and ratify its constitutionality without looking at the validity of its individual provisions or the agency regulations promulgated under its authority. The government urges this court to examine the scheme in toto to see generally whether it is an effort to rectify discrimination that some group has suffered in the past. See, e.g., Clark,
We disagree. To begin with, the broad-brush review proposed by the government requires courts to ratify unnecessarily the constitutionality of every provision in the title. “If there is one doctrine more deeply rooted than any other in the process of con
Additionally, broad-look review raises difficult questions of administrability. In conducting that review, what is a court to do when it finds parts of a title constitutional and other parts unconstitutional? The temptation, of course, is to depart from broad-brush review in those cases and look specifically at the particular provision whose alleged violation gave rise to the lawsuit. But that leads to results that are no different from those obtained by examining the specific statute in the first instance.
Most importantly, the broad-look review urged upon us by the government glosses over the crucial federalism concerns that animate the Eleventh Amendment. Because the “abrogation of sovereign immunity upsets ‘the fundamental constitutional balance between the Federal Government and the States,’” Dellmuth v. Muth,
Looking broadly at an entire title would leave under protected these important state interests in immunity. Ratifying an entire title and finding abrogation without examining the actual, specific legal basis for suit could subject a state to suit in federal court pursuant to an unconstitutional provision buried in the midst of an otherwise constitutional statutory scheme. Such a jurisprudence — one leading to sweeping validations of abrogation — would be completely discordant with the doctrine of dual sovereignty.
Moreover, sovereign immunity analysis in cases brought to enforce an agency regulation ought not end with the authorizing statute. Reviewing only the statute at issue— and ignoring the regulation whose alleged violation by the state gave rise to the action — would lead to the abrogation of immunity in cases even where the agency rule was unconstitutional or beyond the bounds of delegated authority. This is so because the statute itself — which may speak only in general terms — may be facially constitutional, despite the fact that the regulations promulgated under it are unconstitutional. Whether Congress acts directly in the form of a detailed statutory framework or whether it acts indirectly by broadly delegating to an agency the authority to promulgate detailed regulations is without import for Eleventh Amendment immunity. Focusing only upon the statute and ignoring the regulation would artificially hinge the weighty structural protections of state sovereign immunity upon a congressional choice of rulemaking efficacy.
Nor do the safeguards of federalism wither in the face of an overzealous bureaucracy intent upon imposing its will on the states. Regulations that unjustifiably intrude “into the States’ traditional prerogatives and general authority to regulate for the health and welfare of their citizens,” Boerne,
III.
We now proceed to apply this immunity test to this case. Appellee, as a department of the state, is immune from suit unless Congress has abrogated that immunity. See Pennhurst,
The question remains, therefore, whether the statute and regulation at issue were adopted pursuant to a valid exercise of congressional power. In passing the ADA, Congress made clear that it was invoking its powers under Section 5 of the Fourteenth Amendment. The ADA lists among its purposes “to invoke the sweep of congressional’ authority, including the power to enforce the fourteenth amendment..., in order to address the major areas of discrimination faced day-to-day by people with disabilities.”
A.
Section 5 of the Fourteenth Amendment provides that “Congress shall have power to enforce, by appropriate legislation, the provisions of this article.” Included in that article, of course, is the Equal Protection. Clause. The Supreme Court in City of Boerne v. Flores held that “Congress’ power under § 5, however, extends only to ‘enforcing]’ the provisions of the Fourteenth Amendment.... The design of the Amendment and the text of § 5 are inconsistent with the suggestion that Congress has the power to decree the substance of the Fourteenth Amendment’s restrictions on the States.”
But the line between remedial and definitional exercises of the Section 5 power is often a fine one and “Congress must have wide latitude in determining where it lies.” Id. “[Section] 5 is' a positive grant of legislative power,” Katzenbach v. Morgan,
Despite these broad powers, “the power granted to Congress was not intended to strip the States of their power to govern themselves or to convert our national government of enumerated powers into a central government of unrestrained authority over every inch of the whole Nation.” Oregon v. Mitchell,
B.
Applying the congruence and proportionality test, appellant argues that
We disagree. Under Boeme, Section 5 enactments must target unconstitutional state action. The Constitution, however, has given state governments significant latitude in dealing with problems of disability. In City of Cleburne v. Cleburne Living Center,
It is true, of course, that even rational basis review places limitations on states that Congress may seek to enforce. Irrational classifications or laws motivated by the desire to harm an unpopular group fail rational basis scrutiny. Bankers Life & Cas.
In passing the ADA, Congress did make substantial findings about many forms of discrimination against the disabled in American life.
Here Congress, through the Attorney General, acted to ban state surcharges designed to recover the costs of programs provided for the benefit of disabled persons. Such an act is only sustainable under the Section 5 power if many of those surcharges “have a significant likelihood of being unconstitutional.” Id. at 2170. In view of the efforts of states to assist the handicapped, including the admirable efforts of North Carolina which are at issue here, that likelihood is not apparent to this court. Nor has any party pointed us to any support in the legislative record for the proposition that state surcharges for handicapped programs are motivated by animus toward the class. It may well be that some subset of those surcharges is in fact so motivated. But on the record before us, we can only believe that most fees are like that imposed by North Carolina law — a modest cost-recovery mechanism rationally employed to recoup the costs of programs aimed at assisting persons with disabilities. Such a fee is rationally based and perfectly constitutional under Cleburne.
Admittedly, Congress may act prophylac-tically if it faces a “subsisting and pervasive discriminatory — and therefore unconstitutional — use of’ surcharges. Id. at 2167. But the prophylactic measures must still be congruent and proportional to the underlying unconstitutional state action.
By imposing a ban on all surcharges, the regulations are definitional in an even more fundamental way. They attempt to create a positive entitlement to a free handicapped parking space. While such an undertaking may be commendable, it is a function of the state police power; nothing in the Constitution requires it. And federal regulations imposing it — when not congruent and proportional to unconstitutional state action — seek to redefine the Equal Protection Clause, transforming it from a prohibition on invidious state action into a charter of positive rights. Such a step, however, is beyond the scope of the Fourteenth Amendment. See Lindsey v. Normet,
Our holding that Congress, through the Attorney General, acted definitionally is reinforced by evidence in the statutory scheme itself. A congressional attempt to redefine the holding of Cleburne abounds. For example, in Cleburne, the Supreme Court declared that the mentally disabled were a “large and diversified group” and “doubt[ed] that the predicate for [heightened scrutiny] is present.” Cleburne,
IV.
The facts of this case demonstrate how far the structure of dual sovereignty has been distorted. North Carolina has maintained a long-standing program designed to benefit disabled persons through the provision of special parking spaces. In order to make the program effective, the state undertook to provide placards to those who were eligible to use the spaces. To cover the cost of the placards, North Carolina introduced the most modest of all possible fees — one dollar a year. A federal agency now seeks to deny the state even that meager option in administering the state’s voluntary enforcement efforts. The United States further insists that the state may be called to answer for this alleged transgression in federal court. We hold, however, that the Eleventh Amendment forbids this course. To interpret Section 5 to abrogate the state’s immunity would be a mark of profound constitutional disrespect to the role that states are meant to play within our federal system.
AFFIRMED.
Notes
Deciding this case on the basis of the constitutionality of
Dissenting Opinion
dissenting:
Because I believe that the ADA provision is a reasonable and valid exercise of Congress’ powers pursuant to Section 5 of the Fourteenth Amendment, I respectfully dissent.
The majority opinion has detailed the applicable law with respect to Congress’ ability to abrogate the states’ sovereign immunity, and I need not recount that in great detail here. However, I question the majority’s application of that law to
First, I note that there is absolutely no basis to conclude that
Second, it troubles me to reach the notion that Congress cannot protect the disabled from discrimination because of the deferential rational basis standard of review Record
As the Supreme Court made clear in Cle-burne, the disabled, while not considered a suspect class, may not be subjected to arbitrary and invidious discrimination. See
Finally,
The comments accompanying an identical provision in the ADA regulations applicable to public accommodations make it even clearer that the bans on surcharges found in the regulations were not intended to be broad-based bans on all surcharges applicable to the disabled but merely limited tools to help facilitate the remedial aims of the ADA. See 28 C.F.R. Pt. 36, App. B (1998). Like
Viewed in its proper light,